Elizabeth: June 1568

Calendar of State Papers, Scotland: Volume 2, 1563-69. Originally published by Her Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1900.

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'Elizabeth: June 1568', in Calendar of State Papers, Scotland: Volume 2, 1563-69, (London, 1900) pp. 421-449. British History Online https://www.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/scotland/vol2/pp421-449 [accessed 24 March 2024]

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In this section

684. Knollys to [Cecil]. [June 2.] Cott. Calig. C.I., fol. 119.

Yours of 29th ultimo came this morning: and touching the conclusion likely to insue that this Queen shall be brought either to Nottingham or Fodringhaye, though in my late letter to her majesty. I signified it might encourage the papists to some dangerous sedition, partly led thereto by the confluence of divers subjects here to welcome her grace without commission: I now submit this scruple of mine wholly to my lords of Council. Indeed we find that your withdrawing my lord of Northumberland hence by letter, and our reproving the Council of York etc., for their hasty dealing, has calmed and quieted the "hoate disposed papistes," and will be a lesson to all good subjects to attend wholly on her highness's pleasure. Nottingham and Fodringhaye are in countries nothing so given to papistry as hereabouts. Therefore, if her highness, with advice of her council, "shall gyve a better cowntenance to religion, and brydle the papists shorter," I see no danger in the aforesaid conclusion, specially as my lords of Shrewsbury and "Wrytlond" [Rutland] and my lord Marquis, having rule of those houses and countries, have a careful eye to their charge both far and near. But I trust it is not meant that I be a "settylled jayllor" where I have neither rule, land, nor "manred," to my shame and against my nature.

For her conduction: I think horses for her grace's self and her women the chief lack: hitherto she has had "not past 3 or 4 women, and those not of the best and fynest sorte": what ladies attendant, furniture of wardrobe stuff, whether cloth of estate, and, if so, whether to be borrowed of my lord of Northumberland etc. etc., I refer to your grave considerations. Hitherto her company of servants are not above 30 or 40—whereof gentlemen sewers, carvers, and cup bearers, half a dozen: and as many gentlemen waiters, not much inferior—the rest cooks, scullions and varlets of the chamber and lackeys; but not past 3 or 4 of them lie within the castle, "wheroff Gorge Dowglas is one, by cawse we fownde hym so." Lord "Cloyd" and the laird "Skarling" and young Mr Maxwell and others, with their servants, lie in the town at their own charges to the number of 30 or 40 more—the gentlemen between meals go to see the Queen, which we have not altered. We find her tractable enough in diminishing resort of her company, if we think fit. For yesterday on Mr Nicolas Elveston coming here to Lord Scrope and me from my lord of Murray, though she sent to desire us to apprehend him if he came without licence, "as hyr grevous enemye and seller of hyr juells," the Laird of Skirling also complaining that such an enemy was lodged near his company, and that if they met, they could not refrain to assault him, whatsoever came of it: whereon we answered "very sharplye," so that he was "abasshed," and her grace very mildly referred all things to our discretions, offering if we thought her companies in the town too many, to reduce them. Touching Elveston's conference, I refer you to my lord Scrope's letter. Carlisle. Signed: F. Knollys.

Postscript: Wylford came yesterday.

3 pp. Holograph. No flyleaf or address.

685. Certificate by Knollys. [June 2.] C.P., vol. I.

I think horses for her grace and her women furnished, are the greatest lack. Hitherto she has not "paste 3 or 4 women, and those not of the best and fynest sorte." What "wardrope stuffe" may serve for her honour—as whether she would have "a clothe of estate," and if so, whether it may be borrowed of my lord of Northumberland or not, or what other honourable usage should be had? I refer to your "grave considerations." Her servants hitherto are not above 30 or 40—whereof gentlemen sewers, carvers and cup bearers "halfe a dosen"—and as many waiters not much inferior to the other. The rest be cooks, "scollians," varlets of the chamber, and lackies; yet not past 3 or 4 of these that lie within the castle: "whearof George Dowglasse is one becawse we fownd him there." The Lord Gloyde, the Laird of Skarlinge, "and yonge Mr Maxill" and other gentlemen with their servants lie in the town at their own charges, to the number of 30 or 40 more; "which gentillmen doe betwene mealles come in to se the Quene." We found that usage and are loth to alter it till we know her highness' pleasure.

This is the copy of a part of my letter sent to Master Secretary 2 June 1568. Signed: F. Knollys.

1 p. Last sentence holograph. Indorsed (by a later hand).

686. Alexander Clark to Cecil. Elizabeth. [June 2. 1568.]

I met my lords Herries and Flemyng here at Newark, "werrey proude and heichtlie offendit that thai sould be brocht to Court." They hope good entertainment for their good service, and hasty despatch—Herries to Scotland and Flemyng to France, with "our" queen's commission to the king. There is a Frenchman with them, an "indueller" in Edinburgh, "quhome" I suspect has writings from our queen and these lords to take to France. I asked him where he was going? and he said for money owing him there. His name is Sebastyen Danvelerot, and is "claid in blak cotte and blak clok." Mr Wod knows him well, if you think good to stay him: "for he is ane werray craftye and dyssymulat knaive, and hes bene alwayis ane evyll reportour, and thairfor I think hes laift the countrie." Fleming and Herries will seek all means of intelligence with the French ambassador, and the other called Bewmound, that was in Scotland; for they asked me where they might "spaik hym, and gif he wes nocht pertit"? Scrubye. Signed: Alexander Clark.

1 p. Holograph, also address. Indorsed (by Cecil's clerk): ". . . From Newark."

687. Answer for the Regent Murray and others. [June 5.]

To the Queen's objections that Murray, Morton, Mar, Glencairn, Hume, Ruthven "et cet." were moved to arms, for that they could not abide her revocation of the alienations made of her property:—

First: Whatever she gave to Murray was ratified in parliament by her own command and "hand wrytt."

Item: Morton could not grudge, who never had of her property worth 20 shillings (?) a year "that evir I knew off."

Item: The like may be said of Glencairn, Hume, Ruthven and Lindsay. Mar only had "ane lytle thing" of it, also confirmed in Parliament. Argyll only made any evil countenance, who spoke "largely" to the Queen herself of the corruption of an Act of parliament on her majority, and so hindered any revocation then.

pp Written by John Wood. Indorsed (by Cecil): "5 Junij 1568. Pro Com. Murray."

Another copy.

688. Knollys to [Cecil]. [June 6.] Cott. Calig. C.I., fol. 116.

I presently received yours of 2d: and touching the Queen of Scots' coming into the realm, "althoe she saythe and the Lord Herrys also, that she was not of necessitie dryven thereto, but she came voluntarelye: yet hyr hasty comyng in so slendrely appoynted, dothe argue that she came in for feare of furder extremytye, beyng unprovided bothe of saffe refuge in hyr owne cuntrye, and also of saffe passage there for hyr conduction into France: but yet hyr grace dyd shoe unto to my lord Scrope and me 3 letters, one from the Earle of Argyle, and one from the Earle Huntly, and one also from the Earle of Cassyls, wherin they seemed to bayre theyr devotion and good hart to hyr servyce. Althoe my lord Scrope and I doe thynk that the cawse of these theyr letters was sum opynyon that they tooke that by her arryvall here; hyr hyghnes wolde ayde hyr with succors to make hyr the stronger partie— the which fallyng owte otherwayes they woll change theyr cowrse forthwith." Lord Scrope and I have moved her that these young lords and gentlemen of hers, that lie in the town here at their own charges, might be placed farther into the realm: and that she cease sending to or receiving letters from Scotland. But she earnestly desired the contrary, unless we kept her a prisoner; for if her friends did not hear from her, they might be endangered, and the Queen's majesty show herself of the adverse party. We said we had no commission, but knew her highness would take in good part if she ceased practising: but as she would not be content unless we said we had commission, we forbore pressing her— but have taken order with the Mayor to let no Scot pass unless with a message to Lord Scrope. Our household charges for a whole week yesterday are 54l. and "freshe a cates groweth sumwhat dearer." The standing charges come to about 8l. daily—whereof Lord Scrope offers to bear 20 marks a week—as the ordinary charges of his household servants before his and my lady his wife's coming hither. But having no warrant, I think it a pity to take it of him—but await her highness's pleasure. I long for resolute order and direct way with this Queen, for it is time to leave "dissimulation and haltyng," lest we be not able to answer our charge. I pray you remember me to my wife to whom I wrote of late. Carlisle, the 6 of June "this Sundaye at 3 of the kloke after noone." Signed: F. Knollys.

2 pp. Holograph. No flyleaf or address.

689. Memorial for Henry Middlemore. [June 8].

The principal cause of your journey is to learn the state of the troubles in Scotland, and to advertise us from time to what you think thereof. You shall advertise Murray how the Queen of Scots conceives no small offence in matters, she says, published concerning us: which you shall receive in writing from our secretary.

You shall advise him not to hazard himself and his friends in battle, but be content that these inward controversies be rather ordered by us, than by bloodshed, and to that end advise us what he thinks meetest for us to do. Yet if his adversaries are bent on extremity, and he must levy force in defence, we mean not—as he has hitherto remitted himself to our order—on being advertised by him, to neglect his preservation.

1 p. Draft by Cecil. Not indorsed.

690. Notes for Middlemore. [June 8]. Cott. Calig. C.I., fol. 122.

"When the Scotch Quene was at Carleil." (fn. 1)

"A breeff note for Mr Midlemore":—

(1) To report the access of Lord Herris with his letters and message.

(2) "The Quene meaneth to take hir and hir cause into hir protection, and accordyng to the justice of the cause, will prosequute all hir adversaryes."

(3) The cause why the Queen has not received and entertained her, as she most gladly would, were she not taxed with so horrible a crime: "is the publick note of the sayd cryme."

(4) Her majesty neither condemns nor acquits her, till she hear what may be said therein.

(5) "The note wherwith her majesty is touched," is her not avenging the death of her near kinsman, nor regard to the "infamy" of the Queen marrying the principal murderer, but also his having a lawful wife, divorced by him for his own adulterous life.

(6) To send to Murray on Herries' request to show him the copy of the Queen's letter.

(7) Her majesty's forbearing to deal with Murray "in any poynt tendyng to affirm the coronation of the prince hir sonn as kyng."

(8) Her majesty's meaning to have the Queen brought nearer to her, to some place of more pleasure and liberty, so as to advance her full contentation. Signed: W. Cecill.

As each side is to surcease hostilities, so the Queen's party are to allow no French to land in Scotland.

pp. Holograph of Cecil. The last sentence added by Myddelmore. No indorsement.

691. Knollys to Cecil. [June 8.] C.P., vol. I.

I received yours of the 5th of this month at 8 a.m. to-day, by Lord Scrope's man—superscribed to him not me, but "all is one." You have passed over answer of all my letters, "almoste with scylence saving for Mortons cawse, your travell wherein both Morton and I doe moste thankfullye receave and ymbrace." If your silence is a "scilent" note of some error, I would thankfully accept admonishment—otherwise I conclude your silent "warenes" argues uncertainty of plain resolutions for answer to me.

The Queen of Scots' state of body and countenance begins to refresh and amend much: and I conjecture by her pleasantness and other circumstances, that she looks for present relief from France, to advance her faction in Scotland: and knowing that to bring in Frenchmen would be odious to the Queen's highness, I think with their money she will corrupt as many in Scotland as she can to damage the Regent's government. It seems all the "hungerrye" borderers hereabout, would be made of any party with French crowns, as my lord Herries knows right well: and howsoever she is detained and "defrayed" by her highness, yet all her dowry and arrears in France with her friends' further aid, will be employed to overthrow the Regent. If so, what would ensue of her stay here ? I rather fear than presume to speak, but leave to your "wysdomes" to consider. Lord Scrope sends you particulars of his wardenry; and though his man "fondlye" refused his charges of postage at your hands, I see my lord gave him no such commission, which may be "helped" as you think good.

It is time for us to know how to frame our service—for we have no provision either to stay here, or to convey the Queen farther into the realm. Carlisle. Signed: F. Knollys.

Postscript:—If Herries writes to his mistress here, without forewarning us, our service may be endangered by our ignorance " yf hyr detaynyng be ment: for haltyng of bothe knees as hetherto we have done, can not be withowt perryll of hyr escape."

pp. Holograph. Addressed. Indorsed (by Cecil's clerk).

692. Elizabeth to Mary. [June 8.] C.P., vol. I.

"Madame:"—I learn by your letter and by "my lort Herrys your desire to justify yourself in my presence of the things charged against you. "O madame," there is no creature living more desirous to hear it than I, or who will more readily lend her ears to such answer as shall acquit your honour. But whatever my regard for you, I can never be careless of my own reputation. I am held "suspecte" for rather wishing to defend you herein, than opening my eyes to see the things these people condemn you in. If you knew the quarter from which I have been warned to be careful, you would not think these matters too low for me to see to. And since you put in my hands the handling of this business, which concerns all appertaining to you, assure yourself I shall be so careful of your life and honour, that yourself or any other "parent" could not have them more at heart. And I promise on the word of a prince, that no persuasion of your subjects or advice of others shall ever induce me to move you to anything dangerous to you or your honour. If you find it strange not to see me, you must make a "metamorphose" of our persons, and then you will see it would be "malayse" for me to receive you before your justification. But once honourably acquitted of this "crime," I swear to you before God, that among all worldly pleasures that will hold the first rank. To show you I wish no delay, I have commanded this gentleman, well known to you, to declare with what purpose I have sent him, also my commission, which I would not have issued but for your good. I have good hope to see a good end of all these "fascheries." Praying God to aid in all your good actions and deliver you from "tous voz mavais ennemys."

pp. French. Fair copy with slight corrections. Indorsed (by Cecil's clerk): "viij Junij 1568. Cop. of the Q. majestes lettre to the Q. of Scottes, by Mr Myddlemore."

693. Elizabeth to the Regent Murray. [June 8.] Cott. Calig. C.I, fol. 123.

For as much as the Queen of Scots is lately come into our realm, "as we are well assured you knowe, with the causes of hir arrivall in the partes where she now is," and has accredited Lord Herries to us to report her estate, and discourse her whole troubles and great injuries done to her by her subjects: beginning at their notorious ungratefulness, on her pardoning their former great offences at our request, raising force against her, and though she yielded to avoid bloodshed, and to reform what was amiss, "was most hardly kept" in prison, forced in fear of her life to demit her crown, proceeded against in parliament without herself or any advocate being heard, deprived of her royal estate, and now finally, having escaped accompanied with her nobility, was by force pursued by you and some other "particuler parsons in battell," and had to fly into our realm: all which things sound very strange in our ears, a sovereign prince, as she was. And as she requires our aid as her next cousin and neighbour, and is content to commit the ordering of her cause to us, we impart thus much to you, seeing the government is in your power at present, and that by your servant Mr John Wood we understand your offer to declare to us your whole doings. Requiring you to forbear from all hostility and persecution against all who have lately taken part with her, and suspend all proceedings against them both by law and arms: as we mean to observe the same on her part—and to impart to us plainly all that is meet for you to inform us of the truth, for your defences against such weighty crimes and causes as the said Queen has already or shall hereafter object against you. That we being duly informed on all parts, may by the assistance of God's grace, direct our actions accordingly.

pp. Fair draft corrected by Cecil. Indorsed (by him): "viij Junij 1568. To the Erle of Murray from the Q. majesty, by Mr Middlemore."

(2) Another copy of same letter.

"The trew copy of the Quenes Majesties lettre to the Erle of Murray. by me." Signed: W. Cecill.

2 pp. Written by Cecil's clerk. The certificate holograph of Cecil. No flyleaf.

694. Scrope to Murray. [June 8.] Cott. Calig. C.I., fol. 121.

Acknowledging his message by Nicholl Elphiston, and will be always ready to join in riding on those who break the peace of his Border. Though he has no commission to pursue them, he will give no receipt or aid to any of the king's murderers.

Being advertised by the Council that certain ships freighted with French arquebusiers are bound for Dunbarton or Dunbar, he doubts not that Murray will look out for them, whereto he will give all assistance. Carlisle.

1 p. Contemporary copy.

695. The Regent Murray to Elizabeth. [June 11.]

Desiring her in the King's name, to grant her safe conduct for David Somervile and a servant to pass through England to France on their lawful errands for a year. Edinburgh, 1st of reign. Signed: James Stewart.

Broadsheet. Addressed. Indorsed. Wafer signet (Scotland) as before.

696. Knollys to the Privy Council. [June 11.] C.P., vol. I.

Lack of her highness's plain resolution for the order of this Queen "provokethe" me to trouble your lordships. "We nowe have a charge to see that this Quene escape not, and yet we have no awthoretie to abridge hyr, nor detaine hyr as a prysoner." We hear the French are at sea bound for Scotland: "and we see that she repents hyr selffe of comyng into Ynglond." It is no honour to her highness, and shame it were to us, that she should escape; "yet we dowte not hyr cowrage to aventure to eskape as farr as hyr lybertie, resorte and conference woll suffer hyr to practise." Though lord Scrope be too wise to promise holding sure " so great and so slypper a charge": yet if he were charged plainly to detain her a prisoner, I see his care is such, that it would be very hard for her to escape his hands, with aid of " this bande of Barwyke," though I were not here to assist. He says that Naward castle "is moted abowte and motche stronger for hyr detention than this." Now whether this plain dealing be "the honorablest waye." as it is the surest, while she is here; or if she shall be removed further into the realm, and when, or set at liberty to return, we refer to your better consideration, and "thynk longe" to be fully advertised. Carlisle. Signed: F. Knollys.

1 p. Holograph. Addressed. Indorsed (by Cecil's clerk).

697. Knollys to [Cecil]. [June 11.] Cott. Calig. C.I., fol. 124.

Touching that article in my letter to the Council, as to Lord Scrope detaining this Queen with the band of Berwick, without me: he is privy to that, as all other things, and will not refuse the charge, if offered. And I would be glad by your means to be rid of my "superfluous charge."

Her strength in Scotland (saving what Frenchmen or French crowns may do) depends not on herself, but on the Duke of Chatelherault "for his tytle"; on whom Herries and many others depend.

"And yet this ladie and prynces is a notable woman; she semethe to regard no ceremonious honor besyde the acknolegyng of hyr estate regalle: she shoethe a disposition to speake motche, to be bold, to be plesant, and to be very famylyare. She shoethe a greate desyer to be avenged of hyr enymyes, she shoethe a redines to expone hyr selffe to all perylls in hoope off victorie, she delytethe motche to here of hardines and valiancye, comendyng by name all approved hardye men of hyr cuntrye, althoe they be hyr enemyes, and she concealith no cowardnes even in hyr frendes. The thyng that moste she thirstethe after is victorye, and it semeth to be indifferent to hyr to have hyr enemies demynysshed eyther by the sword of hyr frendes, or by the lyberall promyses and rewardes of hyr purse, or by devysyon and qwarylls raysed amongst theym selffes: so that for victories sake payne and parylle semethe plesant unto hyr: and in respect off victorie, welthe and all things semethe to hyr cont [emptible?] (fn. 2) and vyle. Nowe what is to be done with sotche a [ladie] (fn. 2) and pryncesse, or whether sotche a pryncesse and ladie be to be norysshed in ones bosome? or whether it be good to halte and dissembyll with sotche a ladye, I referr to your judgement." If her highness think good to stay the French coming to Scotland, or fear any peril or conspiracies against her: then I am sure she will think it good policy roundly and plainly to assist her own cause, without "colours and klookes" that only deceive the blind: and surely the plainest is the most honourable way!

It is an honourable quarrel to expel the French, and the easiest way "is to ayde and cowntenance the Regent in tyme: and yf the spotts in this Quenes coate be manyfest," the plainer and sooner her highness reveals her discontentation, it will be the more honorable, and stop the mouths of factious murmuring subjects. Carlisle. Signed: F. Knollys.

2 pp. Holograph. No flyleaf or address.

698. Charges of the Scottish Queen. [June 12.] C.P., vol. I.

From her arrival at Cockermouth till 12th June.

Charges of Sir Francis Knoles at London, and from thence to Carlisle: 69l. 16s. 6½d.: the Queen's charges at Cockermouth and Carlisle till 28th May. 65l. 18s. 7½d., and at Carlisle till 12th June, 162l. 2s. 10d.

Sum total 297l. 18s. 4d.

From which deduct the remanet [as wheat, bear, Gascon wine, spiceries, vinegar, verjuice, lamb, mutton "petes and turves" etc.] 30l. 2s. 2d. Provision same day, 42 muttons 10l. 14s. 4d., charges bringing them 3s.: also fish, veales, lambes, kids, capons etc. 7l. 9s. 5d. etc. "bif" 3 qrs. 48s. Total deductions 52l. 19s. 3d. So clearly expended 243l. 19s. 1d.

Net charge of the Queen 109l. 3s. 7d. Signed: Robert Vernon.

1 p. Holograph. Addressed (to Cecil). Indorsed (by his clerk).

699. Herries to [Leicester?]. [June 12.] C.P., vol. I.

My lord, you will remember my request yesternight was—"seand this matter as the Quenis majestie intendis to proceed in my soverane caussis man haif ane tyme," that I might depart to Carlisle with her highness's answer to my sovereign, and "licent" to pass to Scotland and back, while she remains in this realm: also that Lord Fleming may have licence to pass to France for her money and other her affairs? if not, to pass to Scotland "as I do," and with 100 other nobles to go and come while our sovereign abides here. Signed: Herys.

½ p. No address. Indorsed (by Cecil's clerk): "12 Junij 1568. The L. Herys request for his dispatche."

700. Knollys to [Cecil]. [June 12.] Cott. Calig. C.I., fol. 125.

I received yours of 8th this morning at 9 o'clock: and this Queen seeing letters were come, and being very desirous of news, marvelling she heard not from Herries, we said her highness minded to send a gentleman forthwith to her grace, and then to Murray to stay hostilities. But she, not satisfied, sought to learn, whether her party if forced by hostility, would be received in England ? Whereto we said her highness meant to have march law observed towards him that is in possession of government, which admitted no such reset, and therefore we thought it better for her party "to bayre with the tyme" if they could not resist. The Laird of Skirling said "privately" to us, he thought the answer reasonable, as her highness was presently to treat with Murray. "But this Quene beyng dedicate to revenge, in hoope off victorie by the ayde of strangers, cowld not forbayre to saye that she had lever (fn. 3) all hyr partie were hanged, than that they should in the mean tyme submytt theym selffes to the Earle of Murraye: and she dyd brayke forthe into these wordes, saying, that yf she were not detayned by force, she wold goe into Turkaye rather than she wold have any peace or agrement with the Lord of Murray et cet., otherwyse than to have theym subject and obedient unto hyr." We said we could not see how her highness could do her grace good, but by such a treaty—or rashly enter into war to justify her cause not yet sufficiently cleared: but her grace's mind was so desirous of victory that it seemed no mediations could please her. She said she misliked not her highness's mediation, but meantime her party would be spoiled and subdued, and wished herself back again to abide all adventures; and said some of the Privy Council delayed time to help Murray and disgrace her party. She would have had us presently to deal with staying Murray, but we said we had no commission, though we looked for the messenger forthwith.

For my negligence in not saying how her highness's present was accepted by this Queen: I thought that either by her letters, or by Herries who was present, her highness should have understood the manner. But her silence argues rather scornful than grateful acceptance, which I, suspecting before delivery, said it was no present from her highness, but such necessary things, as one of her maids for lightness of carriage chose out: and afterwards seeing her grace still silent, I added, that the maid had mistaken me, and only sent things such as a servant like herself required. Whereon she answered courteously and took it in good part. Morton hearing your good will to him in his suit for the "scitadell," (fn. 4) affirms, much as he needs, that he esteems it ten times more than the value of his suit. Immediately after your letter, I viewed it, and find it "to stand uppon a corner of the towne walle, and dothe flanke bothe sydes of the towne walls, bothe owte sydes and in sydes. It is made tryangle wyse, at that corner of the towne, with three rownde plattformes; the walles theroff be strong, but the boordes and tymber of those platformes be u[tter (fn. 5) ]ly decayde, neyther is there anye peece of ordinance mownted to play uppon theym. The platformes beyng repay [red (fn. 5) ], it stondes resonably well for defence of the towne walles, and for masteryng of the towne at that ende, but strong it is not for defence of it selffe, savyng agaynst speare and sheelde, bycawse it flanketh not it selffe very well, and for that the cownter skarffe serveth to cover the approche of the enemyes. The three platformes may with smalle coste be fylled with mayne earthe, and so I thynk 200li. overplus may be made of the leade that is there." I will not hinder Mr Warcop's preferment, or I would have thought it more meet to be in the Lord Warden's hands.

After writing thus far—came Mr Midlemore at 4 p.m.; and by this unseasonable coming, I think it is not God's will that things should prosper in Scotland for her highness's advantage, and it had been better for her to have given 10,000li. than have sent him so soon with this message. For though I think Murray too wise, now that he has brought 6000 men and artillery to the borders, to go straight home again, without forcing them to yield to his government: yet whereas they would have all come in in three days, with pledges, yet now on this message, they will take heart and stand out. For he came so "laysorely" from Edinburgh, that it will be Monday (fn. 6) before he can do any great thing. Midlemore was so weary, than he cannot speak with the Queen before tomorrow morning. Carlisle. This Saturday at 10 o'clock at night. Signed: F. Knollys.

4 pp. Holograph. No flyleaf or address.

701. Knollys to [Cecil]. [June 13.] Cott. Calig. C.I. fol. 127.

This day at 9 o'clock, Lord Scrope and I presented Mr Mydlemore to this Queen: and I leave their discourse to his declaration, lest "I should disgrace his well labored speache." But to be plain with you, "no fayre semblance of speache" seems to win credit with her, and though she allows this message to Murray for abstinence of hostility, as it may stay her party from falling from her, yet she sees that this "coolde dealyng" will not satisfy her "fyerye stomake." And it is great vanity (in my opinion) to think she will be stayed by courtesy, or bridled by fear, from bringing the French to Scotland, or employing her money, men of war, and friendship to satisfy her "bluddye appetyte to shede the blude" of her enemies. As for imprisonment, she makes no account of it, and unless as a prisoner, she will not be removed further into the realm, if to be detained from her highness's presence. And she plainly says, howsoever she be detained, the Duke of Chatelherault "beyng heyre apparant," shall prosecute her quarrel, with the French power, aid of her dowry, and a "masse" of money to be levied for her. Now being "thus desperatly sett," shall not her highness "defraying" her here, enable her to employ her French dowry of 12,000l. yearly, both against Scotland and England? Whereas if she were at liberty, it would be spent upon her own "fyndyng," and her highness's charge for her here would be well spent in "expulsyng" the French from Scotland! But I speak like a "blynde bussard," and leave these matters to you. Desiring to be remembered "to my wyffe et cet." Carlisle. Signed: F. Knollys.

(1) Postscript:—The last week's charges, ending Friday, came to 56l.

(2) Postscript:—She also spoke, when "shoyng hyr loethsomnes" to be removed unless to her highness's presence, as if some practises of escape were not out of her head; and the free access to her incourages her "over boldnes" herein.

2 pp. Holograph. No flyleaf or address.

702. Middelmore to Cecil. [June 14.] Cott. Calig. C.I., fol. 130.

Sir: I left London on Wednesday at 4 p.m. and arrived here on Saturday at the same hour. Having conferred with Lord Scrope and Mr Vicechamberlain in the castle, I retired to my lodging, being very weary with posting. This day, Sunday, (fn. 7) at 8 a.m., they brought me to this Queen's presence, and before them I declared my despatch by her majesty after the late arrival of Lord Herries, chiefly to satisfy her grace, and proceeded to deliver her majesty's letter. Which being read, I proceeded to say, that her majesty earnestly desired her grace, besides her own cause, to consider her majesty's honour and reputation, that by her dealing for her, she might not incur the evil opinion of the world, and thus become less able to do her grace the pleasure and good that she most desired; and her being here was for her greatest preservation, and her majesty never meant it otherwise. Then as to her not having access to her majesty, I was commanded to say, it would hinder her own cause, and make her majesty suspected, if, being taxed as a party to her husband's murder, she received and entertained her grace before her justification — that many, and some very great, princes, already greatly suspected that her majesty would rather wink at her grace's faults, than have the truth known, or justice done—and they thought she little regarded the murder of her near kinsman, and the "infamye" her grace had incurred by marrying the principal murderer, who divorced his living wife, in respect of his own adulterous life. Hereon she said "that she hir selffe dyd knowe, and had meane to knowe, howe other princes dyd thinke and digest of hyr cause, and in all reason shulde best knowe yt. Marye! best trustinge hyr majeste with all, she had putt hir selfe into hyr handes, with hope of fyndinge greater favour then she dothe."

Then she asked me if Herries had answer of her majesty? if he was prisoner, and if I had brought her any letters from him ? I said, I knew not of his answer, but he was no prisoner, and by the Queen's command, I had told him of my journey, offering to bring letters to her grace: whereon he said he had sent his letter to her grace "on Saturday last" (fn. 8) and also hourly expected her majesty's further answer. 'Then' said she, 'yf I had anye letters wrytten to me on Saturdaye was eight dayes, yow may see how lytle I ame beholdynge to Mr Randolphe (fn. 9) that in all this tyme they be not come to my handes'! I said I knew not how Herries had sent, but I was sure Randolphe would not hinder letters. Whereon "she lent him a lyttle charitye, which I will tell you when I come."Then she said she greatly marvelled her majesty had not answered Herries, having both herself written, and charged him to solicit most earnestly her majesty's direct answer, and that "which I browght was nothinge to that she demawndyd: and that hyr case might so be understode of hyr majeste, yf so it pleasyd hyr, as that it cannot well suffer any delaye: but she fearethe most wylfull delayes—but now that hyr majeste hathe hyr in hyr handes, she maye use hyr as she shall please: but she lokyd for muche better usage than she hathe yit fownde. And since hyr majeste dothe shewe to forbeare to have hyr come to hyr, first uppon respecte of gettinge an eyvell opinion therby, and then as afrayed (for that was hir tearme) to offende suche princes as she sayethe doo alreadye mislyke with hir good usage of hyr, she wolde be gladde to ease hyr majeste of them bothe, and so she trusteth that at the least, yf she wyll not gyve hyr that healpe by accesse unto hyr and otherwyse as hyr case reaquyrethe, and she demaundethe, she wyll yet suffer hyr to goo to suche as wyll bothe doo the on and the other: which hathe bene moste frelye offeryd hyr since hyr commynge hyther. And that yf hyr majestie of hyr selffe wyll not ayde hyr and assist hyr, yet she trustethe she wyll not keape hyr backe from suche as wolde healpe hyr and do for hyr." I answered but few words, for Mr Vicechamberlain and I thought it best to send you truly what she said than our answer.

Then I went on as instructed, and said if her grace would please to look "with indifferent eyes and putt on the person of hyr majeste for a tyme, spoylinge hyr selffe of hyr selffe, and of hyr affections to hyr selffe (as hyr majeste had donne full manye a tyme for hyr to m[ake] (fn. 10) the better of hyr cause) she shuld not fynde anye good or lawfull w[ay] lefte that coulde permytt hyr comminge into the presence of hyr majestie [be] fore some declaration of hyr innocencye in the foule fact layed against hyr. And that by waye of talke to admytt hyr graces commynge [to] the Quenes majeste and hyr being with hir accordynge to hyr desyer, y[f] the same were before hyr justification, yt coulde not be but greatlye prejudiciall to hyr owne cause—for wheras she had alredye made choyse of hyr majeste to be the only judge of hir cause, and dealer in yt for [hir], hyr ennymyes wolde take by this meanes this advantage, to saye 'The Quene of Englande ys no competent nor mete judge for us,' and so wolde utterlye reafuse to have her majeste any dealer or judge in yt—alledging the over great persualytye (fn. 11) and affection of hyr majeste towardes hir, and [hir] cause, and so worke to exclude hyr from all takynge of knowledge of [the] cause—which commynge to passe, shulde bringe hir majeste in that state as she shulde not then be able to stande hyr in anye stede, or almost to healpe hyr any waye. But yf it coulde please hyr to forbeare with pacyence hyr commynge to hyr majeste, untyll some good tryall were made of hyr innocentcye, then she shulde see with what love, with what hart, and with what joye, hyr majeste wolde bothe receave hyr and embrace hyr, yea! and doe everye waye for hyr that which she coulde desyer! Here she brake forth agayne into some pece of collor, and sayd she had no other judge but God, neyther none coulde take upon them to judge of hyr: she knewe hyr degre of estate well inowghe. Mary! indede, of hyr owne wyll, and accord[yng] to the good trust she reposyd in the Quenes majeste, she offeryd to make hyr the judge of hyr cause. ' But howe,' sayeth she, 'canne that be, when the Quene my suster wyll not suffer me to comme at hyr? I wolde and dyd meane to have utteryd suche matter unto hir as I wolde have donne to no other, nor never yet dyd to anye.' And then she came forthe with these wordes—'N[one] canne compell me to accuse my selffe, and yet yf I wolde saye any thinge of my selffe, I wolde saye of my selffe to hir and to none other. But I [see] how thinges frame eyvel! for me. I have many ennymys about the Qu[ene] my good suster, and suche as doo worke all theye canne to keape me from [hir] at the solicitation of my rebellyous subjectes, and for some other pertycular respectes, which I ame well inowghe acquayntyd with': and emongst others [na]myd on, of whom I wyll tell yow at my commynge. All this was not donne, Sir. withowt great passion and weapinge, complayninge of hyr evyell usage and contraryous handelynge to hyr expectation. 'But always,' sayeth she, ' my truste ys, and therin the Quene canne doo no lesse, then not wyllinge to helpe my meserye hyr selffe, she wyll suffer me to passe to other princes, where I maye fynde remedye; for so I ame suer it is in subjectes cases, [and] (fn. 12) muche more in princes.'" I made some little answer, and then, returning to my instructions, I told her that as she had put herself into her majesty's hands as sole judge, she had commanded me to assure her, "that she wolde take both hyr and hyr cause into hyr protection, yea! and yff after tryall made, the justice of hyr cause wyll beare yt, she wolde so prosequute her adversaryes as that she wolde compell them to doo hyr ryght, and healpe to restore hyr to hir honor, dignitye and governement." And I showed her of her majesty's command (at Lord Herries' request) that with speed I should pass to my lord of Murray, and in her name most earnestly request his abstaining from hostility against her grace's friends, especially those in the last action; which she only did for her cause, not meaning to have more to do with them, than she had since they first troubled her grace, which she always misliked, and would no way countenance; and had always forborne to deal with Murray in any thing tending to "affyrme" her son's coronation. Thereon I gave her grace the copy of "my lorde of Murrays lettre to reade," wherewith she was somewhat satisfied. "But for the rest she sayd, it appearyd that the Quenes majeste wolde be more favorable to my lorde of Murraye and his, then she wold be to hir: for it seamyd she was contentyd that they shuld come to hir presence to accuse hyr, but she wyll not permytt hir to comme to hyr to purge hir selffe! Here she inveyghed greatly against my lorde of Murray and hys partye, and sayd she was a prince, and they were but subjectes and yet traytors, so as there was no equalytye betwene hyr and them to make them selffes as partye against hyr. 'But' sayd she, 'yf they wyll nedes comme, desyer my good suster the Quene to wryte that Ledyngton and Morton (who be two of the wisest and most able of them to saye most against me) maye comme, and then to let me be there in hyr presence face to face, to here theyr accusations, and to be harde howe I canne make my owne purgation; but I thinke Ledyngton wolde be very lothe of that commission'"! Then I asked her to stay her friends from hostilities, as Murray was stayed. She said she thought Herries had already done so—but if not, order should be given forthwith. Then I came to "the trowblesome poynt of Dombertaine," and that her grace would take order that no French be received: for if they were, her majesty would deal otherwise in these matters. "Hyr answer was playne—that in case hyr majeste wolde not assuer hir of hyr full helpe and ayde for the suppressinge of hyr eyvell and unrulye subjectes, she neyther colde nor wolde leave and forsake the ayde of other frynd, but rather then not to be revengyd of them, she wolde go hir selffe to the Great Turke for healpe against them. Mary! yf hyr majeste wyll reasolve absolutely to gyve hyr ayde, and to be partye for hir, she wyll then promesse and assuer hyr majeste she wyll neyther seke to nor deale with any other prince." Last of all, I uttered this last article, "which I kept in store to make a pleasant partinge, althowghe it dyd not so faule owt," viz., that her majesty meant shortly to have her brought nearer to her, where she might have more pleasure and liberty and be utterly out of danger of her enemies etc. She immediately asked if she was to go as a prisoner or at her own choice? I said I was sure her majesty meant no such thing as to imprison her, and would rather leave it to her choice, than she should think so: but I thought she meant her a great pleasure by bringing her nearer her. Here "we had a great conflyet"—for her desire is altogether to come to her majesty, but "to remayne in any place from hyr," she had rather tarry where she is. She reasons, that being carried farther in, if not to the Queen, only removes her farther from her friends, who being disheartened may forsake her—whereas now she hears from and comforts them. But I think she likes this place as well for escape, being so near her West Border, which is wholly for her. She asked me the place, but I said I did not know: and on asking if her removal should be before Herries' return, this I could not tell, but thought not. 'Alas' sayd she, 'it ys a smale pece of comfort to me (nay rather yt is a hurt to me) to be removyd hence and not to be browght to the Quene my good suster; but nowe I ame in hir handes, and so she may dispose of me as she wyll'; 'which is Madame,' [sayd] (fn. 13) I, 'no otherwise but as yow wyll your selffe, only exceptinge your graces [pre] (fn. 13) sent comminge to hir before some declaration made of the goodnes of your cause.' 'But' sayd she, 'althowghe I be kept prisonner all the dayes of my lyffe, yet there be which be next to the crowne, as namelye the Hambletons (the chieffes wherof are now in Frawnce) that wyll not quyte nor leave their ryght, but prosequute the same by all the wayes and meanes they canne." She ascribes all her troubles to her majesty, for at her entreaty all those now bearing arms against her were called home from banishment—and therefore she should now aid her against them. "Sir, I have wrytten all night, and so eyvell, as I pray God yow maye reade yt." The Queen presses me forthwith to go to Dumfries, where the Regent is, purposing to invade her friends in this quarter. Carlisle. Signed: Hen. Middelmore.

I send you inclosed her letter to her majesty which she prayed me to see safely conveyed—it is an answer to her majesty's letter sent by me—also 2 letters from her for Lords Herries and Fleming.

pp. Holograph, closely written. No flyleaf or address.

Inclosed in the same:—

(Mary to Elizabeth.)

Regretting that her confidence in coming into her realm, as to her nearest relation, to escape her enemies, has not been met in the same spirit. Since she will not aid her, asks leave to seek it from other princes, and will return to her hands thereafter. But as her rebels who have now been her ruin, were pardoned and restored for love of Elizabeth, she thinks this binds her to assist in putting them down. Complains that she received her bastard brother when a fugitive, to her presence, but refuses it to herself. Wishes immediate answer by Lord Herries, and thinks she will find her a more profitable friend than her opponents, for all their false discourse against herself. Carlisle 13 June. Marie R.

3 pp. French. Fair contemporary copy. Indorsed (by another hand): "xiij Junij 1568. Cop. of the Q. of Sc. lre. to the Q. Matie."

703. Knollys to [Cecil]. Elizabeth. [June 15. 1568.] Cott. Calig. B. IX., fol. 348.

[After referring to his precautions against Mary's escape—that Naward castle is much stronger than Carlisle—that many of his letters are not acknowledged, mentioning her grace's "comyng forthe fyrst to service of the suffrages songe at the towne churche," as of late she has usually done—he says:] Yesterday she went out at a postern to walk on a playing green towards Scotland—waited on by Scrope and himself, with 24 of Read's halberdiers, and some of her own gentlemen etc.: where 20 of her retinue played at football before her for 2 hours very strongly, nimbly, and skilfully, without foul play—"the smalnes of theyr balle occasyonyng theyr fayrer playe," and twice since coming, she did the like in the same place, and once rode out hare hunting, gallopping so fast, and her retinue so well horsed, that they feared a rescue by her friends in Scotland, and mean not to permit this in future. [Describes Murray's progress on the opposite border—taking Sanquhar's house, but sparing it at the suit of Drumlanrig his father in law.] Carlisle. Tuesday 4 p.m. Signed: F. Knollys.

3 pp. Holograph. No flyleaf or address.

704. Knollys to [Cecil]. [June. 16.] Cott. Calig. C.I., fol. 133.

We send you enclosed the copy of the proclamation in this town at noon to-day: the cause of which Lord Scrope has written at large. Whereof this Queen hearing, was much offended, and at our coming to her, complained that the Lord Warden thereby seemed to allow Murray to be Regent of Scotland, contrary to the Queen's letter and message by Middlemore. But we said her grace mistook it, for he is not called "Regent," but only "Governor" of Scotland: and whether his title be good or evil, her grace sees he is in possession, and governs. And as he offers justice by March law, which if neglected might be 2000l. "hyndrance" to her majesty's subjects, and no order could be kept, unless Englishmen were forbidden to reset Scotsmen fugitives from the coming of him that governs Scotland to this Border: so we devised to call him governor, and "to flye the name of Regent." Hereto she said we should please neither; for Murray would not be content to lose the name of Regent, nor was she that he should be called governor. We said we preferred justice and good order before pleasing any party. 'Well' sayth she, 'I see by this dealyng that his partie is cowntenanced and myn is disgraced.' 'Madam' said we, 'he hathe none other cowntenance in this behalffe than the necessitie of justice dothe reqwyre.' "But inded yf we had not advysed owre selffes better, the name of Regent had ben in the proclamation, but I was trobled this laste nyght withall in my bedd, and in the mornyng we altered it to the name of Governor and some other thyngs withall."

I am marvellous sorry to hear of Herries' return hither, whose "wylye head went beyond youe," when he got Mydelmore to come so soon. For it would cost the Regent 20 days' work to finish his business, thus interrupted. Herries sees the bottom both of your doings and ours, and will stir the coals when he comes. But I am not "gyltye" of his return. Carlisle. Almost at midnight. Signed: F. Knollys.

2 pp. Holograph. No flyleaf or address.

705. Scrope to [Cecil]. Elizabeth. [June 16. 1568.] Cott. Calig. C.I., fol. 134.

Reporting that on the approach of the Regent to his march, he had issued a proclamation against resetting Scotsmen, and encloses the copy. That on the Queen of Scots' objection to the title governor given to Murray, and her question if it was by order?—he said it was done of himself. Mentions her offer to give redress for Herries' march, but not for the others. Carlisle. Signed: H. Scrope.

2 pp. No flyleaf or address.

Inclosed in the same:—

The Proclamation referred to.

pp. Contemporary copy.

706. Knollys to [Cecil]. [June 17.] Cott. Calig. C.I., fol. 136.

This Queen has dispatched a Scottish gentleman of hers, with letters to her highness: we suppose either complaining of yesterday's proclamation or else of the Regent's hostility after Mr Mydelmore's coming. But we hear he only exacts obedience since then: for Mr Mydelmore found him at Canmerr (fn. 14) the Laird of Lochinvar's house, where he offered the laird, if he would accompany him "only this jorney" he would save his house and forget the past. The truth is, unless he cause these lords to come in, or overthrow or garrison their houses, he shall never be able to do justice there, and also peril his own overthrow—"more desyerd of this Quene than lyffe." We hear from overthrowing Kemmure house, he comes this night to Terregles, a house of Lord Herries, and thence to Dumfries. This Queen sent us three letters to read this morning that came from the Earl of "Eglantyne," the Laird of Lochinvar, and Lord Boyd—declaring they remained at her devotion, and would not submit to the Regent, though earnestly solicited—which is thought to be done only in hope of Mr Mydelmore's coming ("savyng that my lord Regent lovethe justyce to well for these borderers appetytes)."For my writing, that you passed over answer of my letters "almoste with scylence": I meant that I would gladly know what you thought of my opinion "in my fyrst 2 letters wrytten to hyr hyghnes," and in my first to yourself, on my Lord Herries' detention, and detaining this Queen as prisoner ("yf she should be detayned at all"): but to many of these things you have answered me since mine to you of 8th instant.

We had yours of 13th this morning at 4 o'clock, but stayed answer, as Lord Scrope distrusting his memory, caused Mr Reade to ride to Naward castle and Kirkoswald, to view their strength: who says that "Kyrcosold" is very weak, but Naward is "a very strong and fytt place."Whereon we think to make ready there for this Queen, but cannot suddenly, for neither wine nor beer is laid in there: and we have but a "slypper hoape" that she will remove willingly—so we shall keep her here as carefully as we can.

If that "devyse of this Quene gyvyng upp of hyr interest of Ynglond to the Duke of Anjoye, whan she comes into France, be trewe, than myn opynyon of settyng hyr at lybertie is qwyte altered, but I wolde the Regent had hyr agayne?" And I think you shall see her grow so impatient and intolerable in her practises, that it is time her highness dealt plainly and sharply with her. Carlisle. 6 o'clock p.m. Signed: F. Knollys.

2 pp. Holograph. No flyleaf or address.

707. Scrope to Elizabeth. [June 18.] C.P. vol. I.

Understanding by Mr Secretary of her Majesty's good disposition in relieving his necessity and allowing his former service, gives her his most humble thanks, and assures her his whole service here or elsewhere is at her disposal; still hoping for some relief to maintain it, without which he cannot answer her expectation. Carlisle. Signed: H. Scrope.

1 p. Addressed. Indorsed (by Cecil's clerk).

708. Consultation touching the Queen of Scots. [June 20.] Cott. Calig. C.I., fol. 137.

On hearing as well of her letter to her majesty after Mr Middelmore's report of his message, and his own letter at good length of his negotiation with the said Queen: these matters were deliberately and after every one of the Council's mind, "accorded upon as their uniforme advise." [Here are noted on margin—"L. Keper, D. Norff, L. Marq., Erl of Arundell, Erl of Bedf., Erl of Leic., L. Admirall, L. Chamberleyn, Mr Secretary, Mr Sadler, Mr Mildmay."]

1. That without delay, as "at the begynning was thought necessary," she be removed from the Border and not near Yorkshire. And if Nottingham and Fodringhay are not meet, then at Tutbury. Unless done before Herries' return to her, she may escape.

2. Notwithstanding her last letter, or speeches to Middelmore, the Queen's majesty should be informed of the cause between her and her subjects. And in the hearing, to avoid mistake, no prince's ambassador named by her shall be excluded—"saving always the superiority that of ancient right belongeth to the crowne of England in causes of Scotland." And as it appears by her last letter she means not to have her cause tried, but first to come to her majesty's presence, and be restored by her, then to be tried, or licensed to depart for foreign aid, under promise to return to the Queen after restitution, it is thought meet, as she did once offer, and now refuses, to be tried, that this should be notified to the kings of France and Spain.

Her majesty "can nether in honor nor with surety" either aid her to restitution to her realm, or suffer her to depart, without trial; for in the former case she acquits her of her husband's murder, and aids her to suppress the favourers of amity; and in the other, if she goes to France, the perils are greater, and she shall be more kindled with ire and desire of vengeance against her majesty.

"Lastly": As to restoring her in "title and name" only, without government—it is too hard a matter to devise assurance, and too dangerous so to proceed; considering the comforts and aids from her kindred, and also from Rome, whereby she may vanquish all both here and in Scotland "that do discent from the Chirch of Roome," whereon the whole strength of her title is founded. Besides what oaths or promises can be imagined to withstand her appetite to this crown? wherein she refused to ratify her commissioners' renunciation "by good authority"—at last broke the treaty, yet in the end pressed to be declared her majesty's next heir to England! How she abused her majesty by practising marriage with Lord Darnley her subject, thereby intending to make a great party here to trouble her majesty, is well known. So her majesty can neither aid her, permit her to come to her presence, or restore her, or suffer her to depart before trial.

3 pp. Written by Cecil's clerk. Not indorsed.

709. Case of the Queen of Scots. [June 20.] Cott. Calig. C.I., fol. 139.

"Pro Regina Scotorum":—

(1) To be helped, as she came willingly here on trust of her majesty from whom she had many messages of help in her trouble.

(2) She is unlawfully condemned, for her subjects seized and imprisoned her, put her in fear of life, charged her with her husband's murder, refused her leave to answer in person, or by advocate, in the parliament which condemned her.

(3) She is a queen, subject to none, nor bound by law to answer her subjects, otherwise than her conscience shall lead her.

(4) She offers in the Queen's presence, to acquit herself.

(5) No private person coming for refuge should be condemned, unheard.

(6) She offers to charge her subjects who have deposed her with the crimes wherewith she is charged.

(7) And alleges, as things moving them for their own gain, to proceed as they have done: that in her minority they procured great possessions for themselves, which she at her majority, "did secretly revoke."

"Contra Reginam Scotorum":—

(1) She procured her husband's murder, "whom she had constituted kyng, and so he was a publick person, and hir superior"—therefore her subjects were bound to search for and punish the offenders.

(2) When they did, Bothwell the chief murderer, was protected by her, and a confederacy made by her solicitation, with sundry, to defend him in all quarrels, to defeat justice. "Contrary wise," the earl kept evil company with her, led her to "placees dishonorable," accompanied with the murderers, known pirates, robbers, and such like.

(3) She also procured Bothwell to be colourably acquitted by force, "and devised that his endytement was falsly conceaved, to furdre the judgment to be reputed for trew: for the supposell of the cryme wherewith he was charged was, that he murdred the kyng uppon the 9 daye of [ (fn. 15) ] and he was knowen to be murdred in dede the 10 daye."

(4) She also procured his divorce from his lawful wife on his charging himself, "that he had lyved in frequent advoutry, specially with on Lady Reress, who also was the principall instrument betwixt the Quene and hym."

(5) She also feigned herself to be forcibly taken by him, to colour their conversation; and then married this principal murderer, giving him greater estates etc. than ever she gave her own husband, and also gave the other murderers lands and offices: committing such authority to him and his companions that none of her nobles or council durst abide about her.

(6) He notoriously evil used her, keeping her prisoner in Dunbar: and yet when the nobility had assembled to punish the murder, he and his complices came in force to attack them, carrying the Queen with him: who though humbly requested to dismiss him, would not, but let him secretly fly.

3 pp. Holograph of Cecil. Indorsed (by him).

710. Knollys to [Cecil]. [June 21.] Cott. Calig. C.I., fol. 142.

To-morrow Lord Scrope is to meet with my lord of Murray for redresses. Yesterday, at our coming from the "sarmon" at the church into the great chamber, we found the French ambassador awaiting the Queen, as he said: who in courteous manner asked if Lord Scrope would meet Murray on the frontier or not? Whereon we answering that for execution of justice, he could not refuse: 'Therbie,' said he, 'youe woll do my lorde of Murraye great honor.' We said it was but for justice to her majesty's subjects, not to be neglected; wherewith seeming satisfied he departed into the Queen's bed chamber. After dinner, her grace, conversing with Lord Scrope and me, as her manner is when she "syttes abroade," among other things "fell into this strange speeche, that she was not yngnorant of my wrytyng to the Cowrte, and that she knewe that I had wrytten in one thyng more in hyr behalfe then was well lyked of by some others at the Cowrte, saying that she knewe what was sayd unto it: wherunto I answered that she was full of conjectures, I perceyved by hyr dalying speaches that had no grownd nor fowndation." But we saw this came fresh to her eares by the French ambassador, "be lyke towchyng her settyng at lybertye." Thus you may see there be some "gropers off newes in that cowrte" for her instruction by aid of the French and Spanish ambassadors. And for all her "allowance" of my writing, Lord Scrope thinks she takes me for one of her greatest enemies here, "bycawse I have used more playnnes with hyr, in reverent maner, than cowld be well lyked of hyr by any meanes." She also told us that as the King of France gave himself to pleasures, the Duke of Anjoye was made chief governor of affairs, and the Cardinal of Lorraine next under him—thereby insinuating what authority her friends began to have there—which, if true, the "practyse" you wrote of is like enough to insue. She likewise fell into great passion with Mydelmore for being present at the overthrow of Lochinvar's house, and not coming away as offended with Murray's hostility, contrary to her highness's letter. We said we did not know Murray's provocation, or what Mydelmore could say, but it was hard to condemn him aforehand. Well' sayd she, 'I woll not detayne this Frenche ymbassador untyll Master Mydle'mores comyng, neyther woll I be any longer delayde, for I woll reqwyre the Quene my good syster, that eyther she woll let me goe into France, or els that she woll put me into Dunbritone, unlesse she woll hold me as a prysoner, for I am sure,' saythe she, 'that hyr hyghnes woll not of hyr honor, put me into my lorde of Murrayes handes.' Hereby we gather that she dare not go to Dunbarton of herself, if set at liberty. 'And' said she, 'I woll seke ayde forthwith at other prynces handes that woll helpe me, namely the Frenche kyng and the kyng of Spayne, whatsoever come of me; bycawse I have promysed my people to gyve theym ayde by Awgust.' And said she had found true, what she often heard before coming, that she should have fair words "enowe," but no deeds. 'And' says she, 'I have made great warrs in Skotland, and I praye God I make no troubles in other realmes also'; and parting from us, she said, if we detained her a prisoner, "we should have motche adoe with hyr." I omit our replies for brevity: but touching her prayer, I joined with her that God of his mercy would defend this realm from such troubles, as through our own tenderness, by her attempts might arise, and her highness from perils thereby insuing. But alas! how can we be safe from troubles so long as our "tender haltyng on both legges before God and the world" doth hinder our friends and strengthen our enemies, provoking God's anger, that many ways has been so merciful to us! But I shall be too "lavyse" if I take not up betimes! Carlisle. Signed: F. Knollys.

2 pp. Holograph, very closely written. No flyleaf or address.

711. The Regent's Reply by Middelmore. [June 22.]

Note of what we have desired Mr Middlemore to report touching answer of the Queen's majesty's letter sent us by him:—

1. [Relates his proceedings on the West march with Herries and his son in law Lochinvar—his dispatch of Wood and intention to send others to Elizabeth—as in his letter to her majesty, No. 712—with this addition:] "Bot because we persaive the triale quhilk the Quenis majestie is myndit to have taken, is to be usit with grite ceremonye and solemnities: we wald be maist laytht to enter in accusatioun of the quene, moder of the king our soverane, and syne to enter in qualificatioun with hir: for all men may juge how dangerous and prejudiciall that suld be. Allwyis in cais the Quenis majestie will have the accusatioun directlie to proceid, it wer maist reasonable we understude quhat we suld luke to follow thairupoun, in cais we prove all that we allege? Utherwyis we salbe als incertane efter the caus concludit, as we ar presentlie! And thairfoir we pray yow requyre hir hienes in this point to resolve ws, at least that my lordis of the counsall will assure ws, quhat we sall lippin unto? Farther it may be that sik lettres as we have of the Quene our soverane lordis moder, that sufficientlie in our opinioun provis hir consenting to the murthure of the king hir lauchfull husband, salbe callit in doubt be the juges to be constitute for examinatioun and triall of the caus, quhether thai may stand as full pruif or nocht? Thairfoir sen our servand Mr Johnne Wode hes the copies of the same "lettrez translated in our language, we wald earnestlie desyre that the saidis copeis may be considerit be the juges that shall haif the examinatioun and commissioun of the mater, that thai may resolve ws this far, in cais the principall agree with the copie, that than we pruif the caus indeid; for quhen we haif manefested and schawin all, and yit sal haif na assurance that it we send sall satisfie for probatioun: to what purpois sall we ather accus or tak cair how to pruif, quhen we ar nocht assured quhat to prove, or quhen we haife provit, quhat sall succeid?"

We are content (as we have said) to send one or more of good credit to her majesty, in case our servant Mr John Wood has not satisfied her. But as we are uncertain whether the matter is to be handled at Court, or here towards the frontiers: we desire you to resolve us of the time and place; for what shall it serve to send now to Court, unless assured the matter shall be tried when they come? And as Mr Wood has already spoken (as we believe) so far as needful, none need be sent till the Queen our "maisteris moder be transportit" and the matter ready for debate, otherwise the time "willbe long that men mon tary, and the charges wilbe sumptuous."

We pray you remember how prejudicial it is to the quiet of the Border, that the Queen mother is permitted to remain at Carlisle, and thus convey letters through this country to France: and in like manner nothing can be more hurtful to the quietness of the Border than suddenly to let Herries come home: for do what we can, he will trouble all again, and whatever promises his friends have made, will immediately be broken.

2 pp. Closely written in a Scottish hand. Indorsed (by Hay): "A note of that quhilk is to be reportit be Mr Middlemore, June 1568."

712. The Regent Murray to Elizabeth. [June 22.]

I have received your majesty's letter of 8th from your servant Mr Middelmore, with the report of Lord Herries to your highness, and his desire at your hands: requiring me to forbear all hostility to "sic" as have taken part with the Queen, the king my sovereign's mother, and to impart to your majesty what shall be meet for our defence. What pleasure I have taken in hostility against "ony Christin men," specially my own countrymen, "the eternel God best knawes," and if I had delighted in private revenge or the "exterminioun" of any Scotsmen, I lacked not commodity to execute rigour in this short space past; when God "kest" many my private enemies in my hands, whom yet I touched not. "Sensyne" I have attended that men should have acknowledged their duty, and so staid force; but lenity not availing, it behoved me to prepare force. Yet I would not have been "sa suddane," if the king's authority and state of the country had stood. Chiefly preservation of the godly amity, was the occasion of my drawing force to this West march, seeing it destitute of a warden and in greatest disobedience; for Herries had purposely "schaken lowis" all the broken men there, under the direction in his absence of the Laird of Lochinvar his "sone in law, who, though reasonable offers ("yea farther then of honnour I culd have gudely grantit") were made, has despitefully rejected them, as Mr Middlemore can show. Thus I was compelled to let him know I was in his bounds, which he thought no man could come to. But for reverence of your majesty, I have forborne to "wrak" his friends, and shall use like moderation to others as far as possible; for the "scope of the haill" is but this—to place an officer to meet your majesty's warden for justice, which cannot be at present. To inform your majesty in what is objected against me and others, I have already instructed my servant Mr John Wood to satisfy you before this letter shall come to your hands; and intend with all diligence to direct to your highness one or more men of good credit well instructed therein. Not doubting but the further your highness "dippis" in the cause, you shall know that the noblemen of Scotland have not entered on it without good ground and occasion. Hoddome. Signed: James Stewart.

pp. In Hay's writing. Addressed. Indorsed (by Cecil's clerk): " . . . By Mr Midlemore."

713. The Regent Murray to Cecil. [June 22.]

I send you these few lines, having so good occasion. But the bearer's sufficiency "makis me far mair breif nor utherwys I wald be." He has been here all the time with me, seen our proceedings, and I have given him my mind at great length, and doubt not he will make true report. Hoddome. Signed: James Regent.

½ p. Addressed. Indorsed (by Cecil's clerk): " . . . By Mr Midlemore."

714. Maitland to Cecil. [June 22.]

By the bearer Mr Midlemore you will understand what cause has been given to my lord Regent to use some extremity here, and yet how he has moderated himself after seeing her majesty's letter, "not without the evident prejudice off the cause he hath in hand"! For some take advantage of her majesty's "smallest mocion," and the disordered people have taken great comfort thereby, and become "a litle more stout then otherways thay durst have bene." Yet I trust their pride will be abated before we go hence, where we intend to lay some foundations for establishing good order between the people of both frontiers—our principal end in coming hither. Hoddome. Signed: W. Maitland.

1 p. Holograph. Addressed (by Hay). Indorsed (by Cecil's clerk).

715. Mary to Elizabeth. [June 22.] Cott. Calig. C.I., fol. 143. Appendix I. No. 3.

Signifying Middlemore's return from Scotland, to whom she had complained both of his long stay, and the bruit of Murray's open boasts at his table, confirmed by Mr John Wood's letters, which she sent by M. Montmorin to Lord Herries, to show how Elizabeth's servants discredit her promises. Middlemore's errand has done little to stop the destruction of her friends' houses, though intended as a great benefit to her. Excuses her bad writing, for these letters so falsely invented have made her ill. Again urges that they two may deal themselves on these affairs. Fears the bearer's haste is more to excuse himself than otherwise. Written at 11 p.m. Signed: Marie R.

3 pp. French. Holograph, also address. Indorsed (by Cecil's clerk).

716. The Regent's campaign in the West. Elizabeth. [June 11–24. 1568.]

"The dyet of my lord Regentiis campt quhair it wes every nycht."

Friday 11th:—They camped in Biggar where they first met.

Saturday 12th:—"About 10 howris the castell of Skyrling wes cassin down and brynt"—rode that night to Crawfurd John, and that house was rendered.

"Sunday xiij at nycht":—They camped in "the Sancher" beside the castle which was rendered.

Monday 14th:—At night they camped in the "holme of Dauchquharne." Tuesday 15th:—They camped in "Santt Jhonis schlawghe" where there was a great fray in camp. An English ambassador came and got presence. Wednesday 16th:—They camped in "the Kenmwyr in the howme callit Beisk hawcht" underneath the castle; "swte the castell and haill place wes cassin downe and brynt." "Fwrisday" 17th:—They camped in the "howme of Clauchquhainte besyde the lard of Makneiffis place," where 5 thieves were hanged for stealing in camp. Friday and Saturday 18th and 19th:—At night they camped in Dumfries. Sunday 20th:—In the morning they removed to the Hoddome and burned the Tynnell belonging to Robert Maxwell's wife of Cowhill—and "syne" the laird of Howmanes' place and steads about, and camped at night in the warde of Hoddome within gun shot of the castle—and "segyt" the castle that night till Monday at 10 "howris," when it was rendered and servants of Drumlanryk's put in to keep it. The rendering was on condition the house and men's lives in it should be safe. In the afternoon some "oistes of horse" rode forth and burned the "Kyrkhows" the young laird of Howmains'.

Tuesday 22d:—At "fowr howris" a.m. my lord Regent's "oist" rode a mile beyond Annan and met my lord Scrope with a small company "be aucht howris," and talked with him till 4 p.m.—while he sent 4 gentlemen to the camp to see the number of their vanguard, and the fashion of their camp, "quha gaif tham the mwsteris"—and in the Regent's coming backward, the house of Annan was rendered, and men put in the "castell" at his command. Wednesday 23d:—They removed camp at 3 a.m. and burned certain steads in Annerdaill till they came to Lochmaben castle, which was rendered and servants of Drumlanrig's put in. Thereafter passed to the house of Lochwood the laird of Johnston's which was rendered to the Regent, and given in keeping to the laird of Bukelewcht that night. Thereafter passed forward and camped in "Casse howm fornent Loganwode." And word came that night that the laird of Cowhill had come after them to Lochmaben, put out Drumlanrig's servants, and put in his own to the castle—and though the lords was once in purpose to have ridden back and was long in council thereon, because of the scarcity of victuals etc. they stayed it.

"Fwrisday" 24th:—At morn they raised camp and "cam in at Arykstane and downe Twede to Pebyllis," and remained that night, and so far as I can get knowledge, they purpose rather to Edinburgh or Tewydale.

pp. In a Scottish hand., Indorsed (by Cecil's clerk): "The Diary of the Regent is campe of Scotland;" and (by Drury) "for Mr Secretory."

717. The Regent's progress in the West. Elizabeth. [June 11–24. 1568.]

[Somewhat fuller than the preceding.]

Imprimis:—On 18th May before, the Regent of Scotland proclaimed that the shires of Mernis, Angus, Fyf, Mers, Lowdyan, Kyll and Carryk, with 15 days' victual, should meet him on 10th June in Biggar to aid in the S. W. of Scotland for punishing thieves etc.

Extracts.

June 11th:—He and his nobility marched from Edinburgh to Biggar and there received Boghall castle, Lord Fleming's—and would have cast it down, but (1) He was in England and could get no word to them, and (2) he held Dunbarton castle, which they hoped to receive. This day's march 20 miles.

June 12th:—The Regent cast down Skirling castle and place—"ane notable beilding"—to make others fear—then marched to Crawfurde Johne, Sir James Hamilton's, and received the castle—not casting it down, as they had "the man" in their own hands. Day's march 10 miles.

June 13th:—To Sancher, and lay there, but cast not down "my lordis place," as he had promised to come in and found surety. Day's march 12 miles.

June 14th:—Marched to "ane valey callit barbarusle the holm of Dawhernyn" and lay all night. Sending the laird of Wedderburn to the Laird of Lowinvar—but he "alluterlie" refused either to come in or give pledges. Day's march 12 miles.

June 15th:—Marched to "Sant Jhones clawan," 2 miles from Lochinvar place: in hope of his "incuming." But this night Lady Herries wrote to him not to go in, for her husband would get support, and stopped him. Days march 10 miles.

June 16th:—They marched to Loch Ken "fornentis Kenmure": 60 men appeared on a hill side, but enterprised nothing. The place of Kenmure was destroyed and cast down, and another "proper place" a friend's of Lochinvar. Day's march 2 miles.

June 17th:—Came to the water of Ur, to a gentleman's place "callit Makneth," where divers gentlemen came in and were thankfully received. Day's march 8 miles.

June 18th:—To Dumfries, hanging certain robbers and "villans" by the way. Day's march 14 miles.

June 19th:—At Dumfries the castle was offered, being Lord Maxwell's: and sundry Maxwells and others came in and were received. Pledges:—For the Maxwells, the goodman of Hillis; for the Johnstons, the laird of Newbie; for the Grahames, Fergus the Grahame; for the Urwyns, Criste of Bonshaw, "etc." Lord Maxwell, the Laird of Johnston, Cowhill, and Lochinvar, with 1000 men, were in Dumfries 2 days before, "and spendit all the meit and drink that wes reddy," consulting how to do best against the Regent. It was thought Maxwell would have come in, but for the other three. Day's march 14 miles.

June 20th:—Marched to Hoddom a place of Lord Herries' and a strong fort—held against the Regent, and they shot heavy ordnance and slew a horse and some men. This night the thieves gathered 1000 men, and broke a chase on some of ours outside of the camp: but the Regent's men issued and took 2 or 3—one the Laird Johnston's "father brother." Day's march 10 miles.

June 21st:—The house was given up to the Regent—"quhilk thai mycht haif holdin long enewcht, yf thai had bene gud fellows within it": on condition they had their lives "and na mair—all bag and bagges to remane in it." Delivered to Drumlanrig to keep, who is appointed warden there, forenent England. Hume and Morton led out 1000 men to draw the thieves, but they fled and would not "preik." There was great hunger in camp—"the Scottis pynt of wyne wes at vijs. Scottis, and no breid to be had." Some died for hunger.

June 22nd:—The camp remained—the Regent with 1000 horse went to Annan and received the castle, putting Edward Urwine to keep it. Met and talked "a long while" with Lord Scrope—returning at night. Day's journey 6 miles.

June 23rd:—Marched to Lochmaben and received the castle: but some of the Maxwells remained in "a close hous or volt," and took it again after the Regent had gone. They received the Laird of Johnston's places of "Lokat" and "Lowchthous," but cast them not down, for he has promised to come in and given surety. Took many cattle and furnished the camp, slew 2 thieves out of 60 by a shot of great ordnance, and hanged another stealing horses. Day's journey 10 miles.

June 24th:—Came to Peebles, where all came in. Day's march 22 miles.

June 25th:—The Regent went to Edinburgh and the rest to their own country and bounds. They journeyed 12 miles.

The countries passed through—Clydesdale, Galloway, Nydisdaill Annerdaill, Tweedale.

Order of the army:—Alexander Hume of Manderstoun, and Hutounhall scoured the fields a mile in advance, with a "cornett" of 200 men. Then the vanguard under Hume and Morton, 1000 men "and ma." Then came the "careage," and behind it the Regent's self with the rest of the army. Behind him the Laird of Cesfurd with a "cornet" and a company. At each side of the army, went a cornet viz.: the lairds of the Mers on one, and "Bowclewcht" on the other.

5 pp. In a Scottish hand (Hay's?). Indorsed (by Cecil's clerk): " . . . the Regent of Scotlandes progresse."

(2) Another copy of the same in an English hand.

718. Mary to Elizabeth. [June 26.] Cott. Calig. C.I., fol. 148.

The more I look forward the more I feel sure of your good inclination, yet things here are all contrary. Had it pleased God I could have spoken to you 2 hours before Middelmore came, or after, on the letters I sent you the other day, and many things much at my heart which might profit you. But to my purpose: Middelmore said he had prevented these houses being destroyed: but the defenders obtained that, when surrendering, as the bearer George Douglas will tell you, and also Lord Heris, to whom the conditions were sent. Heris has written to me that you grant passports to my subjects, but Lords Scrope and Knolls must be written to, for they have refused: and "my lord Workington" two days past arrested two Scots coming to me from their burned houses, one wounded, and took their letters. Consider that my enemies are in the field, while my hands are bound, and do not favour them against my friends. It is told me I am to be removed—that would hinder my affairs, and I have said I will not stir (bouger). Assuring myself that you, a queen, sister, and cousin, will not favour those who only seek to make you a judge to cover their injuries to me. Herries will tell you how I am treated. I pray you give your passport to this gentleman, and good countenance, for his service in my deliverance. He goes to France to learn the language and be rewarded in part by the king and my uncles, who desire to see him who has done me a service so agreeable to them: and I have permitted him, having no need here for so many of my good servants. I pray you trust Lord Heris. Carlisle. Marie R.

2 pp. French. Fair contemporary copy. Indorsed (by Cecil's clerk).

(2) Original of the same.

3 pp. French. Holograph, also address (in vernacular).

719. Knollys to Cecil. [June 26.] C.P. vol. I. Cott. Calig. C.I., fol. 146. App. I. No. 4.

I received yours of 22d June this afternoon; since which time this Queen has dispatched Mr George Douglas in message to her highness, and then I suppose to France. I think she sent by him to her highness copies of "newe letters of Mr John Wodds agayne newlye taken." I am sorry to hear that my Lord Herries' messages and persuasions should prevail with her highness. As I find nothing in your letter to stay our commission from my lords of Council in her highness's name, to remove this Queen 2 or 3 days journey into the "realme wardes": therefore as we have made some provision at Bolton castle, we mean to press her very earnestly tomorrow to remove thither upon Tuesday or Wednesday next. We have already persuaded her, for her own commodity, to remove, but could prevail nothing. So now we mean to say "that hyr hyghnes pleasure is to have her come nere unto hyr from this rude and unconvenyent place," and will press her by all means we can: "and all wolbe lytle enoughe." I think she will desire to see letters of the Queen's highness own hand "sygned," before she shall remove. Our charges of household increased one week, but this last week it came within the "lystes" again.

"Youre feare of this Quene hearyng of hyr hyghnes relentyng to motche unto hyr, is not withowte cawse, for we fynde hyr unrulynes to grow therby." I thank you heartily for the "towardnes" of my discharge. Carlisle, at 11 at night. Signed: F. Knollys.

1 p. Holograph. Addressed. Indorsed (by Cecil's clerk).

720. Knollys to [Cecil]. [June 28.] Cott. Calig. B. ix., fol. 345.

[After discussing the proposed removal to Bolton and his omission to name the Queen's attendants etc.—whereof he had already written on the 2nd instanthe adds,] since writing that letter, Mrs Mary Seton, Lord Seton's daughter, and the master cook's wife are come: Mrs Seton being praised by the Queen as the finest "busker" of a woman's head and hair to be seen in any country: as we have seen since her coming. "Yesterday and this daye she dyd sett sotche a curled heare uppon the Quene, that was sayd to be a perewyke (fn. 16) that shoed very delycately: and every other daye lighty . . (fn. 17) she hathe a newe devyce of head dressyng, withowte any coste, and yet setteth forthe a woman gaylye well." Carlisle. Signed: F. Knollys.

2 pp. Holograph. No flyleaf or address.

721. Notes on the Queen of Scots' case. [June 30.] Cott. Calig. C.I., fol. 152.

Objection:—They would be loth to accuse her, and thereafter to qualify it.

Answer:—The Queen's majesty never meant to have any come to accuse the Queen, but wishing agreement between her and her subjects, is content to hear what they can say for themselves.

Question:—If they prove all they shall allege against her—what shall follow? Otherwise they will be as uncertain as now.

Answer:—The Queen never meant so to deal as to condemn the Queen of Scots, or to allow any faults that shall appear to be in her, but by reasonable conditions, to make a good end between her and her subjects—with surety to all parties.

"Question:—Whyther if the originalls shall accord with the copyes of the wrytynges produced to charge the Quene of Scottes, the proves shall be thought sufficient?

Answer:—No proves can be taken for sufficient without hearyng of both partyes."

Question:—When and to what place shall they come?

Answer:—Without delay, that some end may ensue before the 1st of August.

1 p. Holograph of Cecil.

722. Elizabeth to Mary. [June 30.] C.P. vol. I.

"Madame": I am greatly astonished (je m' esbahy fort) that you press me so for Lord Flemyng's going to France, and will not take my answer by Lord Herries at his first coming. You surely doubt my wisdom, in asking for such a thing as to let the keeper of such a place to go there, being at this moment the only strength where the French can enter—not so much to aid Scotland, as to annoy England; and serve themselves under cover of your distress. I love no dissimulation in another, nor do I practise it myself; that made me give the same reason to the king my good brother's ambassador. Begging you to have some consideration of me, in place of always thinking of yourself—the rather as the king makes no complaint of his stay, knowing from me your object in sending him. As to Middelmore: I swear to you those same persons have written, that if I had not sent him, he might have been taken for your "partie." Which moved John Wood to contrive such a letter, as himself confessed before Lord Herries, without cause given by any of my servants—fearing his arrival would cause too much fear in his master who wishes to help your cause. After reading your letters, Herries came to tell me two things I thought very strange: one, that you would not answer but before myself—the other, that without force you would not stir from your present abode unless licensed to see me. Your innocence being such as I hope, you need not refuse answer to any noble personage I shall send: not to reply "judiciellement" (a matter not yet come) but only to assure me by your answers, not to your subjects ("chose que ne pensois onques convenable") but to tell me your defences for my satisfaction—the thing I most long for. As to the place I have ordained for your safeguard: pray do not give me occasion to think that your promises are but wind. I assure you I will do nothing to hurt you, but rather honour and aid you. Awaiting your reply, I shall keep your trusty Herries with me on a matter touching you, and learn by him if any "doubte" occurs in our letters which he can explain. I have been bold to do this in your interest. Yet I trust in your honour to send Lord Fleming to Scotland and return to you, as he has begged of me, without going elsewhere. Credit the bearer with my news. Greenwich. Your good sister and cousin Elizabeth.

pp. French. Cecil's clerk's court hand. Indorsed: "xxx Junij 1568. Copy of the Q. majestes lettre to the Scottish Q. written with her owne hand."

Footnotes

  • 1. In another hand, on margin.
  • 2. Torn off.
  • 3. i.e., rather.
  • 4. The citadel of Carlisle.
  • 5. Worn off.
  • 6. 14th.
  • 7. 13th June.
  • 8. 5th June.
  • 9. Then postmaster.
  • 10. All syllables within square brackets are worn away.
  • 11. Partiality.
  • 12. Worn off.
  • 13. Worn off.
  • 14. Kenmure.
  • 15. So blank.
  • 16. Periwig.
  • 17. Worn away.