Elizabeth: June 1572

Calendar of State Papers, Scotland: Volume 4, 1571-74. Originally published by His Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1905.

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'Elizabeth: June 1572', in Calendar of State Papers, Scotland: Volume 4, 1571-74, (London, 1905) pp. 316-346. British History Online https://www.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/scotland/vol4/pp316-346 [accessed 19 April 2024]

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In this section

341. Memoranda by Burghley. [June.]

That Hume be delivered to the Regent upon the bond of the King under his Great Seal, affirmed and subscribed by the Regent and Privy Council, that the said house shall be delivered to Lord Hume or his heirs at any time when the Queen's majesty shall well perceive that he is reconciled to the grace of the King, and not to deliver the same without her consent. The like for "Faux" Castle, to the party whom the Queen shall be duly informed to have right, and shall be known to be a good subject to the King.

2/3 p. In Burghley's hand. Indorsed (by Burghley's clerk): "June 1572, for ye L. Hume."

342. Monsieur Le Croc to Burghley. [June 4.]

Has begged Mr. Marshal to deliver this despatch to him, which he prays him to cause to be given to Monsieur De La Mothe. There are 14 or 15 letters from the lords of this realm, which are answers to those which the King of France wrote to them. Little Leith. Signed: Le Croc.

½ p. French. Addressed. Indorsed (by Burghley's clerk). No flyleaf.

343. Monsieur Le Croc to Hunsdon. [June 5.]

Makes this despatch to the King of France after the departure of the Sieur de Lespinnasse in order that he may receive ten or twelve letters which the Lords of Scotland wrote to his majesty in reply to those which he wrote to them. Writes also to their majesties in France, the Marshal de Montmorency, and Monsieur De La Mothe, and asks that they may be delivered to Burghley. Little Leith. Signed: Le Croc.

2/3 p. Addressed. Indorsed (by Burghley's clerk).

344. Hunsdon to Burghley. [June 7.]

Received this packet of Le Croc's from Mr. Marshal yesternight, wherein are letters from sundry of the nobility of Scotland, as well of one side as the other, in answer to such letters as he brought them from his master. Mr. Marshal has written of nothing else, because he means to send John Case to him this day with the effect of all their doings. Looks hourly for a discharge of the Earl, for he assures him he has slept few quiet sleeps since he had him, as here is no strong or safe house to keep him in, but is fain to keep watch and ward round about the house day and night. The Regent wrote very earnestly yesternight, and sent a boat for the 3000 weight of powder which he desires to borrow, and which he means to send by the said boat. Thanks him for his news in his letter of the 2nd instant, and trusts that he [Norfolk] shall not go alone, but that some of his associates shall follow. Berwick. Signed: Hunsdon.

¾ p. Holograph. Addressed. Indorsed (by Burghley's clerk).

345. Hunsdon to Burghley. [June 8.]

John Case arrived from Mr. Marshal yesternight with a letter, which he sends herewith. His lordship may perceive thereby what courteous entertainment Du Croc receives there, and he is as much misliked of the Castilians, because he suffers those injuries at their hands, and does not return. They of the Castle have received 2000 crowns from Lord Fleming. Whereas he wrote to him that Cunningham was to be sent to the Court, Nicholas Elphinstone is now appointed. One of the causes for which he is sent is already answered, and is for their King's interest. For the money, finds not that they either deserve more, or that what they have already is well bestowed. If their need be great, they may borrow the 2000l. of the Laird of Lochleven, for the Earl [Northumberland] avows that he never stood him in 200l., for he seldom or ever had a morsel of good meat. Touching the delivery of Lord Hume's houses into their hands, he assures him that it is not requisite that they should have it, for he knows that the King shall have no benefit thereof, but only Lord Morton and his, who are already puffed up with such pride with the gains they have already gotten, that being once in their hands they will never be gotten out again, and then no agreement. How Lord Morton has deserved well at her majesty's hands will shortly appear. He was the only cause of the putting away of Swinburne and those rebels, after he had promised him and Mr. Marshal the contrary. He was utterly against the delivery of the Earl, and is now the only hinderer of the delivery of the Irish bishop, and he will find that he will put him away by some means or other.

The Castilians are desirous of having answer of her majesty's liking or misliking of their last answer, being resolved to yield to no other, unless it be to join the Earl of Atholl in equal government with the Regent. Thinks they may be brought so far, but never to the delivery of the Castle. The Regent has great want of powder, and he has no great store to help them with, yet he sends him 1000 weight of corn, and 1000 of serpentine. Doubts whether Du Croc will send Verac yet. Prays him to let him have some order for Mr. Marshal's diet, for he wants, and there is none to be had, so that he is forced to send him a new supply—and surely it is but charges cast away "for as goode never a whytt as never the better." Marvels much that he has no answer what to do with the Earl. His lordship must procure him a warrant to Robert Bowse for his lying at Bransbe [Brancepeth] if he must needs remain in these parts. Sends a letter from Lethington to Du Croc, and a ticket from the Castilians. Berwick. Signed: Hunsdon.

2pp. Holograph. Addressed. Indorsed (by Burghley's clerk).

First inclosure with the same:—

(Drury to Hunsdon.)

Being desired to dinner with Monsieur Du Croc on Tuesday last, he was requested by him to be as a witness to such heads as he had to move to Dunfermline, to be further declared to the Regent by him; which were these, with the Regent's answers. (1) That Du Croque might be licensed to spend seven days at Edinburgh, and afterwards as many at Leith. (a) If he would as an enemy go and remain at Edinburgh, he should be licensed, otherwise not. (2) That a guard might be put upon him. (a) He needs no such guard, using no such conference with the King's enemies to the hindrance of the cause, but should, if he would, pass his time at Stirling or at the Regent's house. (3) Touching his departure. (a) As he came a passenger by safeconduct, so might he go or remain at his pleasure. A motion was lately made by some merchants of Leith to Monsieur Du Croque for the safeguarding of their houses at Edinburgh. He [Le Croc] sent to Virack to be a mean for the same to such as might satisfy that request. Virack answered that he had dealt therein, and had obtained grant thereof, and required that for his own drinking he might have a puncheon or two of wine from Leith. Du Croque dealt therein with the Regent, who at first denied, but it was afterwards granted by these terms. He was loth any way to send relief to their enemies, yet he should have liberty to send two puncheons to whom he pleased—not yielding that it should be for Virack, whose purveyor or taster he would not be. No message that comes to Du Croque, or is sent from him to the Castle, [goes] but with trumpet or drum. A man-of-war, a Frenchman, under the Prince of Orange's protection, has lately come into the Forth, which has taken a hulk, bound, as he gathers, for London, "for the styllyard and others of London," and, therefore, has moved Lord Morton for stay thereof. Certain Frenchmen are come to Leith out of the ship to the number of a dozen, and were entertained by Captain Hume, whose pay is much more than others there. They of Edinburgh, who suppose that number to be greater, much mislike the same, and have secretly complained to Du Croque. The Lady of Lethington required some conference with the Earl of Montrose, who is son of her sister the Countess of Atholl, which was granted. They met on the "Gallowleis." The first and principal cause alleged [was] to procure some good composition for Lord Fleming, her brother, and that she might for 20 days go to visit and see her children and friends. This was reported to the Regent, who would not yield thereunto. On Wednesday night last four ships arrived at Leith from Bordeaux and Rochelle. Those from Rochelle report that there are divers ships armed and in readiness to the sea, and affirm the journey of Strossy [Strozzi], which he rather judges of by letters of De La Mothe Fénélon sent to Scotland. Which voyage he trusts will be little advantage to some in the Low Countries.

The horsemen of Leith having intelligence that some of the forces of Edinburgh were abroad to seek some victuals on Tuesday (fn. 1) night last, went out with their footmen the morrow following at "3 howres" in hope of meeting them, but they had retired into the town, except five shot, who by reason of the great mist were appointed to remain somewhat from without the walls, upon whom, unawares, came the horsemen of Leith and slew two of them, hurt one mortally, and took the other two; for revenge whereof they of Edinburgh afterwards meeting with two of Leith (not soldiers) hurt them without hope of life, and all the day after, for further revenge, made some offers to provoke Leith to issue, being on their accustomed place of Craggingate, yet the same [was] not answered. Both parties were very quiet these latter days, in which time there was such heat and rain that the like has not been felt or seen. No wet at all has fallen on Fifeside, nor ten miles southward. Besides the two men and a woman executed heretofore for carrying victuals to Edinburgh, the like number were taken on Tuesday night last, and were executed at Musselbroughe and Trenent [Tranent], where they dwelt, for the like offence. Sends herewith a copy of Lethington's letter to his colleague [Le Croc] and him. The restraint and usage of his colleague is digested with such choler that he has entered into some sickness. They both continue in good league; notwithstanding, he will observe that part of his sovereign's letter which bids him look into his doings. If he should signify how in outward shows what fair weather he finds at the hands of all states in Leith, his lordship would no less marvel that he himself has found it strange. His colleague seems merrily to tell him that he finds the state of Scotland somewhat altered that a French ambassador here should be restrained, and an English one have liberty, and that the time has been [when] he knew it otherwise. Sundry Scotsmen also find it strange. He [Drury] and his have free liberty from the Regent to go or send where and to whom they please. Restalrig, 7th of June 1572. Signed: William Drury.

Postscript [in Drury's hand].—The Castilians have last night received 2000 French crowns from Lord Fleming, and look for more within a few days, and to-morrow they make a pay to their soldiers. Nicholas Elphinstone will be presently despatched to the Court, chiefly to require that nothing be done in this Parliament hurtful to their King's estate, to require more money, and to deal for the livings belonging to Hume and Fast Castles. The news of the execution of the Duke has greatly contented the Regent and the rest, as also of the proceeding with the Scottish Queen, but better would they have been contented if they had heard she had drunk of the same cup the Duke did. This news was as unpleasant to them of Edinburgh. The greatest part of the noblemen of Leith are desirous of peace, what semblance soever is made to stand upon terms, and when they are all assembled together here, he thinks, from some secret conference he has had with most of them, that he will find most voices for peace. The Regent, Argyll, Montrose, Eglintoun, Cassillis, Crawford, Ruthven, Boyd, Harris, Glammis, all of whom are now away but Eglintoun, will lay themselves open when it comes to the voting. Lord Claude [Hamilton] has lately levied some soldiers at Hamilton, who, with his travail, much offend the King's party about Glasgow, and keep victuals from it, so that a dearth is beginning there. He has taken the house Kawdorne [Calder] by surprising it. He has lately made a raid about Paisley, and has gotten a good booty from Lord Semple, who is now here with his sons and best friends. Has written to the Regent touching the sending for the powder by so slender a messenger, and his bringing no more with him, and they lay the blame on the Laird of Glyssche. Has been earnestly in hand by private conference with Lord Morton for the delivery of the Irish bishop, wishing it might be his work, and [saying] how acceptable the same would be taken by the Queen's majesty. Has also declared to him that if he will cause him to be delivered, and would not have it openly known to be his work, he will let it be known so that he shall secretly have thanks. He offers in all things to deal frankly and friendly with him. He and the rest find great fault that the bishop of Ross is not delivered to them. If he might receive some letter from the Queen or her Privy Council to deal with Lord Morton touching the delivery of the Irish bishop, with some good words of him [the bishop of Ross], it may do good. He still remains in the Castle of St. Andrews, and if no likelihood will appear of his delivery, some way, if her majesty pleases to allow thereof, may be devised by disbursing some money —which his lordship knows does much in Scotland. Though Mr. Archibald [Douglas] is still a prisoner, yet some means for knowledge of matters will be found. Some here now find that he had not all from Mr. Archibald. Gathers that his [Douglas's] peace is made with Morton. In dealing with Lord Morton touching the Irish bishop he [Morton] told him that if he were not delivered they would deal with him as the Castilians did with others of her majesty's rebels—not to suffer them to remain in Scotland. Still has watch of Lord Seton's proceedings. There is nothing agreed in Leith but the Castilians have knowledge thereof. Has not now or since his last return to Scotland signified anything either to the Queen or the Council of the state of matters here. Thanks him for his long letter of advertisements. Sends a copy of that he received from the Castilians, and keeps the principal to show to the Regent. Thinks that the Castilians could be content that the government should be in Atholl and Mar.

5pp. Addressed. Indorsed (by Burghley's clerk).

Second inclosure:—

(Maitland to Le Croc and Drury.)

Copy of No. 337.

1 p. French. Indorsed: "Copya. From the L. of Grange [sic] the xxviijth of May 1572, to Monsr de Croque and me."

Third inclosure:—

(The Castle party to Drury.)

"It ys not resonable that you shall alwaies be unbownde and we still bownd to you by promese. Yff we performe not every word spoken by us, ye will charge us with breache of promese, and yet what soever we have promest was spoken apon truste that ye bothe had the moyen to make a good end, and the will to bringe yt quickly to passe. We wold nowe know yf your mynde be indeed to make an end, as ye and Monsieur Du Croque have holden us in hand that your meaninge ys. Yf so be we have the more cause to contynew as we have begonn with you. And yet althoughe your meaninge be upright (as we trust yt ys) yet have we cause to doubt yf you be hable to bringe your meaninge to effect, for yt maye be our partie adverse ys so willfull that they will not yeld to reasoun, and that you be not hable to rule them. In that case yt ys meet for us also to look to our own welthes. Yf you will be good to make an end, and ye se reasonable conformytie in our adverse partye to com to measure, then we ar to stand to all we have said. Ye knowe what ye have proponed towchinge the crown, the regiment, and the castle of Edinburgh, Ye knowe also how farr we can yelde for the Queen your Mris pleasure, and wherin we ar not mynded to yelde, for we have dealt plainly with you. We will stand to our word. But yf either ye meane to use delaies (which we suspect not) or to receyve delaies at thandes of our partye, then we must say to you that we wilbe at liberty and provyde for our own saulfty the best way we can. We ar not so simple, but we se what may be prejudiciall to us, and we ar to provyde the remeadies as we may. Yf ye will that we stande bounde, ye must put us to some certaintie, that we may knowe what we may look for also at your handes."

¾ p. Indorsed: "Copia. From the Castell partye the vjth of June 1572."

346. Shrewsbury to Burghley. [June 10.] C.P., Vol. VIII.

I cannot—although by often talk with her since my last letters to your lordship I have sought the same—find in this Queen any other mind than as I wrote. She still continues great enmity, and gives no hope of other intent. It is too plain her heart is overhardened with deadly hate against the Queen's majesty—the more, therefore, her majesty's safety is to be thought upon. She fell, by grief of the Duke's death, into a passion of sickness, as I last wrote, and so hath she ever since continued, and kept her bed. Her people seem to doubt her escape [from death by] Saturday next, and if she be so sick, indeed, as in appearance she seems, and her people make report of, she is hardly like to escape. Sheffield Castle. Signed: G. Shrewsbury.

½ p. Holograph, also address. Indorsed (by Burghley's clerk).

347. Mary to Burghley. [June 10.] C.P., Vol. VIII.

My Lord of Burghley; we have heard by the Earl of Shrewsbury the unpleasant news which he said you had required him to impart to us, whereunto we have, at his desire, made him answer, and further written the same also to Monsieur De La Mothe by these our other letters, which we pray you to cause be delivered, not doubting but the same will be communicated unto you. And so fare you well. Sheffield Castle. Signed: "yowr veri good frind, Marie R."

¼ p. Addressed: "To my Lord of Bowrghley." Indorsed (by Burghley's clerk).

348. Drury to Burghley. [June 10.]

A house called "Cawdron" [Calder], within four miles of Glasgow, has lately been taken by Captain Crawford, otherwise by a by name, "Gawntlettes," trained up in France many years, holden both for manhood and skill as able as any of his coat in Scotland. In the same house he has found 16 cauldrons of victuals, besides 12 marts powdered. (fn. 2) He has also taken from the Laird of Drumwhassell and the Laird of Maynes (by name Douglas) the greatest number of cattle they both had. Lord Claude with certain horsemen has taken all the great cattle of Glasgow, which breeds no small extremity, and greater like to follow, the rather by some helps dwelling there, favourers of the Hamiltons. To prevent this the greatest part of the force that can be spared here, with others of Stirlingshire, were appointed to join them about the 24th or 26th instant, the charge whereof Lord Morton has been desired by the Regent to take upon him, which he denied, except his grace would be likewise in presence. Whereupon the Regent answered that it was very necessary to leave some at Leith to receive and answer the ambassadors, and also to keep the town in safety. There is none so fit as he to take that enterprise, in respect of his friends and such as would follow him. Which persuasion as yet served to small purpose. These three nights past certain soldiers, near to the number of 300, have from time to time gone out of Edinburgh with Lord Seton to Nethered [Niddry], Blackness, and the pile of Livingston, supposed to be for the guard of Lords Fleming and Claude coming into Edinburgh with victuals, to accompany which, all the Hamiltons with their favourers gather, minding to "set up their rests" for this convoy. The Regent with his party intend (if they can) to prevent this, trial of which (he thinks) will be made within two or three nights at the farthest. Patrick Pallantyne (Bellenden), brother of the Justice Clerk, who long has envied Lord Robert [Stewart], Commendator of Holyrood Honse, for dispossessing him of somewhat he enjoyed in Orkney, being supported by the Earl of Caithness, is now for revenge prepared to essay the same. The other [Lord Robert] makes preparation accordingly, and has gathered 300 men. Last night a motion was made by the Regent and nobility to the captains of that party to have the town of Edinburgh assaulted, finding so many of the soldiers out of the same; which was denied by them; who rather wished to be satisfied of the their pay [which was] behind before any such attempt. The Regent and the party in Leith greatly embrace the execution of the Duke, with the proceedings of the Parliament against the Scottish Queen, as nothing was done in prejudice of the King. Has touched of the repair of Mr. Nicholas Elphinstone to the Court etc. to Hunsdon. Beseeches his further instructions touching his dealing with the States here, whether by himself or his colleague, who showed him his lordship's letter yesterday, wherein he found his great care touching his letters, which he takes in very good part. "Resterricke" [Restalrig]. Signed: William Drury.

Postscript [in Drury's hand].—The Regent could have better allowed of James Cunningham being the messenger to the Court than Elphinstone, who is wholly at Morton's devotion. Morton stands upon the refusal to govern the forces that are to go into Clydesdale, saying it is too great a burden to him to bear the feud and unkindness of such as are to be offended by the journey; which answer is found strange and misliked. He is great, and so he is greatly envied. They of the Castle desire answer from the Queen touching the estate of the government here. The knowledge of the execution of the Duke, with the proceedings against the Queen, was sour to the Castilians. There is practice to breed some pique between the Regent and Morton; many of the nobility impatiently suffer Morton's greatness.

pp. Addressed. Indorsed (by Burghley's clerk).

349. Matters wherewith the Queen of Scots is to be charged. [June 11.]

Seventeenth century copy of No. 352.

Cott. Calig., C.III., fol. 327.

Another copy.

350. Elizabeth to Shrewsbury. [June 11.] C.P., Vol. VIII.

Sends Lord De La Warr, Sir Ralph Sadleir, Doctor Wilson, Master of her Requests, and Thomas Bromley, her Solicitor-General, to impart certain matters to the Scottish Queen wherewith she is to be charged, and to require her answers thereto, and requires him not only to give them his advice, but also as her Councillor in whom she has cause to repose great trust, to assist them, and to procure of that Queen her answers without delay, so that those whom she sends may return before the 23rd instant at the furthest.

¾ p. Draft in Burghley's hand. Indorsed: "11° June 1572. Myn. to ye Erle of Shrewsb. by ye L. De La Ware, Sr R. Sadler, D. Wilson, and M Sollicitor, being sent to ye Scottish Quene."

351. Drury to Burghley. [June 11.]

Had he made a little more stay of his letter of the 10th he might have said somewhat more therein which happened the same day. The Earl of Morton departed from Leith on the 10th about 8 o'clock in the morning with 200 horsemen and as many footmen of the principal of every band, towards Niddry. Certain of Edinburgh, being four ensigns of footmen, issued forth towards "Markesastone" [Merchiston] house, having with them one culverin, laid battery thereto, and 12 or 16 shot. The Regent with 300 men marched out of Leith to a place called "the Burrowe More," near Edinburgh, and being within 1000 foot of his enemies, stayed an hour without any offer of skirmish to each other, in which time his adverse party retired their culverin to the Castle, and so the Leith party retired. The contrary party seeing them retire, thereby taking no small courage, marched after [them] with great speed; at which time certain great ordnance was shot out of the town and Castle, which did not prejudice them at all, having recovered some strength by the "Wyndy goale," by reason of which the Castle party left them, and marched through the town to Craggingate, their intent being to cut them off in their "retire" towards Leith. The Regent stayed his force at the foot of Craggingate, near some strength called "the Quarrell holes." His adverse party putting themselves in good order came down the hill with such courage that, by all men's judgment, they should have won the field. The Regent, worthy of commendation, kept his ground, placing many of his shot in the said "quarrell holes," and seeing no time to suffer his enemy march over him, being within 20 paces, advanced his troop forwards, who with great words of encouragement gave the charge, and suddenly his enemies turned their backs, flying down the side of the hill towards Edinburgh, who during the chase were within danger of harquebus shot, yet for the most part saved themselves by recovering the walls of the gardens near Edinburgh. It was thought requisite that none should follow the chase; notwithstanding, certain followed, the rest keeping themselves together as much as they could, doubting some new charge from the back of the hill. About 16 of the Castle party were slain, as the report went, which he writes but on report, because the same was but ended with the day. His lordship may please to receive the certainty by Nicholas Elphinstone, who the same day was a part player, and himself a looker on from the beginning to the ending. "Resterrick" [Restalrig]. Signed: William Drury.

Postscript.—Although Mr. Elphinstone is to depart from Leith this day towards his lordship, he thought it his duty to give him some light of their doings before.

1⅓ pp. Addressed. Indorsed (by Burghley's clerk).

352. Matters wherewith the Queen of Scots may be charged. [June 11.] C.P., Vol. VIII.

"xj° Junii 1572. Certen articles conteyninge matters wherwith the quene of Scottes may be charged by the Lorde Lawarr, Sir Raff Sadler, knight, Doctor Wilson, and Thomas Bromley, sollictor generall."

(1) You have claimed the present state of the Crown of England, and used the style and arms thereof as well in the life of the French King, your late husband, as since his decease, which hitherto you have not revoked, although you were thereunto bound by the treaty of your commissioners at Edinburgh, and have as well before as since been required by sundry ambassadors and messages from the Queen's majesty to revoke the same. (2) You have sought to advance the same claim by seeking to join yourself in marriage with the late Duke of Norfolk without the Queen's knowledge. (3) You have pressed the said Duke by your ministers to bring the said marriage to effect by force, and by your letters you have incited him to escape. (4) You were privy to the conspiracy of the late rebellion in the north, and a procurer thereof. (5) You have procured aid and relief to the said rebels since the rebellion, as well in Scotland as in Flanders. (6) You have sought to procure from the King of Spain, the pope, and others foreign force to invade this realm, and you have practised to have some force in this realm to join with that foreign force. (7) For obtaining the said foreign force you have made choice of Robert Ridolphe to be your instrument and messenger to the pope, etc. (8) You knew the said Ridolphe to be the pope's secret agent and practiser within this realm, whose credit has been recommended from the pope and his nuncio. (9) Ridolphe since his departure out of this realm has by letters advertised you of the doing of his said message, and of his good audience therein. (10) You have secretly conspired with sundry of the Queen's majesty's subjects to be taken away from the custody in which you remain, to the intent to advance and prosecute your unjust claim to the present state of the Crown of this realm. (11) You have received letters from the pope, wherein he has promised to embrace you and yours "sicut gallina pullos suos," and that he would dispense with all who would rebel against the Queen's majesty and take them as filios ecclesiœ. (12) You have been privy to procuring a seditious bull from Rome against the Queen and her State. (13) Divers of your friends, favourers, and ministers have in the parts beyond the seas, by your means and consent, affirmed and published you to be Queen of England.

pp. In the hand of Burghley's clerk.

353. Elizabeth to Mary. [June 11.] C.P., Vol. VIII.

The Lords spiritual and temporal of England at this time assembled in Parliament have by their petition required her to consent and order for her surety and the tranquillity of England, that some reasonable provision might be made against her as a person who had many ways sought to deprive her of her crown, and to ruin her realm by rebellion and invasions; whereupon, although her attempts have been discovered, yet she has hitherto forborne to proceed to any final order otherwise than any other Prince, being in like case injured as she takes herself to have been, would have done, and therein also has manifestly adventured the goodwill and affection of her good subjects for her and her realm in not assenting presently to such provisions as by them have been propounded against her attempts and her favourers, and though she thinks assuredly that no other Princes in her case would have so forborne to allow of just provision for their own sureties, nor that the subjects of any other Prince, being so careful to provide remedies for the surety of their Prince and quietness of their native country, would, without some great misliking, endure the lack or delay of such a provision, wherein the surety not only of their Prince but of themselves and their posterity should consist, as her have done. Yet she cannot longer endure to be accounted so improvident in her government as no other Prince would be, nor so negligent of her subjects' surety, and quietness of her realm, but at length has thought meet to impart to her certain of the principal matters wherewith she is charged, and wherein shall appear manifestly in what danger both she for her person, estate, and crown, and her subjects for the whole realm have been by her and her favourers, and should have been so proved if Almighty God had not aided her. In order that she may understand these matters she has made choice of Lord Lawarre, a Lord of her Parliament, and a person anciently descended in blood of the house of Lawarre, Sir Ralph Sadleir, Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster, and Doctor Wilson, Master of her Requests, to declare them to her, and to require direct answers thereto. Requires her to credit them. Has willed them to communicate her pleasure to the Earl of Shrewsbury, whom she has also willed to treat with her herein jointly with them. Howsoever this her proceeding—which to all others both abroad and in her realm may seem not needful, considering the notoriousness of her facts and attempts against her—may miscontent her at first, yet she, setting apart all intention of revenge, and meaning nothing more than to justify all parts of honour, mildness, and gentleness, requires her to deal directly and plainly in making her answers without increasing the nature of the offences and injuries by any inordinate usage in cavillations or frivolous answers, whereby her cause cannot be but impaired, "and so we forced to incress our just offence ageynst you."

3pp. Draft in Burghley's hand. Indorsed (by Burghley's clerk): "11 June 1572. Min. to ye Scottish Quene by ye L. De La Ware, Sr R. Sadler, D. Wilson, and Mr Sollicitor."

C.P., Vol. VIII.

Copy of the same.

pp. Injured by damp.

354. Elizabeth to Mary. [June 11.] C.P., Vol. VIII.

(1) Fair copy of No. 353.

(2) Copy of No. 252.

(3) "17 June 1572. The Scottish Queen's Protestation before her answers geven to the Articles aforesaid."

"Before our answering in any wise to the Queen of England, our good sister, and to our cousins deputatees upon the demands and questions made by them unto us, we have protested as Queen of Scotland, a free and sovereign Princess, that we will submitt us to no jurisdiction of her nor of any other whatsoever, nor yet acknowledge the said Deputees sent towards us by our said sister and cousins, otherwise than in such manner as one free Prince is accustomed to do to an other. But in so farr as wee have the honour to be the nearest of blood, parentage, and right of succession after to this crown: and that by her letters of the 11th of this instant she hath written to us desiring to have our answer upon certain points or Articles, which they have in charge to understand of us, our intention being to satisfy our said sister and cousin, in all wee may and that is possible to us, as specially sith we are holden in her hands, whereof our own good will under trust and hope of her promised friendship, wee did put ourself, wee have had always will to do. And now more and more for respect of the present assembly of the States of this realm, afore whom, and our said sister and cousin, we wish ourself to be present in person for to declare our own part, sincerity, and upright intention towards her, and the common wealth of this realm: wee have conferred amply with the said deputees, by whose report declared faithfully to our good sister, and to the States of her realm (as we doubt not but they will) all that they have heard, and understand of us. Wee trust that she and the said States shall bee satisfied, and content with ye same. Given at Sheffeld Castell the 17th of June the yeare 1572."

(4) Copy of No. 365.

pp. In the hand of Burghley's clerk, and indorsed by him: "1572. The L. Delawarres, and the rest of the Commissioners proceeding with the Scott. Queen."

355. Charges against Mary. [June 11.] C.P., Vol. VIII.

Copy of No. 354.

pp. Indorsed. Injured by damp.

356. The Council to Hunsdon, Lord Scrope, etc. [June 12.] Lansd. MSS., Vol. XV., fol. 51.

Order them not to furnish any man with post horses but such as shall come with sufficient commission. Westminster.

½ p. Indorsed: "Coppie of the Counsell's letters to the Lord of Hounsdon, Lord Scrope, etc."

357. Shrewsbury to Burghley. [June 12.] C.P., Vol. VIII.

Ever since I last wrote of this Queen's sickness to your lordship, I have observed as well the manner as the course of her sickness, because she and her people made stout semblance of extremity and peril of her life, and thereby plainly see neither they nor she are in any fear of her death, although weakened by over much physic and "banes," and something disposed to mourn and bewail the Duke's death. [She] keeps her bed for a time, [and] is unlike to recover her strength and walk abroad very shortly. This much for that her sickness was made so grievous to me, and the danger so imminent, I thought meet to advertise your lordship what I think of her present state, and as I find further change in her, your lordship shall know. Sheffield Castle. Signed: G. Shrewsbury.

¾ p. Holograph, also address. Indorsed (by Burghley's clerk).

358. Drury to Burghley. [June 12.]

The Regent having occasion to despatch this bearer, Mr. Elphinstone, to the Court, has earnestly pressed him to recommend him to his lordship not only for the delivery of such special things given him in charge, but also for his care of his speedy return. Lord Morton has often been in hand with him for some further consideration from the Queen's majesty touching "his own partyculer," taking hold of some offer made by her highness' letter when he received the 500 marks, and has dealt with him that he would move the same to his lordship. The Earl of Huntly was chief of the Edinburgh party at their overthrow by the Regent, and his horse was slain under him. The Castle party [were] greater in number than the Regent's, which was very slenderly furnished of leaders or persons of calling by reason of the journey Lord Morton took the same day, who had the choice with him. These were the best of credit attendant on the Regent—the Laird of Lochleven, Nicholas Elphinstone, the Commendator of Dunfermline, and James Cunningham. The merchants of Leith have been suitors to the Regent that such townsmen of Edinburgh who were taken in this last skirmish might be executed. "Resterrick" [Restalrig]. Signed: William Drury.

1 p. Addressed. Indorsed (by Burghley's clerk).

359. Morton to Burghley. [June 13.]

"After my maist hertlie commendationes to zour gude lordship with na les thankes for the freindship and favour I fand with zou at my last being there, for quhilk I suld not be found ingrate gif I knew quhairin I wer able to pleasur zour lordship." I have understood by Sir William Drury what your goodwill has been towards myself in particular, "quhairof" I have good cause to give you heartily thanks, etc. Now, considering the experience had of your upright and honest dealing, I doubt nothing "bot ze sall schaw zour self a speciall instrument to the entertenyng of the amytie betuix bayth the realmes, and wilbe a gude meane to further this troublit state to quietnes. Quhair I may ony way pleasur zour lordship, ze may command me as zour freind." And because of the sufficiency of the present messenger, Mr. Nicholas Elphingstoun, my cousin, to whom I have committed the declaration of my mind as well touching the matters of the State as my own "particulair," I will not trouble you with any longer letter. Leith. Signed: Mortoun.

¾ p. Addressed: "To the richt honorable and my very gude Lord, the Lord Burghley." Indorsed (by Burghley's clerk).

360. James VI. to Elizabeth. [June 13.]

"Richt excellent richt heich and michtie Prince our dearest suster and cousing, in oure maist hertlie maner we recommend ws unto zou." Whereas by treaties etc., it is specially covenanted that if any rebel or malefactor, being our subject, shall flee or depart into that realm, on requisition to have the same person delivered, you are bound so to do. "Quhairfore considering it is notorious to the warld how Maister Johnne Leslie, late bischope of Rosse, oure subject, practized dangerous treasonis within and outwith oure realme aganis oure persoun and estate, and fled into that zoure realme, and is be act of oure Parliament condempned of treasoun," we by virtue of the foresaid treaties require that the said "Maister" Johnne Leslie, "being now kepit in that realme (as to zow is weill knawin)," may be delivered safely on our frontiers to John, Earl of Mar, Regent, or to such person as he shall depute in our name, "quhairin ze sall do to ws acceptable pleasur, and thairby gif occasioun to ws the mair entierly to intertein the amytie betuix ws and oure dominionis." Given under our signet, and "subcrivit" by our said Regent. Leith. Signed: Jhon Regent.

Broadside. Addressed. Indorsed (by Burghley's clerk).

361. The Regent Mar to Elizabeth. [June 13.]

"Pleas it zoure majestie," that hearing of some proceedings against the Queen, mother of King my sovereign, in your Parliament, and having imparted some matters heretofore to your majesty both by letters and messages, whereof I have not received your full and direct answer, to our great loss and "hinder," the State here continuing still troublous, I have thought meet to direct the gentleman, bearer hereof, "Maister" Nicholas Elphinstoun, toward your majesty, amply instructed to report to us your majesty's good mind and pleasure in those things which are committed to his charge, beseeching your majesty favourably to hear him and give him full credit. Leith. Signed: "Zour Mateis maist suerlie to command vt lauthfwll service, Jhon Regent."

½ p. Addressed: "To the queines Matie of England. Indorsed (by (Burghley's clerk). Wafer signet; coronet of pearls and strawberry leaves; Mar quartering Erskine.

362. The Regent Mar to Burghley. [June 13.]

Finding matters here tending to no end by treaty, and standing uncertain of her majesty's resolution for ending of their troubles "be hir sortes," has directed Mr. Nicholas Elphinstoun towards her highness, to whom he prays him to give firm credit. Leith. Signed: Jhon Regent.

½ p. Addressed. Indorsed (by Burghley's clerk).

363. Hunsdon to Burghley. [June 16.]

Because he imagines that about this time he is occupied with matters of peace, he has thought good to let him understand that their neighbours are as fast occupied in war. [Recapitulates the contents of Drury's letter of the 11th of June. See No. 351.] Huntly's brother was shot in the foot with a harquebus, and sundry were taken prisoners, whereof six have been executed, as he shall perceive by Mr. Marshal's letter, which he sends herewith. Monsieur Du Croc had a way out at the back of his house to walk into the fields, but it is now trenched up, wherewith he is in no small choler, and besides he has two harquebusiers who watch his lodging nightly, so that he holds himself as a prisoner, and swears that he will not come out of his doors unless it be to Mr. Marshal. He stays the sending of Verac until he hears from De La Mote. He may see how unlikely it is to compass any accord between them. Berwick. Signed: Hunsdon.

Postscript.—The books that he [Drury] writes of are such as he has had long since, of the Scottish Queen murdering her husband, and of her letters to Bothwell, and therefore he sends them not.

1 p. Holograph. Addressed. Indorsed (by Burghley's clerk).

Inclosure with the same:—

(Drury to Hunsdon.)

Has received a letter from the Laird of Grange, which he sends herewith, the contents whereof should "growe" by his lordship's letter brought hither by Captain Case, which, according to direction, he sent to the Lairds of Grange and Lethington by Mr. Errington.

They [the Castilians] have at 2 o'clock this morning received 40 horse-loads of oatmeal by the Laird of Perbroithe, son-in-law of the Laird of Grange. The same is now divided among such as want there, by which means they think themselves well satisfied of that kind till the middle of July next, and of flesh it seems they have, and will have more. Their men placed in Nethered [Niddry], Blackness, and the "pyle of Lyvistoun" still remain, and so are like to do, which serves them to great purpose, as well for being convoy to men and victuals, as also to offend about and beyond them, as they have done near Stirling by recovering four score head of cattle.

Yesternight 24 of Edinburgh—those who were taken of Tuesday last—were condemned at Leith, whereof six were executed this day. Two of the same for wealth were in very good case to live. One of them said that the Queen [of Scots] had once given him his life, and now in her cause he had made just recompense by his death. The other, being 60 years old, and a schoolmaster to children, at his death affirmed that the Provost of Edinburgh by threatening words caused him to go out of the town with the rest, otherwise he would there have hanged him. The rest of the 24 were all this time at the place of execution. The Castilians and their adherents of Edinburgh are much grieved at this execution, and with one consent vow together never to turn their faces at any time hereafter, and to be revenged thereof. They presently caused their gates to be shut, making earnest search for such there as were the servants and keepers of their masters' and merchants' houses now serving at Leith. They have already five soldiers of theirs of Leith, and but stay from execution for another to accompany them, and make the sixth. The Earl of Huntly's brother was hurt with a bullet on Tuesday last, which yet remains in his foot, and Hugh Lawder, their sergeant-major, was shot through the thigh. The Castilians have plainly refused the giving up of the Castle, and he sees no likelihood how the same may be won by force by the Leith party. Perceives that no promises or entreaty can persuade them to yield. This only must win them thereto—the force of the Queen's majesty and the King of France together, or at least one of them. They have great intelligence with them of Leith and others of their faction abroad. Yesterday they were three hours dealing with "Mackerston" house with a small field-piece, and if they had brought a cannon they might in all likelihood have won it. Hears that Lord Fleming has promised 300 men to join with the Hamiltons for one month, which has put great life into them. Sends him a book with other Scottish work imprinted, and two for Lord Burghley. "Resterrick," 14th of June 1572. Signed: William Drury.

2pp. Addressed. Indorsed (by Burghley's clerk).

364. Original of No. 354 (3). [June 17.] Cott. Calig., C.III., fol. 423. Cott. Calig., C.III., fol. 415.

Copy of the same.

365. Mary's Answer to the Articles. [June 17.] C.P., Vol. VIII.

(1) Her grace confesses that in the time of her father-in-law the French King, and in the life of her late husband, King of France, by the order and direction of the French King, her father, such pretence and claim was made for her as in the articles is mentioned, which, in respect of the coverture of her marriage, and of her minority in that time, being done without any will or intention of her part, she thinks ought not to be imputed to her. She saith further that she never used the style of England after the death of her said husband. She is and always has been ready to renounce all claim to the crown of England during the life of the Queen's majesty, and during the continuance of any heir of her body. (2) She never gave ear to the marriage with the Duke of Norfolk with any ill intention towards the present state of the Queen's majesty, but she cannot deny the "abyding at it" without the Queen's consent or good liking, which bond of conscience was such as she might not for any respect forbear the pursuing of the same marriage, and because she was persuaded the same marriage was for the surety of the Queen's majesty, and to the contentment of the whole State of England, she was the rather induced to like of it. (3) Touching the pressing of the Duke of Norfolk to accomplish their marriage with force, she will forbear to give answer thereto till she has considered the residue of the articles. As to moving the Duke to escape, she saith that, seeing his danger, for the goodwill she bore to him, she desired he might be at liberty out of danger. (4) She knew nothing of the conspiracy of the rebellion in the north, but her servants gave her to understand of that which they knew by common report, and other understanding of the same rebellion she had not, neither was she any stirrer or procurer thereof, and she offered both before and since the rebellion to let the Queen understand all she knew thereof which might touch her or her estate, if she might come to her presence, and she has protested that if any harm should ensue, in that she might not have access to her, she should not in any reason bear the blame thereof. (5) Her grace denies that she procured, to her remembrance, any relief to the rebels, but only to the Countess of Northumberland, whom she recommended to the Duke d'Alva. (6) She has written to the Kings of France and Spain, the pope, and others for her restitution into her country, and for her liberty, and she has not otherwise written to them or any of them than she has heretofore given understanding to the Queen; and if any other interpretation may be made of her letters, she desires that she may, in the Parliament of England, as one of the blood of England, with protestation of her free estate, as Queen of Scotland, make declaration of her meaning thereof. (7) Desires that she may answer according to her request in the article precedent. (8) She well understood that Ridolphi was put in trust and credit by the pope, and that she was a suitor, having want of money, to obtain some money from the pope by his means. (9) She received no letters from Ridolphi since his departure out of England, but understood by others that he had written that he had arrived in Flanders. (10) She has not at any time refused to give ear to any that would procure her liberty, but she never procured any herself for that purpose. She confesses that she was privy to the delivery of the alphabet in cipher to Rollston and Hall. (11) She has received sundry letters from the Pope with many good and comfortable promises for her support, but she remembers not that she at any time received any letters of the effect mentioned in the latter part of the article, namely, that he would dispense with all that would rebel against the Queen. (12) Denies utterly the procurement of the bull, but says she had a printed copy thereof sent to her, which she burned. (13) She knows not what her friends, favourers, and ministers affirm and publish, but assured she is that there is no affirmation or publication that she is or ought to be Queen of England by her means, procurement, or knowledge. Concerning the point contained in the third article, she prays that she may give answer thereto in the Parliament of England.

pp. Indorsed by Burghley: "1572. Scott. Quenes answ. 11 Junii 1572. L. La War, Sr R. Sadler, D. Wilson, Mr Sollicitor."

366. Mary's Answer to the Articles. [June 17.] C.P., Vol. VIII.

"The Q. of Scottes answer to certen articles."

Copy of No. 366.

pp. Indorsed.

367. Mary to Monsieur De La Mothe Fénélon. [June 19.] C.P., Vol. VIII.

The deputies of this Queen have been here, although says she by the letter which she writes me, there was no need to use so much respect towards me, with commission to put some interrogatories to me, and to introduce the process, whereof the sentence has already been signified to me, as you have seen by my said letter of the 10th. I have protested that as Queen of Scotland, a free sovereign and Princess, I do not wish or intend to undergo any jurisdiction of the Queen of England nor other whomsoever, not being subject to any of her laws or municipal statutes of her realm, and have not wished to recognise the said deputies in other sort or quality than envoys to me on her part as by Prince to Prince, free companions and sovereigns, it is usual to be done. But, inasmuch as I have also the honour to be her next of blood by relationship and [have] right of succession after her to this crown, and that I have always desired, as I still do, to satisfy her, in what I may without prejudice of my estate, conscience, and honour, I have listened to the said deputies in the quality that I have just said, and fully conferred with them on the points and articles which they have caused me to understand they have in commission. They have reduced by writing in my presence certain notes of my answers conformable to their commission, as they have declared to me, remonstrating to me that they cannot extend further than the limits thereof. By means whereof, perceiving that my sentences and proposals for the most part remaining mutilated and imperfect, this was the reason of obscuring and greatly hindering the clearness of my justice, I drew back (although without refusal to answer) in certain parts, and for this respect and other considerations requiring to be heard before her and the assembly of the Estates. I have delivered my protestation by writing signed with my hand to the said deputies, who did not wish to receive it otherwise nor to entertain it for themselves, and I have written as much to the Queen of England. Sheffield Castle.

1 p. French. Indorsed: "An extract out of a letter of the Sc. Q. to Monsr de La Mothe Fenelon of the xixth of June 1572."

Cott. Calig., C. III., fol. 330.

Copy of the same.

368. Nicholas Elphinstone's Requests. Elizabeth. [June. 1572.]

"Memoir of certane heides of my present messege, of the quhilk it will pleis your honour to obtein full resolutioun of her mind." Because the "haill disobediente" of Scotland presently assist in the keeping of the Castle and town of Edinburgh, and the Castle being "difficill," as is thought, to be obtained by force, and denied to be rendered by treaty, therefore, for recovery of the town, his grace desires money of her majesty to pay "completlye" the men of war their "bipast" wages, which extend every month to the sum of 10501. sterling. There is owing to them three months, besides this month. The number of footmen is six companies extending to 700 men. The number of horsemen is 70. May it please her majesty to entertain the said companies together with the rest of 200 horsemen to be "lystit" for six months, within which time the Regent trusts not only to recover Edinburgh, but to quiet the state of all disobedient within the same, unless foreign power waits. Desires that the houses of Hume and Fastcastell be delivered into the Regent's hands, to be kept to the King's behoof, that his grace may thereby be the more able to appoint a warden on the East March of Scotland to answer her highness' officers and subjects in justice, which cannot be done unless his grace have the said houses in his keeping. Seeing that Lord Hume remains inobedient to the King, and that the delivering of the said houses to the Regent will "alswa acqwyer ye benevolence of our haill nation, quhen yai so and persaves her majeste intendis not to retein ony strenth or oyer portion of ye cuntre in her henes handes." As his grace has satisfied her majesty's desire touching the delivery of the Earl of Northumberland, "so was he partly contentit with her hienes ansuers reportit be my Lord of Hunsdonis wryting, for albeit it was not expreslye grantit, zit his grace dois repose upon yer wordes,—yat he suld knaw quhow cairfull he was of his lyff, and suld fynd nales (fn. 3) favour for ye sem, and yerfor now ernestlye craves of her majeste by me promes of his lyff." Also by virtue of this same established order that her majesty required the delivery of him, so does the King now desire Mr. John Leslye, sometime bishop of Ross, to be delivered to the Regent as a rebel and traitor to his country, on the frontier, or else her majesty's promise in writing after the Parliament is finished, according to the "trewis," and as her highness "wold be satesfyit in ye lyk requeist." To write to Lord Scrope to deliver to the Regent the principals of the Englishmen who, accompanied by Scottish thieves inhabiting the Borders of Scotland, spoiled and "hereit" the town and borough of Pebillis [Peebles] on the 20th of March last, and slew certain of the inhabitants thereof, or to cause satisfaction to be made, "for by yis attemptat ye pepill takis opinion yat her majeste hes left of her accustomat cair owir ye King," because a number of her subjects were at the committing of the fact. To deliver to him in writing the "extracte" of such things as are pretended against the Queen, the King's mother, if any be. To send her majesty's warrant by him to Lord Hunsdon for delivery of one last of cannon powder, and 2000l. pounds of corn powder, which the Regent has of him upon his bond, and willing Lord Hunsdon to render the said bond to him. The sum of it all, viz., concerning the Borders and the rest, consists in her majesty's special resolution toward the maintenance of the King, which he requests her to deliver in writing by him. That such impediments be taken away which make the Regent unable to make wardens, and wardens unable to make redress; especially the houses of Hume and Fastcastell to be delivered into his hands, and none of her majesty's officers to enter into any private "indent" or covenant in giving or receiving thereof with any who are not the King's subjects, and that it be according to the ancient laws and customs of the Borders, by meeting and keeping days of "trew" with wardens appointed. Also that her majesty's wardens assist the King's wardens in punishing and pursuing the disobedient subjects of Scotland. (fn. 4)

pp. Holograph. Indorsed by Burghley: "Elphingston's mem."; and (by Burghley's clerk): "June 1572." Notes in the margin by Burghley.

369. Proclamation by the Regent Mar. [June 21.] Cott. Calig., C. III., fol. 333.

Forasmuch as the present hunger, dearth, and scarcity of divers within the borough of Edinburgh, detained against the King's authority, is not unknown to the Regent and the Lords of Secret Council, who, desiring nothing more than the preservation of Scottish people—howsoever heretofore they have evil deserved, and been the instruments of the long and dangerous trouble wherewith this commonweal has been molested—and therefore that the poor and impotent persons shall not perish, nor the noblemen nor soldiers be drawn to any desperate necessity, but have commodity to serve and live either within the realm or to pass to the wars in Flanders or other foreign countries, ordain a herald, master, or other officer of arms to pass to the shore and pier of Leith and other places needful, and there by open proclamation to command and admonish all persons being within the said burgh of Edinburgh that they remove themselves, their wives, bairns, servants, and goods forth of the same to the country amongst their friends betwixt [this day] and Monday next, the 23rd of June; commanding all the King's lieges, men of war, and others that none of them molest, trouble, or search the persons passing forth, provided they do not return to the same; and the said 23rd being bypast no persons to come forth or to repair thereto under pain of death.

pp. Copy.

370. Drury to Hunsdon. [June 21.]

A proclamation has lately been made at Leith, a copy of which he sends him. The Castilians and the chief of Edinburgh having intelligence thereof caused their soldiers and others of that town to assemble, and, after rehearsal of the proclamation, offered those who would tarry sufficient meat and money, who were to hold up their hands once in token of their abode, offering the rest free liberty to depart. The greatest want in the town is malt. The preparation for the intended journey towards Clyddesdall still holds good. The Regent and all the forces of Leith have been twice in the field to-day, and though there were some skirmishes no harm was done in effect. Lord Claud's coming is nightly expected, and the Regent and the rest look to hindering it. It is thought that the Regent will towards Stirling to-morrow. Monsieur Du Crocque has now liberty to send of his own unaccompanied to the Castle, the cause whereof he will do his best to understand. Perceives that the Laird of Grange determines to keep the Castle, and if it shall not please the Queen's majesty to have some consideration touching the government, he minds, rather than that the Regent or his party should possess it, to yield it into the hands of some other foreign nation, therefore Lethington and Grange require the Queen's majesty's pleasure and assured resolution therein. Gathers that Grange received some comfort out of France from his brother, who is presently to return, and, according to the account of one who departed from the French Court in company with Monsieur de Montmorency, the comfort is that the French King assured that there would be a peace made in Scotland, neither authorising the government as it is, nor to the deprivation of the Queen, as is reported. Adam—a Gordon—has made an incursion into the country of Mearnes, and has taken the goods and cattle of the Laird of Glenbarvye, a Douglas. Lords Lindsay and Ruthven shall remain in charge at Leith during this journey. "Resterrick" [Restalrig]. Signed: William Drury.

1 p. Addressed. Indorsed (by Burghley's clerk).

371. Drury to Hunsdon. [June 22.]

At a meeting with Monsieur De Croque this day they had conference upon many matters, the chiefest being that certain powder should be brought from Berwick to Leith to furnish the Regent. Whereunto he answered that neither had he been required to be employed nor had any dealing therein. Trusts his lordship will procure what further answer he is to give from above. It has been declared to him by some of Leith that he shall not receive any letters from the ambassadors at London nor out of France during this month. Some other persuasions are made to him there that he [Drury] has some secret dealing to have the Castle of Edinburgh rendered to the Queen's majesty, and that it is strange that the Queen's majesty should keep Hume and Fast Castle, considering it was agreed that 40 days after the league all forts and fortresses that she held in these parts should be delivered. He answered that he was not acquainted with the articles of the league, but if such clause was therein, it was not 40 days since Monsieur De Montmorency and the Lord Admiral ratified the same. Finds at their hands fairer weather than before. This day the Leith party mustered their soldiers and make a pay, for which they borrowed 1000l. of the Laird of Lochleven, of that money he received for the Earl of Northumberland, and it is certainly reported that he shall have for the same such lands as the Earl of Murray had in mortgage of the Earl of Buchan for 12,000l. Scottish, and which, being forfeited, should have descended to the said Earl of Murray's children, but, meaning to defeat them, he returns them by law to the Earl of Buchan, and so from him to the Laird of Lochleven, or part thereof, in fee farm. Lord Seton is in great extremity at Nethered [Niddry] by sickness, whereof. if he dies. the Queen's majesty and England have no great loss. Divers women and children have come out of Edinburgh by reason of the proclamation, whereof the Castilians think themselves well rid, but, he hears, very few men have come out. There is a great cumber and question risen between Lord Ruthven, on behalf of Lord Methven's son, his nephew, to whose father the bishopric of Rosse was given, and one Mr. Andrew Monro we, who keeps the Chancery house of that bishopric, which is strong and well manned and victualled against him, till such time as he shall be answered for such money that he has disbursed by keeping the same, being committed to him by the Earl of Murray. Lord Ruthven has sent thither 50 harquebusiers, levied at his own charge, to join with Mackuny, a neighbour there, who has already assembled 800 men and environed the place. He has placed the harquebusiers in a steeple near that house, and seven of the one party and five of the other have been slain already, although but new begun.

[In Drury's hand]: The complaint concerning the powder comes from the Castilians to his colleague, and the other from some in Leith who allow not of the league. Is working the best he can to get the Irish bishop.

2pp. Addressed. Indorsed (by Burghley's clerk)

372. Hunsdon to Thomas Randolph. [June 23.] Lansd. MSS., Vol. XV., fol. 52.

Received his letter of the 12th on the 19th, with a letter from the Council inclosed therein, whereat he cannot but marvel both at the contents thereof, and also at the slender sending of the same, being so slenderly sealed that it seems they had been opened by the way. Touching the contents of both, he thinks verily they are not to be proved true, for he has granted no passport to any man but he is well able to stand to the doing thereof, and to be well allowed of by the Council, and to be no such number as any post or any other man has any cause to complain of, and, as he thinks verily, has not. But if the contents of his [Randolph's] letter be true, that 400 horses should go out of one town within these three months, of necessity the like number must pass out of other towns, and it [will be] necessary for the Council to look well to it, for it must needs tend to further matter than any men's private affairs, and so he has written to the Lords that the matter may be duly examined whereupon these complaints have come; for it appears the information has been only upon such commissions as he has granted, for the Council's letter was directed only to him. Although he caused Lord Scrope, Sir John Foster, and Mr. Thomas Gargrave to be named—which was no sufficient warrant to him to charge them therewith—he has not made them partakers thereof. But, as he being charged therewith, has answered the Council—he trusts sufficiently,—so he doubts not but, when the rest be charged with the same, they will do the like, and then those informations will be found but imaginations.

Touching his armour, which he said was for the tilt, he is advised that it is not so, being but Axland Aumine for which he would give no money; and, therefore, as he lent him his money with goodwill to serve his turn, so he prays him to let him receive it again in like manner, for he has appointed payment thereof at London, whereof he would be very loth to be disappointed. Would have been content to have given 20l. for it if it had been for the tilt.

Touching Stone, since he has detained him thus long, and as he hears nothing of Podge, he means presently to set him and her at liberty. As he is desirous to understand what speed the posts make, his letters of the 19th came to him yesternight at 12 o'clock, and so their common rate is three days and three nights—sometimes more, but never sooner. Berwick. Signed: Hunsdon.

Postscript.—The Castilians answer directly that they will never obey the Regent's authority no[r] deliver up the Castle, and Grange avows that, rather than be forced thereunto, he will yield it to any foreign Prince's hand that will receive it. Thus he may see what likelihood there is of any agreement among them.

12/3 pp. Addressed. Indorsed by Randolph. Wafer signet.

373. Hunsdon to Burghley. [June 23.]

Has no news to advertise him of but such as he shall know by Mr. Marshal's letter, which he sends herewith. It appears plainly that they of the Castle will neither yield to the obedience of the Regent nor deliver the Castle, and would know her majesty's resolution therein, so that he sees not to what end Mr. Marshal should tarry there. Trusts that now his great business is overpast he will have some leisure to resolve upon these matters, and that ere this comes to his hand he shall receive order for his guest, whom he would fain be rid of. Berwick. Signed: Hunsdon.

½ p. Holograph. Addressed. Indorsed (by Burghley's clerk).

374. Monsieur Le Croc to Burghley. [June 25.]

The last despatch he received from Monsieur De La Mothe Fénélon was dated the 1st of this month. Had sent other despatches on the 4th and 11th of this month, with a request that they should be delivered to Monsieur De La Mothe. Requests that the inclosed herewith be delivered to him, and if he has no answer within 15 days he will doubt that the passage is stopped, at which he will be much astonished, not knowing why this should be. Little Leith. Signed: Le Croc.

1 p. French. Addressed. Indorsed (by Burghley's clerk).

375. Monsieur Le Croc to Drury. [June 25.]

Begins to be astonished that he has not received more news from France. Writes again to Burghley begging him to forward his despatches to Monsieur De La Mothe, and if he does not receive a reply within five days he will consider that the passage through England is closed to him, but does not know why this should be, seeing the amity which there is now between their master and mistress. Assures himself that France is free to the Queen of England. Does not write to Lord Hunsdon, fearing that so many of the letters which he has written to him weary him. Little Leith. Signed: Le Croc.

Postscript.—Mr. Errington told him yesterday that he was going to Berwick to-morrow. Begs that he will carry this despatch.

¾ p. French. Addressed. Indorsed by Drury.

376. Drury to Burghley. [June 27.]

Not finding that towardness in those of the Castle which he has long travailed for, he wrote to them his "phantasy" in that behalf, persuading them as well as he could to conform themselves to the King and present government, a copy of which he has sent herewith, with their answer. Whether it be by the insufficiency that is in him to persuade, or by the wilfulness that rests in them, he knows not, but assuredly he sees little hope, or none at all, of prevailing. Finds that their backwardness in relenting increases daily more and more, which he takes to come either from the coming of Monsieur Du Croque, in whom (possibly) they find some good hope of comfort, or of Lord Fleming's, who is now at "the Blacke Nesse" [Blackness], and has furnished them again with money, wherewith they have made a pay to their soldiers, or of a ship which is lately come out of France, and arrived at St. Andrews. Upon these and the like occasions they grow past hope to be brought to conformity, and the rather for that (as they themselves affirm) they stand in despair of the Queen's majesty, whose answer they have attended very long, to their great hindrance, and they think it somewhat strange that they have not as yet received answer from his lordship. As for the Queen's majesty's composition, they answer directly and peremptorily that, rather than yield thereto (having a much better composition offered by their enemies, as they report), they will render up to some stranger. They have caused Monsieur Croque to deal with him, finding themselves sore aggrieved that their enemies should receive such help and maintenance out of England as money and powder, thinking it directly against the intent and meaning of the league, and they affirm that, though they be distressed (yet nothing so much as is reported), it is all rather by the countenance of the Queen of England than by their enemies' force. The money which they mean, he takes to be that which was given for the Earl of Northumberland. The powder they speak of is that which lately came to Leith. Monsieur Du Croque seemed also in his talk in their behalf to make some mention of the delivering of Hume and Fast Castles. His [Drury's] answer was, as touching the powder, that he himself knew not of it, and dared on his credit take upon him to clear the Queen's majesty and her Council thereof that they were no doers therein, for if any such thing had been done or meant by them, he, being her majesty's minister, should have had some intelligence thereof; and as touching the Castles, that the 40 days had not expired, as he took it, and also, because peace had not as yet taken place amongst them, he thought it would be a matter of good consideration before they should be delivered up, to know who they should be who should receive [them]. As soon as they received notice of this powder they procured by Virack's means that Monsieur Croque should advertise the Duke De Montmorency thereof, that by his means the like might be prevented in time to come. In the meantime he understands that they are fully determined to make choice of 100 of their most able and faithful soldiers, and with them to keep the Castle, whatever shall become. As he wishes them more conformable with all his heart, so does he likewise desire that they of Leith may show themselves thankful and grateful men for their benefits received. For, plainly to speak his "phantasy" (and that more than upon conjectures too), he is in doubt lest both parties seek against all adventures "two stringes for their bowes, thone thinkinge for that they have the Kinge, they shalbe welcome to enybody that will receyve them, thother for that they have the Castell, they shall not be refused." For his part he has done and will do what he can, as his duty requires, but knowing his own "inperfection," and weighing the frowardness of them with whom he has to deal, perfectly perceiving the storm more and more daily to increase, he would that it might please him to think upon some more able man than he is to calm the same. It is not enough for him who shall deal with them to have goodwill and faithfulness (which shall never be lacking in him) to discharge duty in doing good, but there must be some further counsel and device, whereof he feels the want in himself. Beseeches him that either a more able man may supply his place, or, if that shall not seem good, that, at least, he may receive more often and particular directions from time to time.

Has dealt again touching the Irish bishop, but they will not deliver him, as he claims to be one of the King of Spain's subjects; which reason he signified was not forcible, as it was well known that he was born a subject of the Queen of England, and that in D. Story's case (being the like) the contrary fell out. But, as he takes them to be at league with the Spanish King, his opinion is that they will not determine anything before they see what answer the Queen's majesty will make to Mr. Elphinstone, and is sure that this is a thing determined of in their secret council.

Touching the proclamation, which he sends herewith, although the same was devised in hope that many men would depart from Edinburgh, yet few or none at all came forth. Many women and children came from thence, whereof the Castilians find no want. Monsieur Du Croque's house is very well furnished out of the Castle with rich and costly hangings and bedding of the Queen's. Being almost in readiness to close up this letter, word was brought to him that Lord Fleming had come to the Castle, whereupon he sent Mr. Errington thither again. What further speech he then received from Lethington and Grange his lordship shall receive herewith, confirmed by his own hand. Lord Fleming at his entering in at the gate of the town, after salutation to the soldiers and townsmen, used this speech: "Be of good chere, for all shalbe well," and had brought sufficiently with him to breed them all mirth. Sends herewith certain of their coin, which is coined in Edinburgh,—not for the value, but for the novelty—which is prohibited by the Leith party to be current. "Resterrick" [Restalrig]. Signed: William Drury.

pp. Addressed. Indorsed (by Burghley's clerk).

First inclosure with the same:—

(Drury to Maitland and Grange.)

Has often dealt with them that they might willingly conform themselves to their King's good pleasure and the present government, and has, as they know, little prevailed in so good a motion, yet, as he is in hope that at length good counsel will be received, proceeding from him who minds their weal, he has thought good once again to renew his former dealings in that behalf, praying them that all affection may be laid aside, in order that reason, grounded not only on consideration of things present, but also on foresight of sequels to come, may take place. Doubts not but they themselves daily feel more and more the miseries which their civil dissensions breed, and what imminent danger by means thereof hangs over their realm at present. Whoso seeth not, it is for lack of wit and discretion: whoso pitieth not, it is for lack of Christian charity. Seeing that themselves have not so good a regard as were to be wished for amendment thereof, yet in this one respect they have great cause to give God thanks, viz., that He hath placed by them so gracious a neighbour as the Queen of England, whose princely nature rather devising what good she may do, than respecting what harm she can do, hath sought and doth voluntarily, to her great charge, seek to save that which they of themselves unnaturally seek to bring to ruin, whose good counsel and advice in this behalf he would wish them for their own sakes to have especial regard to, lest by their own default they lose such a friend, the like of whom they could hardly get again when, perchance, they wished, and of whose good affection towards them and their realm even in this there is sufficient trial. At the first breaking forth of their troubles, when all other Princes "gave them the looking on," either rejoicing at their miseries or, at least, not much touched with the sight or hearing thereof, she, of her own free motion and natural delight that she has in doing of good, did presently herself alone deal with them as far as she could for the speedy staying of those mischiefs before they grew to greater extremities, and, as he is right sure that she has neither waived travail nor expense to do them good in sending her ministers so oft—as in his own case, this being the seventh time—to them to continue her dealings to their own commodity, so if she perceived that it would not take that good effect which is meant, then, no doubt but she can and will find means enough to have it better bestowed. Knows not what causes them to refuse her gracious advertisements so often offered, and sees no outward apparent matter that should induce them so to do. It may be, because they have gone too far, they are now persuaded that they cannot safely turn back again; yea, though so good comfort and show thereof should be given, yet, perchance, they might stand in some doubt as to the performance thereof. If this be the fear they stand in, he would wish them to be removed from it, and to reform their opinion, for they must not doubt that some means might be found by which his sovereign might see such honest conditions faithfully and inviolably observed. As for the safety of their lives, honours, and other things appertaining thereunto, they have been already offered. Would not wish them to have that opinion that she should let pass any means or opportunity wherein she may do them good. If they be carried away and blinded with some vain expectations of foreign power and assistance, he would be loth, not only for the common care he has of their realm, but also for the private goodwill he bears to them particularly, to have them deceived, for undoubtedly the dangers abroad are so great, and the fire of dissension so mightily kindled, that those whom happily they make account of have greater need to look to themselves, than (as the case stands) either will or ability to succour others. Speaks not this colourably, as in part may appear by what they shall receive from the bearer, and let them assure themselves they shall find it most true. As for their late Queen, if they set up their hope upon her, their hope is all in vain. Her demeanour and hard dealings with his sovereign and her realm have been such and so notorious that by consent of the whole Parliament at present assembled she is not only judged (and that not without good cause) "uncapable" to the succession of England, but also is like to be thought worthy (unless the Queen's mercy be a stay therein, as it has been hitherto) to sustain a greater loss than "deposinge from the Crowne of Scotland cometh unto." This much he thought good unfeignedly to signify to them, to the intent that they might better advise before they further offend so gracious a Prince, and yield themselves thankfully to receive that favour now offered, which, perchance, hereafter may be sought for and not obtained. Let them consider how time and occasion slip away. Friendship and goodwill of men are unstable, and though of friends they have some store, yet of enemies they have too many, and as his sovereign is well affected to do them good, so (if she sees her courtesy either contemned or refused) what the persuasions of their enemies (whose solicitor, Mr. Elphinston, is now at the Court) may in time do with her, God knoweth. The case is theirs; the profit is their own; none can either better weigh them, or ought more circumspectly to consider of the other than themselves. The care, travail, and cost which has been and yet is his sovereign's is such that some part of his credit is touched therein. Shall be right sorry, partly for his own sake, but especially for theirs, not to be able to prevail with them in a matter so nearly touching themselves, but till he shall see the direct contrary he will yet hope for the best, though other men despair, requiring yet once again their final answer—being the last time of asking. "Resterrick" [Restalrig], 25th of June 1572.

3pp. Copy. Indorsed: "Copia. A lettre to the Ll. of Lyddington and Grange of the xxvth of June 1572."

Second inclosure:—

(Maitland to Drury.)

"We haiff all ther dayis past awayted upoun some adverteisment frome yow for ansueir off the thingis deliverit to yow by ws, bot looked for none soche as your lettre sent ws zisterday doth conteyne, which we think vearay strange. For by the same it appeareth that we ar new to begynne." We have offered as much to please your sovereign as we could with honour and surety, and looked assuredly that the same would not only content her, but also "that she wold deale favorablye, zea and freandlye with ws, for so we meant to deserve. Iff we be frustrat off oure expectatioun, at least we may blame oure selffis. Your awne credite with ws did leade ws farthar on then we intended at the first or ony wayis wold have gone iff ane other minister had bene employed." We see no such danger presently, nor yet look for any to come that may move us to offer any further than we have already done, which is as far as this company intends to go. But rather there is cause why we should . . . . seeing that our yielding is not accepted, and has wrought no better effect. This I wrote after I had communicated your letter to the lords here. Edinburgh Castle, 26th of June 1572. Signed: W.Maitland.

½ p. Addressed: "To the Rycht wirshipfull Sr Williame Drury knycht," etc. Indorsed by Drury: "Ledyngton's off the xxvj of June 1572." No flyleaf.

Third inclosure:—

(Maitland's and Grange's Answer to Nicholas Errington.)

"Being sent to Eddinburgh divers and sindrie tymes for answers and resolucions as tochinge the peace and amytye for that countrie, by Sr William Drurye Ambassadour for the Quenes Mattie at this present, I have received of the Lairds of Ledington and Grange in plane speche this xxvjth of June 1572, as foloithe," viz.:—They say that the Queen's majesty means nothing else but to detract time with them to bring them to the devotion of their enemies, to their utter destruction, and notwithstanding her promise to the French King and others to be an upright dealer between both parties, feeds their enemies both with money and munition, contrary to the knowledge of the King and the league. They affirm in this their last answer never to yield the Castle to any but to the French King, or with his consent, for any extremity that shall happen. The Laird of Grange affirms that he has the French King's own handwriting to support and maintain him in the said Castle against any that shall attempt to seek the same— "which he will borden hym withall." They say plainly that the French King understands by this time of the Queen's majesty's hard dealing with them, and shall understand the same more plainly ere long. They doubt not but "to cast a bone" between the French King and her majesty to break that league which is made ere they yield the Castle of Edinburgh. They give over their trust and hope of her majesty's goodness, considering they get no better comfort. They allege they could make a better peace with their enemies than they are yet offered by her majesty, saying that Grange could have his whole living and heritage with 10,000 crowns to spend in France or Flanders to deliver the Castle into Scotsmen's hands. They have said further, that if it had not been for expecting better things at her majesty's hands, and for their promise to Mr. Marshal to forbear from seeking their friends, they might have had 20,000 crowns more than they have. Signed: Nicholas Arington.

1 p. In Errington's hand. Indorsed by Drury: "The copie off the speache by Ledyngton and Grange to Mr Heryngton the xxvj off June 1572."

377. Answers of the Ear of Northumberland at Berwick. [June.] Cott. Calig., C. I., fol. 527.

"Answers of Tho. Erle of Northumberland at Barwick afore the Lord Hunsdon and Sir Val. Browne." (fn. 5)

(1) On the Queen of England's letters he repaired to the Court, lodging at Westminster, at Skinner's. The first or second night after, the Spanish ambassador sent one of his servants. Said he would visit him before his departure. Repaired to the Queen's presence at Hampton Court. Went to the Spanish ambassador before the break of day, and talked with him, Thomas Bates being his only interpreter. [Relates their conversation.] (2) His wife never saw her nor himself but at Carlisle, in the presence of many, about half an hour. John Hamler brought the first letter to him, and tokens to his wife and him. John Leveson brought two or three letters. The bishop of Rosse came to his lodging at Westminster, who seemed to feed him in his humour. (3) Tokens were sent most commonly with the letters. (4) Leonard Dacres, Francis Norton, and Markinfield conferred with him whether the Queen of Scots might be by any means possibly gotten to liberty. It was agreed that Leonard Dacres and Francis Norton should repair as near as they could to the Earl of Shrewsbury's, and practise the matter with such acquaintance as Leonard Dacres had at that house, and if he saw any likelihood to get her conveyed from thence, then should he have 20 spare geldings sent him, with as many of the principal men of their household servants conveyed to them by twos and threes, and on their advertisement they were to meet them half way. Dacres and Norton returned in two days, reporting that they could not bring it to pass. (5) The cause and intent in the having of the Queen of Scots was that they hoped thereby to have some reformation in religion, or at the least some sufferance for men to use their conscience as they were disposed, and also the liberty and freedom of her whom they accounted the second person and right heir apparent. (6) Does not remember hearing it moved to proclaim her Queen of England. (7) The messages were not sent at any time than before is said. (8) Some liked the marriage one way, and some another way. The Earl of Westmorland, his uncles, and some of the Nortons liked well the marriage to be with the Duke. Dacres, he, and some others wished her bestowed on a sound catholic. Christopher Lasses [Lascelles] came to his house at Lekinfield when the Queen of Scots lay at Bolton at such time as he little thought of any match between her and the Duke, and cast out such matter, how necessary and commodious a thing it might be to this realm if the Queen of Scots should marry the Duke, and so made a great discourse. (9) The first time that either he sent to or spoke with the Duke about the marriage of the Queen of Scots was at York a seavenight after his coming thither, John Leviston being in hand sundry times to break the matter with the Duke, and so did with an unwilling mind. The Duke gave him [Northumberland] thanks, and seemed to take his speaking and goodwill in good part. Cantrell brought a letter from the Duke, the effect of which was, that forasmuch as he had been moved by sundry noblemen and his friends, he thought it appertained to him not to enter into it without the advice and consent of his dear friends, amongst whom he accounted him one. He [Northumberland] answered by word of mouth, he should find his liking therein as he should find of other noblemen. (10) His cousin Dacres was with him (as he remembers) two or three sundry times, and the Earl of Westmorland, old Norton or his son, and Markinfield with his said cousin and him. The same time it happened that a servant of the Duke's, called Havers, was sent from his master to the Earl of Westmorland from Roiston, as the Duke repaired to the Queen's majesty on her commandment. The said Havers would not be seen, but sent for the Earl of Westmorland to speak with him, and to meet him in a "flight shoote" of Northumberland's park at Toplife [Topcliffe]. After the Earl had talked with him a while he told them the Duke had required him that he would not stir, for if he did the Duke was then in danger of losing his head, "and as for the Earl of Northumberland," said he, "let him do what him list." This much the Earl of Westmorland said to them. Dacres and he sought by all possible means to put off entering into those troubles. [Gives an account of the conspiracy.] They devised a way to take the Lord President and Council, and then might they not only be out of all fear, but also occasion to allure the most or all of the gentlemen and country to them. He [Northumberland] said to them, for so much as it must lie in him and his household servants to enterprise this matter, he would therefore gladly have the Earl of Westmorland join with him. They seemed as they might possibly persuade him thereunto, for it was so likely a thing to further their cause. They devised that on a Sunday the Lord President, (fn. 6) with the Council, the Mayor, and the Aldermen, being at the service, he should depart from his house at Toplife in the morning, so that he might be in a wood in the Forest of Gartrees four miles from York by 10 o'clock. They devised that the Earl of Westmorland should come immediately after, or else join him. The Earl of Westmorland was unwilling to attempt such a matter as was likely to breed any bloodshed. He took upon him to send to the Earl of Derby to know his disposition, likewise to the Queen of Scots and another. The Queen of Scots thought it better not to stir: likewise the ambassador to that effect. Thinks Thomas Hussey is able to testify whom he sent up either thither or to the Duke. Upon these answers their company were greatly discouraged, and resting a time every man on his guard, he was forced to depart his house on the sudden of a false alarum, and thinking to have repaired to Alnwick, he took the Earl of Westmorland on his way, finding with him all the Nortons, Markinfield, his two uncles, the two Tempests, John Swinborne, and Sir John Nevell. They sat down and advised what was to be done. [Relates their conversation.] (11) They first began to talk of these matters about the time of the Duke's departure in displeasure from the Court to his house in London. Whereupon arose a great bruit in Yorkshire that the naming of a successor was in hand again, and the Privy Council wonderfully divided etc., which occasion moved him not only to send to the Duke, but also to assemble his friends, and to advise with them, and to know their inclinations. Afterwards, the matter being well liked and much favoured, many gentlemen were minded to join, and to take such part as the Duke did. There were privy to this, the Earl of Westmorland, his two uncles, Sir John Nevell, Robert Norton, Francis Norton with others of his brethren, Mr. Vavasour of Haselwood, Robert Tempest of Horneside, his son, and others. (12) He can say no more than is before touched. (13) Received no message by the Earl of Westmorland from the Duke than before is said.

"The answeres to other articles."

(1) Their intent on their first assemblies was only for the reformation of religion and the preservation of the Queen of Scots. (3) As he looked for maintenance by most of the nobility, if it had come to such pass as before is specified, so was there at no time any aid promised to him either by the Queen of Scots, the Spanish ambassador, or any others than is before said. (6) He never perfectly understood of any bull that came from Rome against the Queen of England, than in Lochleven he heard it reported there should be one set on the Court gates, and afterwards on the privy chamber door. There was a decision amongst them after the Duke's first committal to the Tower whether they ought by God's laws to rise against their Prince or not. They referred the judgment thereof to the learned men. Their judgment was that they ought not to wage battle against their anointed Princes, unless they were lawfully excommunicated by the head of the church. Doctor Morton's opinion was that her highness was lawfully excommunicated. [Part missing.]

8pp. Copy. Closely written.

378. Communication with the Duke of Montmorency etc. [June.] Cott. Calig., C. III., fol. 421.

"The summe of the communication with the D. Montmorency, Du Foyx, and La Mott, which they sayd shuld be to finish matters expressed in the treaty."

(1) The French, by Du Foix, required that the Scottish Queen might have some favour on the conclusion of this treaty betwixt the Queen's majesty and the French King, and that such favour might be showed as might be granted with the surety and honour of the Queen's majesty. (2) That a surceasance of arms might be made in Scotland, and thereupon in a Parliament in Scotland a concord to be made for the State and realm. (3) If a Parliament could not be conveniently had, that then there might be sent hither from both parties some persons to treat here at London with deputies of the Queen's majesty and the French King. (4) That some answer might be made concerning the establishing of a traffic for merchants in France, wherein the French showed themselves ready to assent to all reasonable requests, and for that purpose they delivered a commission under the Great Seal of France.

Answers to these points.

This case was not pursued upon the treaty. The Scottish Queen has more favour than she had deserved, or than did well stand with the surety of the Queen's majesty. Her evil parts against the Queen's majesty had been amply declared to the French King, the Duke Montmorency, and Du Foix by the English ambassador. This Parliament had considered that the Queen's surety could not be preserved without some sorer proceeding against the Queen of Scots. Whereunto her majesty had not yielded, and so the Scottish Queen had more favour than was thought meet by the whole realm. To the second;— her majesty had done therein as much as possibly she could, by Sir William Drury, whom she had sent with La Crocque, and so it was thought La Motte had knowledge with La Crocque: whereunto the ambassador assented with very good words of Sir William Drury. To the third;—it was thought that no Parliament could be holden whilst they were in arms on both sides, and therefore the procuring of persons to come thence was not misliked. To the fourth;—the merchants should be spoken with, who had but small liking to any trade of merchandise with France by reason that they had by experience found evil usage of them in France—specially in Rouen.

Replies by the French, with some new matters.

As to the Scottish Queen, Du Foix confessed that they had no warrant to speak of her by force of the treaty, but by a special commandment apart; and as to specifying the requests to be made for favour to her, they said they meant no favour to be showed to her against the Queen's surety, and therefore they desired (1) That she might have brought to her all things necessary for her apparel, and money also for that purpose. (2) That she might have a convenient number of servants about her. (3) That her estate might not be impaired in the Parliament. (4) That the Duke [Montmorency] and the rest might be licensed to send to her certain letters from the French King and the Queen mother, so that the same might be done with the privity of the Earl of Shrewsbury. As to the commerce, they agreed that it might be treated upon by the French ambassador resident.

New additions.

That, according to the second article in the treaty, they might have the Queen's majesty's letter answerable to the King's letter. That the 36th article might be altered according to a writing devised by them.

Answer to the new requests.

(1) They should have the Queen of England's letter. (2) The article, as it is, ought to continue as reasonable, having respect to Scotland. Where private men do great injuries and spoils, which, if the King of the realm cannot or will not amend, of necessity the King of England must revenge upon the offenders.

3⅓ pp. In Burghley's hand. Indorsed (by Burghley's clerk): "Junii 1572. The conferance with D. Montmorency and De Foix etc."

Footnotes

  • 1. 3rd.
  • 2. Dried beef.
  • 3. No less.
  • 4. The words in italics are underlined by Burghley.
  • 5. Referring to the year 1569. See Murdin, p. 219.
  • 6. Of the North.