Elizabeth: April 1584

51. Elizabeth to Shrewsbury. [April 1.] C.P., vol. XIII.

Whereas he has been a long and earnest suitor to her to be released from the custody of her cousin the Scottish Queen, wherein he has served her most faithfully, she is pleased that he now be released from that charge. Has made choice of Sir Ralph Sadleir, knight, and Sir Henry Nevill, knight, to supply his place, as by the instructions directed to himself and to them he shall more at large perceive. For that the Queen of Scots may conceive that she shall receive more hard usage than heretofore, as also that the treaty which was dealt with last summer between them shall now be void of all hope of proceeding further, he is to declare to her, that though some things lately discovered to her may minister just cause for one and the other —as she dares make her the judge when she shall understand the same, as her meaning is she shall—yet she being led rather to follow her own disposition, which is no way inclined to extremity, than to look upon the deserts, if she shall receive that satisfaction at her hands which she looks for, and which she ought in reason to perform, she shall then find her disposed to yield that contentment that she shall have no cause to mislike of. Is to show her this letter. Westminster Palace.

²/3 p. Copy. Indorsed: "1 Aprilis, 1584. Copy of the Queen's Majestes lettres to the Erle of Shrewsbury."

Another copy of the same.

52. Mr. James Lowson to Walsingham. [April 1.]

"The michtie spirit of ye Lord Jesus Christ mot confort and assist zow for ever."

"Pleis your honour, remember at zour beinge in this cuntrie I talkit withe zou, and menit ye cause of ane fayetful brother of ouris, and my especiall guid frend Williame Cokburn, berar of thir presentis, quha hes resavit gryt damnage and hurt bothe in that ane of zour cuntremen is addettit onto him in ane gryt sume of silver, and he as zit can get no payment; and also be reason of spolzeing of gear be sea be pirattis, as at that tyme I commendit his cause unto zour honour, and resavit ane verye humane and ressonabill answer. For the quhilk cause I gif zow maist hartelie thankis. Sa zit I am forcit for ye lufe I bere to ye berar, and becaus I lament his case, having ane large familie to sustein, to request zour honour to stand his guid freind, that he may haif his awin according to justice and equitie. He thocht to have bein thair longe or now, war not ye troublesome estait of thingis did stay him. I am ye mair bauld to request zour honour herein, for yat I knaw ze lufe yem quha fearis God, of quhat cunterye yat ever yai be. And I persuad my self that yis my letter sall haif sum wecht with zour honour."

Edinburgh. Signed: "Zouris in the Lord. M. James Lowsonne, minister at Edinburghe."

1 p. Holograph, also address. Indorsed.

53. Robert Bowes to [Walsingham]. [April. 5.] Cott. Calig., C. VIII., fol. 6.

May it please your honour; by the advice of some courtiers the King is still persuaded to think that Angus, Atholl, Mar, Gowry, and the Master of Glamis were convened quietly at St. Johnstone, and have resolved to enter into some action against him or some especial persons about him, and that Gowry will not obey the charge given him to depart out of the realm at the day prescribed, being now past. Hereon the King had purposed to have levied 400 footmen, whereof 300 are already gathered under Captains Bruce, Ramsey, and Creichton. The rest are to be supplied, if they can be gotten; but it is not yet agreed how they shall be paid.

The barons and gentlemen of Lothian have attended and kept a strong watch in their armour every night for the King's defence. Now the gentlemen of Fife are come to Edinburgh to guard the King; about whom, and in the town 700 or 800 men watch nightly, and the ward and "scourage" by day set five or six miles about the town. The passages by water are stopped by the King's public commandment, and the King and Court are so greatly moved herewith—pretending to prepare to go against Gowry with all their forces in case he shall not depart according to the charge given him—that hereon it is bruited and looked for generally through the realm, and chiefly on the Borders and in the south parts thereof, that the lords be still assembled together at St. Johnstone's, intending to gather their powers and come against the King and courtiers. Out of which rumours I think that you have received several advertisements long before these. But all this time Gowry has continued at St. Johnstone's quietly with his ordinary retinue, having lately sent Atholl, his son-in-law, to sue to the King for prorogation of the day appointed for his departure, which is still denied to him; and thereon Gowry is now gone to Dundee to pass out of the realm according to the King's commandment. Atholl prayed leave to speak with him before his departure, but it was not granted, and Atholl is directed to remain at Edinburgh during the King's pleasure. Howbeit he is now in hope to get his leave to return home.

Angus is said to have broken his ward, and therewith it has been given out that he came to Tantallon, offering to sue for Arran's favour; and to be reconciled to him he has sent Rothes presently to the Court to travail in his behalf, and to make it known that he has truly kept his ward in Brechen. And touching that "boute" for seeking of Arran's favour, his friends say that it proceeds more upon a subtle practice, than any plain truth.

Because these lords understand that the King and courtiers conceiving thus of them are purposed "to put at them," as they term it, therefore it is looked that they shall provide for their defence by the best means they can. Wherefore it is thought that some troubles shall hastily follow thereon; yet others think that these dark clouds may, peradventure, dissolve into small drops without any violent storm. Whereof some better certainty will be had within five days.

Upon proclamation published in Edinburgh that all the servants and dependers of Mar and Glamis should depart out of the town within three hours, and that none of Clydesdale, except Sir James Hamilton, his son, and servant, should come into Edinburgh, the Countess of Mar was commanded to pass out of Stirling, and Colonel Stewart coming to make search in the Lady Hume's house in Edinburgh for letters and persons suspected, gave her order to depart speedily; whereunto she obeyed.

Every fourth quarter of the town of Edinburgh was charged to watch nightly by turn, and upon the increase of the fear in the Court the whole town was charged to watch nightly. Wherewith they were soon tired, and upon advertisement of some default in the watch, and that some others were watching in St. Giles's churchyard for the safety of the town and ministers, according to their custom, Arran in some passion passed into Edinburgh, and Huntly into Canongate, to search the watch, where Arran finding Mr Thomas Cragge, an advocate, Michael Gilbert, and other burgesses with their wives in the street returning to their houses, checked them that they were not personally on the watch. And albeit they humbly answered that they had their sufficient deputies there, agreeable to the charge and custom, yet he suddenly struck Gilbert with his "baston," pursuing him into his own house, where he beat him well. This is evil taken by the town, who put a guard to their ports, minding to have kept Arran out of their town. And after some difficulty showed for his entry afterwards, he was at length received.

In the late revocation of the King's grants Morton was so heavily provided for that thereby he thought himself in especial grace. Nevertheless, pressing the other day to come into the King's chamber, and "entrynge in at unwares" behind the King whilst he was at his pastime, and not pleased to be troubled therein, he heard the King command the door to be kept against him, adding that he was but a fool. And albeit the King, espying that he had heard him, would have solved the matter, yet he is departed greatly discontented.

Glencairn left the Court much more suddenly than was looked for. Bothwell coming to the Court to renew the grant of his office and possessions given by the King, obtained the King's goodwill, and thereon retired to Kelso, purposing to return to the Court within short time. At his late repair to, and departure from the Court it is by some reported to have been far otherwise.

Amongst these other rumours it is commonly bruited, and believed by many, that 600 Frenchmen shall come with the next wind out of France into Scotland for the King's guard. Sundry of Edinburgh and Dundee, receiving letters from their friends in Paris, have advertised me, that by those letters it is confirmed and certified that the said number of Frenchmen shall be sent to Newhaven to be embarked for Scotland. Howbeit I cannot learn that Seton in his late letters to the King has made any mention thereof. And knowing that you understand by others the truth in this better than I can signify, therefore I forbear to write further thereof.

It is advertised to me by a wise and honest gentleman, that it is "done" him to understand that Sir John Seton arriving at Dumbarton barton or in the west of Scotland was secretly in Canongate, and is gone to Seton; [and] that he has been privily with the King, notwithstanding that he saith to such as he will show himself to, that he may not present himself to the King's presence, nor can tell what success he shall have in his late negotiation in Spain until Seton, his father, shall return to Scotland. And herewith I am advertised also that by the late letters brought to the King from Seton he commends the good entertainment given him in France, showing that he was directed to retire to and remain at Rouen until the French King's answer shall be sent thither to him. He shows many fair and large promises to be made to him for the King his master's welfare; yet with condition that the King of Scots shall continue and perform like friendship to the French King as his progenitors in Scotland have showed, according to the ancient league betwixt those nations; and that in case the French King shall invade the Protestants in France, or elsewhere, that the King of Scots shall assist him, notwithstanding the matter of religion, and that he shall restrain the preachers and his other subjects in Scotland from railing hereafter against him or the nation of France.

Some in Court are still persuaded that Seton shall return with more plenty of the King's seals than thousands of his crowns to be sent to the King of Scots, which I know you will understand by others sooner and better than I can learn and certify.

Crawford has recovered from the hurt received by the fall of his horse. He has taken Dunfermline and his cause into his defence, otherwise Dunfermline had been charged to have followed others, and to have sought foreign nations.

It is meant, as I am informed, that the Castle of Edinburgh shall be taken from Alexander Erskine and committed to the custody of Colonel Stewart. Berwick. Signed: Robert Bowes.

3¼ pp. No flyleaf or address.

54. Mr. John Colvile to Walsingham. [April 6.]

"The newis are good for ye first. I pray God ye succes may be as good as ye cause is honest. Your honour makkis mention of ane letter inclosit from Ester Wemes qwicke I haif noct resavit. Tomorrow I am redy to avait upon your lordship at sic hour as your lordship plesis apoint me be yis berar." London. Signed: Jo. Colvile.

⅓ p. Holograph, also address. Indorsed.

55. Robert Bowes to [Walsingham]. [April 10.] Cott. Calig., C. VIII., fol. 9.

By the advice of the courtiers presently about the King he is still persuaded to hold a hard course against all such as were in the action at Ruthven. He has now charged the Abbots of Dryburgh and Paisley—notwithstanding their former submission and obedience —to depart out of the realm within sixty days. He is counselled to take the Castle of Edinburgh out of the custody of Alexander Erskine—which name is now made odious to him—and also to forfeit Angus, Mar, Gowry, Glamis, and others guilty of the late conspiracy intended by them against him and his minions; which conspiracy is now discovered by Atholl, as these courtiers give out, affirming that Atholl being purposely drawn to the Court under colour to find the King's favour in the grant of some longer day for Gowry's departure—first roundly confessed that Angus, Mar, Gowry, and Glamis met together at St. Johnstone's, resolving there on the enterprise against the King, and afterwards agreed to write to Gowry to be directed what to do in case he and the others should proceed in their intended enterprise. Whereupon it is said that Gowry by his letters to Atholl answered that they would go forwards therein, disclosing therewith in that letter the greatest parts of their said conspiracy, and that Atholl has delivered to the King's hands the said letter sent to him by Gowry. So that all the secrets are, they say, opened, and thereon the King is advised to gather his forces and proceed against them and all their accomplices with all expedition and rigour. Howbeit it is verily thought that these courtiers will not hazard the King's person in the field nor put themselves out of his presence or the town of Edinburgh. Whereby it may haply fall out that their progress in arms shall not be so hasty as is pretended. Wherein you shall be best satisfied by Cuthbert Armorour, presently arrived with you from the Court in Scotland, to whose report I leave these things, having otherwise little intelligence of the truth and certainty there.

Albeit that Bruce and Ramsey had sounded their drums in Edinburgh and Leith for 300 footmen to serve the King, yet it is advertised that a very small number is hitherto enrolled; for it is not known how they shall be paid otherwise than upon the escheat of these lords, and most men are scrupulous to depend on that pay or enter into that action. Nevertheless, the King has sent for sundry noblemen and the chief of the barons, finding such readiness and forwardness in them to serve him in this and all other services, that it is said that he shall readily execute his will and pleasure on these lords, who are looked to be speedily forfeited and driven out of the realm for their safety, in case they shall not yield themselves to the King's clemency. In which behalfs you will have better experience and understanding within few days.

Fast Castle, of the possessions of the Laird of Restalrig, was charged on Wednesday last to be delivered to the King. It is bruited that Seton having arrived in the Low Countries is stayed there; but by others I hear that he continues with the bishop of Ross at Rouen, daily attending his despatch. Berwick. Signed: Robert Bowes.

1¼ pp. No flyleaf or address.

56. Robert Bowes to [Walsingham]. [April 10.] Cott. Calig., C. VIII., fol. 10.

Sir, yesterday I received a letter from such friend, and to such effect as by the view of the same inclosed you may best understand. And whereas the parties have thus written to me in their own name, by the direction of such as may command them, I heartily pray you that the name of the writer and the secrets of the plain letter—now concredited to your privity and good consideration—may be kept secret to yourself, and disposed as you shall think best. With this I received another packet from the Lady of Cassillis to her husband, the Lord John Hamilton, to whom I have aready sent the same, trusting that thereon he will shortly advertise you of part of the contents thereof, which, I think, will agree much with this addressed to me.

It is promised, and I look, that some person of quality shall be shortly employed and sent by "333" to "0700" and "640" [Lord Claud Hamilton] with such resolution as shall be taken for the execution of the cause in hand, and which, by other intelligence, I perceive is towards some entrance. And herewith I have been again pressed with great earnestness and many arguments for the benefit of the common cause touching the preservation of religion, and estates of both Princes and realms, to commend and solicit the petition and suit of those parties to her majesty for her highness's favour and support to them in this action, like as partly by the said letter inclosed will appear to you. And, albeit I dare not presume to deal much in a matter of such quality, yet I have thought it my duty to acquaint you with their desires signified to me, and with the state of this cause, to the intent you may dispose of the matter and also of myself as you shall think convenient. In which behalf I still, and humbly, pray you to procure me speedy direction to guide and warrant my doings upon any further proceedings or accidents herein, or otherwise to be timely discharged from meddling in the same.

The negotiation intended to have been committed to persons of some quality is like to be turned to the travail and journey of Cuthbert Armourour, now at Court with you, and the King's letters, offering to her majesty all goodwill after the wonted manner. By this, and by the suit of others presently made to her majesty a new choice is again brought to her highness by the offers of both parties. It is now time therefore to resolve and enter into the best way, in case it shall be found necessary to have any course or party in that realm. Berwick. Signed: Robert Bowes.

1½ pp. Holograph. No flyleaf, etc.

57. Robert Bowes to Walsingham. [April.]

Since his last letter has been advertised that Gowrie, Rothes, and others then thought that Mar and Angus were returned into known ground in Scotland. Whereupon the parties are encouraged and purpose to proceed speedily in the execution of their intentions. It appears to him that some of the principals, and such as cannot brook presence in Court, shall convene this month in some such place as shall be accorded, and that the others in whom they have affiance shall by some good means be present in Court with their forces under pretence to join with the other courtiers. The place is like to be chosen in Lothian, and it may be that Gowrie shall come shortly to Tantallon and Rothes to Thirleston under colour to pass to Rochelle. Rothes is still of opinion that Arbroath and "640" [Lord Claud Hamilton] may not conveniently give their presence in the beginning of matters, and until the time shall serve aptly for the same; and thereupon "he" agrees to join with them. But others are of contrary mind, thinking that their presence shall greatly advance as well the expedition of the attempt as also the surety of the good success. Knows that he is already advertised by themselves what these persons have done, and in what readiness they stand.

Looks for some person of quality to be shortly sent from Gowrie and the others to these persons, whereby they shall understand the full resolutions in all things, and thereon he shall be advertised with better certainty. By such discreet messengers as he sent lately to the especial solicitor in this cause, he partly satisfied him and the rest in the parts of his late letter sent to him [Bowes], and afterwards addressed to him [Walsingham] in his last packet. In this he [Bowes] has advised to behold the goodwill in like matters, and times past, whereby they may have good experience that neither the good cause nor the well affected have been abandoned in time of necessity. Has not, and dare not [enter] into any particular promise or comfort to them otherwise than by the words and effects rehearsed, with like generalities to continue them in good hope, without any bond or promise from him. Albeit they appear to be well pleased, yet he perceives that this lies coldly in the stomachs, not digested. Dare not go further without warrant and direction, whereof he begs him to have timely consideration.

The said solicitor has surely endured great pains, danger, and charges without any relief by any person other than is known to him [Walsingham]. It is needful to relieve him with some seasonable help to repair his decay coming by this service. This he leaves also to his good consideration, being loth to touch her majesty's purse with any charge. Berwick. Signed: Robert Bowes.

Postscript.—Requests him to cause a letter inclosed to be delivered to Mr. Archibald Douglas, John Allen has returned to him, and he purposes sending him back to him [Walsingham] in a few days.

2 pp. Holograph, also address. Indorsed. Partly in cipher.

58. Robert Bowes to Walsingham. [April 15.] Cott. Calig., C. VIII., fol. 11.

According to the King's advice and commandment Angus has delivered to Rothes the house of Tantallon for the King's use, and to be at his commandment, and having obtained leave to depart out of the realm before the 4th of May, is gone to Dundee to prepare his passage to Rochelle, or to such other place as by the advice of his friends he shall be counselled. By the sight of the preparations of Angus and of all the rest charged to depart the realm, and showing themselves ready to obey the same, the Court is drawn to good quietness, having dismissed the barons and gentlemen of Fife without new calling of others. Nevertheless, because Gowry is lately returned from Dundee to St. Johnstone for the despatch of his particular affairs to be done before his departure, it is thought that the King and Court will be so greatly moved thereat that they shall shortly pursue him with forces. Whereupon some further accidents and troubles may, peradventure, ensue.

Since the order made and published by the commandment of the King and Council restraining the barons from being present at any convention spiritual, and also forbidding all temporal conventions, without the King's especial consent thereunto, contrary to the accustomed practice before used, and, as some allege, established, the provincial Assembly of the Church in Lothian, gathered at Edinburgh, directed by Mr. John Cragge, Mr. James Lowson, and Mr. David Lindsay to entreat the King to suffer them to enjoy their privileges before granted and continued. But they prevailed little in their request, returning to their fellows with small contentment.

Atholl is licensed to return home, and it is said that he is presently with Gowry, his father-in-law.

It is bruited that Sir John Seton returning from Bordeaux towards Scotland was so sick on the sea that he caused the master of the ship to land him in the Isle of Man, and that upon sudden storm the ship was driven from him to Kirkcudbright, where his servants and stuff arrived, leaving him in the said isle or on the seas seeking to come to his ship; and now it is advertised that he is dead. Whereupon great mourning is made for him at Seton, where it is given out that he is dead indeed. But many in Court and elsewhere believe that he has been in Court in good health within these few days.

By letters brought lately out of France it is certified 12,000 crowns —levied of the revenues of the King of Scot's mother—shall be delivered to Farnyhurst to be brought speedily to the King by him, and that Seton will not be trusted with the charge of this gold. It appears also by those letters that the 600 Frenchmen provided to come to Scotland for the King's guard be not in such readiness as lately was looked for.

Wedderburn [Wetherborne] and Inchaffray are charged to appear super inquirendis, whereunto Wedderburn has obeyed. Crawford, Colonel Stewart, and Sir Robert Melville advised and dealt with the [King] to go into, and remain in the Castle of Edinburgh, but the King would not consent to their advice. It is said by some of good intelligence that they had meant to have left out Arran.

Two gentlemen of England lately arrived in Scotland are ready to embark at Leith in a vessel of that town for France. It is said that the one is freighted with great packets of letters; and it is very likely that they put in at Yarmouth, for some of the merchants of Edinburgh in their company have business and occasion to touch there as they pass by.

The Lady Mar's house in Stirling is taken out of her possession and now kept for the King. During these great watches and wards kept about the King's palace at Holyrood House and in Edinburgh, the King has, notwithstanding, taken his pastimes abroad in the fields a hunting with thirty or few more persons with him; so that the Court is partly quieted for the present. But sundry suspect that it shall not continue any long time.

In his late services for her majesty, and by the evil behaviour of George Cowpland, particular victualler under him in this town, and who has brought him into arrears for 800l. and above, lately paid to Mr. Vernon and others, and for which sum his body remains in prison, he is cast and entered into grievous debts and distress, drawing him and his best friends into chargeable bonds for repayment of the money borrowed for the satisfaction of these debts. The days of payment of the money borrowed approach very near, and he is utterly unable to accomplish the same without speedy sale of the greatest part of his lands and all his leases, which neither can be well bargained nor put to the best commodity and price without his own presence and travail. Besides, the fruits of all his labours past or hereafter to be taken in her majesty's service have brought, and can bring so small profit to her majesty, and he has already received her reward with such bounty, and so far beyond his deserts or power to deserve, that he may not in any wise trouble her with any further burden, but must lay the same on his lands and leases aforesaid. Has often sued for leave to go into the country and to London for the execution as well of these affairs, as also to put order to the small portion of living to remain to him after the sale, and which by his long absence have turned to his hindrance in greater excess than his broken estate can any longer endure; and although he was lately in comfort to have obtained her majesty's good favour and licence for his liberty in this behalf, yet afterwards by his late letter he was again directed to remain in this town until he should hear further of her majesty's pleasure. Had hoped to have received the same long before this time. Prays him for God's sake to be a mean that he may be disburdened of this charge and restraint, and that he may be licensed to go into the country and to London to relieve himself, and save harmless his friends from the danger of the bonds aforesaid. Nevertheless, in case his attendance in this town any longer may profit her majesty's service he will right gladly await on the same as he shall be directed, notwithstanding that himself and his estate shall suffer the uttermost damage that can come thereby. Berwick. Signed: Robert Bowes.

2⅓ pp. Addressed.

59. Richard Douglas to Walsingham. [April 15.]

"Sir, the singular and great favour and courtesye quherwithe itt plesitt your honour to oblishe me perpetuallie to be yours sheuin touardes me quhen as I remainitt your honours prisoner att London, togither with the good countenance ye acceptit me att your being heir in Scotland. Suppose I wald forgett the guid will quheruithe ye heve aluayes bene accustumitt to furder all my countrey men in all their adoes, bot speciallie my oncle Mr. Archimbauld, to quhose greit troubles and long banishment your honour hes bene the cheifest releife. All these sic great and inestimable benefittes quheruith your honour hes noct bene grevitt hertofore to gratefie me, and for the quhicke I most of necessite confesse my selffe to remaine your honours bound for ever, geves me courage the more boldlie noue to charge and burden you in these my small adoes. The losse my brother in laue Mr. Samuele Cokburne and I sustanitt be sea, our cofrres being robbed be sume Englishe pirates att our departure from London in the companie of Colonel Steuart, then ambassadour for our King, is nocht unknauin to your honour. At quhicke tyme be the advis of Mr. Boues, then ambassadour in Scotland for the Quenes majestie, we gave up the soume our losse did extend to; quho for the guid will and affection he bur us promisit us then redresse. In lyke maner at your honours cumming in Scotland we did give you itt also to understand quhat favorable answer we reportitt then of your honour, I doute not ye do keip sufficientlie in mynd. And nowe understanding the same pirates quho did spoyle our ship to be taken, and come in hir majesties handes, ve have thoucht expedient to send this young man Jhone Douglas, servaunt to my brother Mr. Cokburne, to avaite upon your honour, to see quhatt redresse ve might heve of hir majestie for our sustenitt skaythe. I doute noct bot your honour will furder this our suite." Edinburgh. Signed: R. Douglas.

1 p. Holograph, also address. Indorsed.

60. Mr. John Colvile to his Brother [William, Laird of Cleish]. Elizabeth. [April 16. 1584.]

"My loving brother, I resavit your letter ye xiiij. of yis instant quhicke wes weray acceptabill to me in all, saving quhair yow gif me moir prais nor I can deserve. Quhat ye haif writtin in name of ye nobill men my weray good lordis wyth me hes sufficient credeit as ye desyre, and your faythfull and honest cair in yis good caus hes purchasit to your self no small reputation wyth otheris. Reserving ye substance of your articles, bot adding tharunto sum other petitions most necessare for ye tyme, and omitting sum thingis mentionat be zow quhicke can noct be desyrit presently wythout prejudice of ye caus, I haif reducit ye hoill to ye form wythin inclosit. The particular answeris tharunto can noct be so hastely obtenit as yow beleif boyth in respect of ye gravite of ye said matter and present occupation of yis estait as weill wyth domestique as foren affaris. Bot in generall hir majeste be expressing hir gratius and motherly cair of ye said nobill mennis weildoing declaris evidently hir loving affection to thame. For except thai find thame self of sufficient strenthe to wythstand thair enemeis sche is afrayit to se thame interpryise, esteming wyth hir self yat gif ye said nobill men sall perische then sall sche be destitut of so mony faythfull freindis. Forder, your letter desyris no particular answer till ye lordis be convenit and ane commissionar send hidder from thame to conclud wyth hir majeste in sic form and maneir as hes bein usit heirtofor at all tymis quhen hir ayid hes bein implorit. Moreower this estait hes never interit in deling wyth Scotland sen hir majestes coronation befor yai persavit ane honorabill partie upon ye feildis men, tending ane innocent and just cause, as yow may weill remember ye experience yarof quhen hir majeste send secours for recovering ye toun of Leithe, ye castellis of Hammeltoun and Edinburge, and of lait quhen as hir majeste send hir army to ye Borderis to haif joynit wyth ye Scottis power for delyvery of ye erll Mortoun, Because scho fand none to concur wyth hir at yat tyme scho wes compellit wyth sum schame to dismis hir army, quhiche giffis hir terrour to commit ye lyck error in tyme cumming. This I spek noct yat hir majeste wald ony vay puts thame to interpryis, for of trouthe sche is scho afrayit for ye event of thingis yat scho dissuadis yame from ony attempting, lest thai suld incur danger and wrek to yair self, and so being ruynit sche agknawlegis yat sche suld be so muche ye moir infirm vanting ye strenthe of so faythfull freindis."

"Item, Cudde Armorer is directet heir from ye Kingis majeste and Arren to hir majeste and my Lord Hundsden, offering to hir yat thai sall follow hir counsale and awys befor all other princis, protesting yat gif hir majeste will send ony indifferent nobill man to Scotland he salbe usit and honorit as apertenis. To quhom ye practesis and conspiraceis of his rebellius subjectis now distressit sall so manifestly be opinnit yat his part and arrenis sall appeir most honest and laufull, and ye intention of ye distressit subjectis most odius and detestabill. Adding yerunto yat of lait about ye latter end of ye last monethe ane convention of rebellius wes assemblit at Sanctjhonstoun, quhairof Gowry, Mar, Glamis, wer principallis togidder wyth Glenkarn and Atholl, quhairin wes concludit to attempt sum thing aganis his majeste, alleging yat ye same wes revelit to his grac be ye said Atholl and Glenkarn, and in yis legation ye said distressit ar callit men of no force nor courage, and noct secreit amang yame self, inquiet spreittis and suche as every monethe hes ane new assignation to practise, and zit laikis boyth power and valour to execut ye same, wyth ane number of lyik plausibill persuasions to alluir hir majeste to trust thame, and contryvit calumneis to mak ye said distressit odius and contemptibill. All theis objections I haif to anser wnto, qwicke wer to me ane burthing importabill wer noct ye firm and constant good affection yat I find in hir majeste and sum of hir nobilite. And tharfor ye sooner yat ze hest your commission hidder ye soner sall ye resaif particular anser. For me I am aschamit to ly heir agent quhen as my good lordis salbe in danger of yair lyvis. For, as ye Lord juge my saull, I desyir noct to leif efter yame, and tharfor I pray zow sollicit yair lordships that how soin one can be send heir yat I may be licensit to return to yame to tak part of yair fortoun. Zit lett none in ony vay be directed till ye said nobill men be first on ye feildis. For to say ye treuthe, yis mutabilite in aponting every monethe ane new dyat and sending advertismentis so variabill disgracis our nobill men werey muche, and importis no small danger to ye hoill cause. Ye resoneis, gif advertismentis had bein send to England befor ye execution of Dave [Rizzio], the taking of ye quein at Falsyid, and of Arren at Ruffen, I think none of theis good actions had ever bein effectuat. Bot zow knaw eftir all theis interpryses wer execut hir majeste ever comfortit ye interpryseris yerof in all lesum maneir, albeit sche wes noct meid privy to yair intentions. Cheiflie efter ye lait attemptat at Ruffen. It is in fresche remembrance how tymusly Sir Georg Gary and Mr. Robert Bowes hir majestes ambassadoris arryvit to contenance ye said cause. Bot now quhen men dois no thing bot sittis doun to advyse, quhen it is hie tyme to draw sword and defend, and will ly still in ye myre unsturring, expecting till sum freind passing by sall pull yame out, it apperis weill thai ether diffyrd in ye equite of yair cause orellis are bevichit and sensles, and yat yai can feill no thing till thai be led to ye skewlis as wes ye poor Erll of Mortoun. Gif matters were resolutly ponderit, quhat more consultation nedit, seing religion, ye Kingis honour and all good men in yis extreme danger? Bot first couragiusly suche as ar grevit to joyin togidder in secreit maneir for ye Kingis delyverance, as wes done at Ruffen. Or gif this can noct be, then to convein at sum convenient place opinly publis proclmation to the pepill for declaration of yair laufull and just cause, and to persew ye present abusaris till ether thai wer apprehendit or ellis reducit to sum extremite; quhiche form of doing vald compell thame to offer better conditions to ye distressit nor othervyis can be obtenit. The experience yerof wes laitly sein at Falkirk, and gif yair be nether strenthe nor courage to performe nether ye one nor th' other of theis two forsaid, then quhat restis moir bot to preserve yair lyif the best way thai can till thai may recover greter strenthe and assistance, Kieping yame self as ye auld Erll of Angus said 'to be loos and levand.' This I spek noct to puls ye nobill [men] to commit yame self to danger—for yair preservation is my gretest cair. Nether is it to be thocht yat ony gret matter can be achyvit wythout danger: nether aucht danger be respectit quhair mennis honour, quiet of yair natyve cuntre, yair King and religion is [in] danger of perissing. And ye moir dangerus thingis seim to be ye moir aucht men to imploir ye help of yair omnipotent God, who wythout all doubt will ever mantein ye just and innocent caus, as of his goodness he has ever done heirtofor, bot most cheiflie quhen to ye eis of ye warld ye same hes semit to be most desperat and infirm."

"Till I resaif your anser I sall use all good offices yat may send to ye furtherance of this good caus. So my loving brother, God be wyth yow, be of good courage; for He that culd mak ane pathevay in ye Reid Sea and preserve poor Mordochai from prood Haman, Jonas in ye quhalis belly, Susanna from ye fals witnes, zea He quho in my sycht wythin Scotland hes done as gret mervellis for his afflicted pepill as ony of ye former, hes He noct zit sufficient strenthe to releis ws if we sall wyth uprycht conscience and innocent handis imploring His help appeill to His mercy and protection. To conclud, I pray ye eternall and mercifull God to grand ws uprychtnes of mynd conformabill to ye equite of our caus, and then sall be no dout of good succes." London.

3 pp. Copy in John Colvile's hand. Indorsed by him: "Copy of my last letter send to Scotland." Also indorsed by Burghley.

61. Elizabeth to Shrewsbury. [April 18.] C.P., vol. XIII.

Whereas the French King has by his letters made request to her that this gentleman, one of the Secretaries of his Chamber, might be suffered to have access to the Queen of Scots to treat with her about some private causes that concern the Duke of Joyeuse, in the presence of some she should think good to send in his company, to gratify the King in his request, the letter he sent being written with his own hand, she is content that his servant shall have access to her. Has appointed the bearer, her servant Wade, to be present with him [Shrewsbury] at the conference. They two only are to be suffered to enter into the castle where the Queen of Scots remains, and the rest of their company are to abide in some place where he shall think meet, until their return; with a special restraint upon all the Queen's servants from repairing to them during the time of their abode there. As the Queen of Scots may haply make some show of dislike to this kind of proceeding as over strait and severe—" and yet considering her dealyng under hand by imployment of sondrye secreat messengers, perhaps not to the best purposes, she may in a sorte scorne" — then her pleasure is they shall let her know that she does it but for form's sake, to make it appear to the world that there is some orderly kind of proceeding used in her restraint, "being otherwyse ignorant what meanes and persons are by her employed under clowdes, as she supposethe, withowt eyther your knoweledge or owre permyssyon."

1 p. Draft. Corrections in Walsingham's hand.

Fair copy of the same. Indorsed: "1584. 18 Aprill. M[inute] of hir Majestes lettre to the Earl of Shrewsbury, by Mr. Waad. Scottish Queene."

62. Robert Bowes to [Walsingham]. [April 19.] Cott. Calig., C. VIII. fol. 13.

By sundry letters and messages I was credibly advertised that Colonel Steward was quietly sent with 100 men on Tuesday last to apprehend Gowrie at Dundee, and that he arrived at Dundee on Wednesday last about 3 o'clock in the morning, and there environed Gowrie's house. Who defended and kept the same against Stewart until 3 in the afternoon of that day. At which time, by express commandment come from the King to Crawford, Provost of that town, and all the rest—Crawford was not present—the town put themselves in arms against Gowrie, and thereon he yielded himself to Colonel Stewart; who, doubting to convey him by land, is purposed to bring him to Leith by sea, in the same ship that he had prepared to sail to France in. The post brought knowledge of this matter to the Court on Thursday last, whereupon great joy is made there, and it is thought that Gowrie shall hardly escape with life. Nevertheless, many judge that his apprehension is with his own accord; for he had warning sufficient, and once returned from Dundee to St. Johnstone's with purpose to go hastily again to Dundee. But of his doings herein there is no certainty, neither is it likely that he would play such a part in the case that he and matters presently stand in. I received intelligence hereof yesterday by sundry letters and messages. Nevertheless, I gave no great credit to it, which caused me to defer my letters to you until this morning, when by an especial letter brought me out of the Court I was credibly certified of all the circumstances rehearsed, so that I perceive the Court is verily persuaded that Gowrie is thus taken, and shall be brought to Leith by sea with all possible surety and speed.

The Court continues in great joy and quietness without any guard or watch or great number of noblemen, other than Huntly, Montrose, and the ordinary courtiers. I look to receive further advertisement within few days. Berwick. Signed: Robert Bowes.

1 p. No flyleaf, etc.

63. Robert Bowes to Walsingham. [April 19.]

Was promised, and excepted to have had intelligence yesternight or timely this morning how all this proceeded in this tryst and purpose resolved to have begun yesterday. But having received no knowledge thereof, as yet, he doubts that the apprehension of Gowrie has stayed and altered the execution of the former resolution from being put into practice yesterday, and for which he was given to understand on Tuesday last that all things, and all the parties were in readiness, intending fully to keep the appointment, so that he thought verily it should have taken effect according to the determination set down. How it stands presently, he knows not; for his friends and such as give him advertisement are gone towards the tryst. Trusts they will shortly send him some certain knowledge of all things. Albeit the delay of intelligence promised him, and this late accident against Gowrie give him some cause to distrust the good progress of matters as they were intended, yet he suspends all things till his next advertisements. Berwick. Signed: Robert Bowes.

1 p. Holograph, also address. Indorsed.

64. Mr. John Colvile to Mr. William Davison. [April 20.]

"Zisternyct thair came advertisment from Mr. Bowes yat Gowry wes takin be colonell Stewart, quhairby I wes in opinion yat ye rest of ye number wes scatterit, and wes in soche displesour yat I culd noct writt to your worship. Now yis day yair is tuo paquettis cum to ye Secretary, ye specialite quhairof he culd noct communicat wyth me be resone of yis procession. Bot in generall he hes send me word yat all is weill suppose Gowry be takin. How sone I can knaw farder ze sall be maid privy yerunto." Signed: Jo. Colvile.

¼ p. Holograph, also address. Indorsed.

65. Robert Bowes to [Walsingham]. [April 20.] Cott. Calig., C. VIII., fol. 14b.

This morning I received advertisement that Colonel Stewart returned with Gowrie on Saturday last to the Court at Holyrood House. And whereas it was before signified that the Earl of Crawford, Provost of Dundee, was not present at the taking of Gowrie, as in my former letter is declared, now it is certified that Crawford, being sent before by the King to Dundee, entered therein on Tuesday last and kept himself very close until Colonel Stewart was landed at Dundee on Wednesday. On whose arrival Gowrie was on the shore, and seeing the colonel he retired hastily to his lodging, where the colonel, with the assistance of Crawford and the town, took him, and, as it appears, utterly against his will. It was purposed that he should have been committed to prison in Blackness immediately upon his coming to Leith, but upon sight of the new troubles arising he was still stayed, and is kept at Holyrood House. For on Saturday last the King was advertised that Mar with 100 horse had entered into the town of Stirling, and taken his mother's house there and the town, but he had not then gotten the Castle. The King and his Court are greaty moved herewith, commanding all men by proclamation and letters sent to all places to arm and resort to the King at Holyrood House, where, and in Edinburgh, the watch and ward are renewed and made very strong. Berwick. Signed: Robert Bowes.

²/3 p. No flyleaf or address.

66. Robert Bowes to Walsingham. [April 20.]

The advertisement of Mar's coming to Stirling in manner signified by his other letter, is given him by his [Bowes's] friend lately at Court, and not from such as promised to send him knowledge of the first beginning of this action. Thinks it is true that Mar has thus taken the town of Stirling. But they begin in such sort, and make such slow expedition in going to Edinburgh, according to the advice of some of the wisest amongst them, that he dare hitherto promise very little of the success. Looks to hear shortly of these proceedings with better certainty. Received his letter of the 14th instant, and perceives thereby the alteration of the former resolution taken by him, chiefly proceeding by the report made by Cuthbert Armorer; which report and information of the King's power is partly confirmed by the late apprehension of Gowrie. But now the matter will be most evidently seen by the progress of the action thus taken in hand by Mar. Berwick. Signed: Robert Bowes.

²/3 p. Holograph, also address. Indorsed.

67. Robert Bowes to Walsingham. [April 20.]

Since the despatch of his former [letter] to him this forenoon, has received a letter from such friend as promised to write to him as soon as the parties should begin to enter into this action; and because the original letter is so "washed" and broken that it cannot endure carriage nor be read after any long delay, therefore he sends him a true copy of the said letter verbatim as it came to him. It is verily thought that the most part, and in manner all, of the well affected shall either take plain part with these lords or else forbear to come against them; and at present they are in good comfort to find friends enough and good success, the proof whereof will evidently appear within few days. A great part of the contents of this letter is well confirmed by sundry other letters and messages sent to him and received this day

By this, and by his other letters sent to him before, he may well perceive how he is pushed continually with such requests that he cannot satisfy, neither does he know how to direct his course any further herein to her majesty's best service and pleasure. Requests resolute direction how to deal herein, otherwise to be discharged from meddling any further in the same. Berwick. Signed: Robert Bowes.

1 p. Holograph, also address. Indorsed.

68. Petitions of Angus, Mar, the Master of Glamis, and others. [April 20]

"The effect of the peticions delyvered by the credit of Wylliam Colvile in the name and behalfe of therles of Angusse, Marre, the Master of Glamys and others, entrynge into that action at Sterlynge."

(1) Request that, for the advancement of the good cause in hand, and intended only for the maintenance of religion and the preservation of the common peace, amity, and good estates of both the sovereigns and realms, the Queen of England will send some of her ships to the river of Forth to be a mean to stay the civil hostility and bloodshed that may fall in Scotland.

(2) That some forces may be presently sent to the lords at Stirling for their support in this action.

(3) That by the show of some forces to be assembled on the Borders of England, such borderers in Scotland as be adversaries to the said lords may be kept at home, as chiefly Morton and Johnston in Annerdale, Farnyhurst in Teviotdale, and Hume and Manderston in the Merse.

(4) That she will let them have as much money as will entertain and pay 300 horsemen and 300 footmen for such short time as the cause shall require.

(5) Whereas they think they could levy the greatest part of the said men in the Borders of England, that they may have licence, or rather an "oversight," to get and entertain such English borderers as will serve with them for pay.

(6) That these petitions may be presented to the Queen of England, and that they may have advertisement of her pleasure and resolution in the same with all possible expedition.

¾ p. In the hand of Bowes's clerk. Indorsed: "The effect of ye lords petitions."

Cott. Calig., C. VIII., fol. 15.

Copy of the same.

69. [William] Waad to Walsingham. [April 23.] C.P., vol. XIII.

Mons. Maron presented the letters of the French King and Queen with small declaration of the cause he had to deal in, desiring that he might particularly inform Mons. Nau of the same. This the Queen of Scots so accepted as if it had been a thing before agreed. But his lordship [Shrewsbury] would not permit it. Whereupon they had a long disputation, and in the end he himself is this day appointed to declare to the Queen of Scots in the hearing of Nau, who may aid her to conceive the state of the cause and her right as occasion shall serve. Mons. Maron has old acquaintance with Nau, as they both profess, and entering to embracing and speech his lordship [Shrewsbury] separated [them] and forbade conference.

The Queen of Scots began to address earnest speeches of complaint to him [Waad] in French against the Queen of England, which he requested he might hear in English. Her answers are best known to his lordship, for he [Waad] only came to wait on that gentleman and to be present at the negotiation. These she uttered in such sort that he could not forbear at large, and in plain terms, to let her understand how impossible it was for a faithful servant of her majesty to hear, telling her what all the world abroad think of her dealings, and that they admit the clemency in her majesty. Pointed out to her the dangerous course her son holds, to his utter undoing, which will be imputed to her direction. Told her that a greater absurdity could not be maintained, than to think there is any way in the world for her safety or her son's greatness but entirely to depend on the favour of her majesty, or to imagine that other Princes could be brought to favour her or him to any good purpose. Told her he was able to affirm, of his own knowledge, how her ministers abroad maintain the Queen of England's rebels with pensions, inviting them to pass the seas, a thing notorious, and dangerous for her in the end, "able" to provoke her patience and turn it to just displeasure. Laid before her that other Princes only entertained her to maintain a faction in these countries and to trouble the quiet state thereof. It is not in her son to offend her majesty, but if she has care of his doings, it is for compassion; for, were her majesty evil minded towards him, she might long since have set Berwick at Edinburgh.

Sometimes the Queen of Scots is in choler, sometimes in passions and moaning. She protests all sincerity in the last treaty, and desires to renew again her offers. She says she cannot endure to have her honour, the right of her successors and of her son touched. Told her her honour shall here be tendered, that those she most trusts in will most of all oppone, and that she can have no spark of hope without her majesty's favour. As for her son, if in time she does not provide, "he taketh a course to gyve acceptable newse to those that listen to here that of him which underhand they provoke him unto," and he shall incur the greatest reproof in the world if he shows himself unkind to her majesty. Told her the only way to induce her majesty to give ear to her offers is that she remedy the occasion that broke off the last treaty, that is, to cause her son to take another style in his doings, and her ministers abroad to leave off entertaining her majesty's rebels. Incloses a letter from Mauvissière, by which he will see how he is both an advertiser and counsellor. There is a letter to the Queen of Scots from the Guise, "which appearethe not," and which he hopes by Shrewsbury's good order they shall carry back again. Mauvissière informs her of his [Waad's] arrival out of Spain without delivering message or letters, wherein he says it is thought he had secret directions from her majesty so to behave himself. Sheffield. Signed: W. Waad.

2½ pp. Holograph, also address. Indorsed.

70. Robert Bowes to Walsingham. [April 23.] Cott. Calig., C. VIII., fol. 16.

That you may know what I have answered and said to the several petitions made by the lords in this action, and required to be by my means presented to her majesty; may it please you to understand that, first, I have informed Mr. Colvile, the messenger, that albeit her majesty's ships were in readiness to come into the Forth, as they required, yet the wind and weather may, peradventure, be so contrarious that the voyage cannot be performed in season for any profit of the cause. Wherefore it should be in vain to be at such needless hazard and expenses. Secondly, that her majesty had no forces on the Borders presently in readiness which might suffice to come safely and in time to the succour. Thirdly, seeing the King and his subjects put themselves in arms, and so near to her majesty's realm, that her majesty would therefore, haply, of her own accord and for the safety of her own subjects and dominions, give order to the wardens to assemble and arm. By which occasion the adversaries of the lords might be moved to stay at home with their forces. Wherein I left him in some comfort that her majesty, for the cause rehearsed, might, peradventure, give speedy order in this behalf. Fourthly, although some money might in time be provided and spared by some good mean, yet the men would not be levied in time to do them service and profit, nor the money to be safely conveyed to them. Whereunto he has replied that if they could assure the soldiers of pay in any convenient time, then they could readily get the full number to serve them; and for the sure convoy thereof to them, they would send intelligence by the next [messenger] how it should be carried with safety. Herein he chiefly presses and prays that the lords' request in this may be timely satisfied. Fifthly, and to the last, I said that I was no officer, nor had any power or warrant to direct any of her majesty's officers on the Borders to give such oversight to entertain any loose persons and Borderers of England willing to serve them for pay. Nevertheless, I agreed to commend this and all the rest of their petitions to your knowledge, to be further signified to her majesty as should be found meet, and that upon return of her majesty's pleasure therein I should do in the same as I was directed. With which answers he now rests partly satisfied, and will return this day towards the lords, thinking that they will shortly send himself again, or other like messenger, to receive advertisement of her majesty's mind and resolution. Berwick. Signed: Robert Bowes.

1²/3 pp. Holograph. No flyleaf, etc.

71. Robert Bowes to Walsingham. [April 23.] Cott. Calig., C. VIII., fol. 17.

On the evening of the 20th instant William Colvile received his discharge at Stirling and arrived here yesternight with letters to him from Angus, Mar, and Glamis referring credit to the bearer. The messenger has informed him that the lords and their companies came together to Stirling on Saturday last, (fn. 1) and that on Sunday last the castle there—being in the custody of Henry Stewart, brother of Arran, and Mr. John Stewart, the constable thereof, and eight other persons—was rendered upon composition that Henry, John, and the rest in the castle should depart without hurt. And albeit liberty was given to Henry Stewart and the rest to depart, yet Henry being advised that some of his particular enemies lay in wait by the way to kill him, rather chose to tarry at Stirling, wherefore he is kept in the castle. That these lords continue still in the castle and town of Stirling with 500 or 600 horsemen, hoping that the rest of their associates shall be with them with all their forces very speedily, and that they were advertised at the time of the departure of this messenger that Atholl would be there on the morrow as well with his own power as also with all Gowrie's forces. That the same day the forces of Boyd, the Master of Cassillis, Barganny, and sundry barons in the north parts and in Angus, Fife, and other places shall shortly come to them. In hope of which succours and support they have entered into this action, which by a long proclamation, already published in Stirling, they protest not to be taken in hand in anywise to the hurt of, or against the King their sovereign, but only to draw sundry persons about him, and abusing him and the State, to due trial and chastisement. That the Countess of Gowrie came to Stirling, purposing to have passed that way to the King to have sought his favour towards her husband, and falling into dangerous sickness by her travel so soon after her delivery of child, she was constrained to stay some time at Stirling. Whereupon commandment is given that she shall not come near the King's presence by twenty miles. That Argyll sent an especial messenger to Glamis signifying that the King had sent for him in such sort that he could not deny to go to him with his ordinary household, and desiring Glamis to send his servant to him with his advice what he would counsel him to do on his coming to the King. Whereupon Glamis sent a gentleman to Argyll advising him to repair to the King with his household servants, and to let the King and all noblemen with him understand that these lords in Stirling are not convened to oppone themselves against his majesty or person, but to seek that some evil instruments about him, and abusing him and the State, may be drawn to examination, trial, and punishment by law, according to the judgment of his majesty and general convention of all the Estates or Parliament; which Argyll has promised to perform effectually and with all favour. That Rothes, Lindsey, and sundry others carrying good affection to these lords at Stirling are determined to come to the King with their forces. Nevertheless, that they will in time inform the King of the true meaning of the lords in this action, and persuade him thereon to stay his forces and in nowise adventure his person in battle for such a cause, [and] that if their counsel herein shall be rejected they will then withdraw themselves and their forces. Is advised by other intelligence that the King is fully resolved to proceed in person against these lords with all possible expedition and violence, purposing to set forwards this day to Linlithgow.

Upon the proclamations made commanding all men between sixteen and sixty to come to him, his forces gathered at Edinburgh are very great; for few others than such as especially depend on the lords and parties in this action do disobey or deny to come to the King as they are commanded. The town of Edinburgh have agreed to set forth 500 footmen to attend on the King at their charges, and besides they have lent the King 11,000l. Scots to list and entertain 500 other footmen. All the boroughs and towns of the sea coast are commanded to come to the King, and they yield thereto. So that the forces assembled and coming to him will surely be exceeding great, and far above the number that can be gathered by the lords; who, notwithstanding, are in hope that all who come into the field against them will not enter into the battle against them and this action. At the departure from Edinburgh of his informer hereof the King and his Council were about to appoint the officers in his army who then were not chosen.

The castle of Edinburgh is not yet called for; but because the King suspects James Rede, the constable thereof, and has commanded the Captain to put another in his place, therefore the Captain suffers another to occupy his room, keeping him still in the castle and especial trust. And albeit the said castle shall be commanded to be delivered up, yet the Captain is hitherto minded to keep the same still, in respect that the charge thereof was committed to him by parliament, and with order that he should not leave the same by any other commandment or authority.

The King makes such haste to the field, and with such earnestness, that it is thought that the matter shall be brought to indilate trial. Berwick. Signed: Robert Bowes.

2½ pp. Addressed.

72. Mr. Waad's Conference with Mary. [April.] C.P., vol. XIII.

Arrived at Sheffield with those gentlemen he had in charge on the 23rd of April, towards the evening, and presently repaired to the Earl of Shrewsbury to deliver to him the Queen of England's letters and that he received in commandment of her majesty. His lordship thought good the next day to invite Mons. Maron and him to dinner, and afterwards to give Maron access to the Queen of Scots. The Earl of Shrewsbury imparted this to him, meaning to use him [Maron] honourably with some entertainment, so that, abridging him in the rest, he should have the less discontentment. Delivered to the Earl of Shrewsbury a packet of letters from the French ambassador, all which he undid and opened, because they were not first consigned to Mr. Secretary [Walsingham] though he had given him commandment for receiving and delivery of them. The next day, after dinner, the earl sent for both of them, and asked him [Maron] what letters he had. He presented letters from the French King and Queen, and the Duke and Duchess of Joyeuse, [the latter two of] which his lordship opened: the others he thought good not to touch. Afterwards the earl brought them to the presence of the Queen of Scots, where Mons. Nau received them in the "outward" chamber, and, embracing the French gentleman, fell straight into conference, which the earl presently forbade. Mons. Maron seemed to excuse this through the gladness he conceived to see one of his old acquaintance. Whereupon he [Waad] took occasion to advise Mons. Maron to give no cause of suspicion to provoke the earl.

After they had done reverence to the Queen of Scots the Earl of Shrewsbury requested her to give ear to him [Waad] first, being sent from the Queen of England. Declared that the Queen of England having received letters from the French King with earnest request— which likewise he made to her ambassador in France—that that gentleman, one of his Secretaries, might have access to the Queen of Scots to deal with her about the releasing of certain duties due to her for certain lands the Duke of Joyeuse was in hand to purchase, appertaining to her by reason of her dowry, which request he joined with another, that her majesty would send some servant of hers to be present at his negotiation, for that the King had that respect for his honour that he would not fall into suspicion of dealing other than princelike, and to have like consideration of her majesty, therefore her majesty granting this his request, with the condition, commanded him to wait on him, having some little understanding in the French language, and she did this not for mistrust, but to satisfy the King's request, and that it might appear her majesty used that discretion which in like case was required; for the means were not unknown to her that she uses when she is disposed to convey letters and have intelligence with the ambassador and otherwise, which her majesty overpassed with other things, as that which she rather neglected than feared. Signifying thus much to her by her majesty's commandment, and that she would be content he might be partaker of what the French gentleman negotiated with her, he retired, presenting him, to whom she might, if it pleased her, give audience. She answered him straightway in French, that the French gentleman being sent from the King of France, her good brother-in-law, especial friend and ally, it was good reason she should bear that respect to him to entreat him that he would signify her majesty's pleasure in French; which he did so far as appertained to him. After Mons. Maron had delivered the aforesaid letters—which she opened, and slightly looked over—she enquired of the health of the King and Queen of France and other her friends, and asked what he could let her know of her son, or if he [Waad] could tell anything of his estate, it being a thing that seldom happened to her to speak with any who came from her good brother-in-law the King and other her good friends. Therefore, although the conditions were somewhat hard, nevertheless, it was a great comfort to her to have conference in any sort with any who were able to inform her of their good estate, and he would pardon her if she had asked of her son, having no means otherwise to hear from him.

Mons. Maron answered that Mons. Mauvissière had assured him that her son was in good estate. He [Waad] said he had lately arrived from a long journey, and had heard nothing to the contrary. "I," quoth she, "but I have hard there was some preparation to civill warres in those partes." "Madame," quoth I, "soch a report there was, but it is like to be a false alarme." So she turned again to give ear to the French gentleman. Whereupon the Earl of Shrewsbury told her that he had opened the letters of the Duke and Duchess of Joyeuse, being from subjects, as he was, but had forborne to touch those of the French King and Queen. Wherewith she seemed to be greatly offended, and said in French, that thereby it might appear how hardly she was dealt with, that the King her brother was touched thereby, not she, who was subject to all such indignities, and as a captive endured whatsoever was offered her.

Mons. Maron in few words declared the request of the French King in the behalf of the Duke of Joyeuse, offering to confer with her secretary; which she greatly allowed, saying she never had given herself to understand those kinds of matters, but stood to the report of her officers, and therefore willed him to instruct her secretary particularly in the cause, and he should find her ready to yield to anything in favour of the Duke of Joyeuse, whom she loved for his virtues and fidelity to the King his master, as for that he had matched in the house she came of, always devout to the King of France, showing how glad she was of that alliance, and to see any who could make report to her of the good estate of those her especial friends and kinsfolk, asking for the Duke of Guise, and how he stood in the King's favour, as though she had heard somewhat to the contrary, using special words in the commendation of his faithful service, and so enquired particularly of all the rest of that family. In the end she showed how greatly she reposed in the amity of the French King, who, of all the brethren, had always showed greatest love and affection towards her, uttering great and especial goodwill towards him for these respects, and that she had been brought up from a child in France, of which country she had had that honour to have been Queen, saying she doubted not but in the end, when he should perceive how she spent in vain all her uttermost endeavours to recover her majesty's favour, that he would have that consideration of her miserable estate, which he, as a Christian Prince, could not but have for those respects before rehearsed, which she particularly mentioned. And turning towards me [she] began in very bitter words to complain of the hard usage she received, having sought her majesty's favour by all possible, and submitted herself in lowly manner, yea, far beyond what became her calling. Whereby I took occasion to desire her, if she meant to speak to me, to use that language which she knew very well, and his lordship understood best, because it was most convenient and "stoode me uppon" for my discharge. "Well," quoth she, "Mr. Waade, I will first answere to that you say the Queen my good sister doth knowe those meanes I doe use to have intelligence, which shee easelie may doe, for in good fayth I have none at all. And my lord here knoweth—if he were examined uppon his conscience—howe I have used all the means I could to assure the Queen of the soundnes of my meaninge, and howe there was a treatie begonne, wherein in what sorte she had delt she reported her selfe to the consciences of my Lord of Shrewsburie, Sir Walter Mildmay, and Mr. Beale"; calling God to witness that she proceeded in the said treaty with all sincerity, which her majesty broke off. Whereby she found herself greatly aggrieved and deluded, saying she would make the French King judge of her actions. Whereupon I told her that though I was only sent to wait on that gentleman and to be present "to" his negotiation, being utterly ignorant of those matters, yet I had received so much of her majesty that her highness was moved, with great reason, to break off the said negotiation when that which she made the ground and foundation of her treaty failed; which was the agreement between the King her son and her to enter jointly into the treaty, which he utterly refused; and at that time her son took a course quite contrary not only to that she propounded, but to alter the estate of Scotland in persecuting, imprisoning and banishing all who were well affected to the amity between these two realms. So that it might appear her grace sought only to amuse her majesty, that her majesty's security might give time to the king to work that alteration he had intended. And how could her majesty conceive there was sound meaning when none should be left in the whole country who were well affected—I will not say to her majesty, but to that amity that was pretended? So that it was high time for her majesty to break off dealing where the foundation failed, and there appeared so contrary effects to that which was propounded. Which she answered, that she was charged with things contrary, "first, to governe her sonne, and that he did that which she directed," and yet that she could not make him condescend to enter jointly into treaty, which stands with no reason. "Nay, good Mr. Waade, for God's sake lay either the one or the other to my chardge, for both can not be, but I knowe there is no faulte in the Queen, my good sister, with whom if I mighte obtaine leave to speake withall I should satisfie to her contentment of the soundnes of my meaninge, etc." Whereunto I said that, with her leave, though they seemed contrary, yet were they consonant, and both might very well be imputed to her grace to govern her son, seeing the course he took was like to that her ministers beyond the seas hold, and was at such a time when the King was to put in execution that which he had before resolved; wherein his refusal to join with her in the said treaty was the way, when he thought his practices so forward that they could not be withstood, to break off the treaty, so that in the meantime she entertained her majesty to that purpose by consent and agreement, as it might seem, between them. Here she said she was not so eloquent in my tongue as I was, but meant truth, "and had taken terme of twenty dayes, in the which if she had not obtained confirmacion of her sonne, she protested all the conference should be voyde and of none effect," protesting with all sincerity before God and her salvation, that she dealt with all soundness and integrity. "But," quoth she, "I remember what the Queen of England wrote with a dyamant, when she was in prysin:

'Moch suspected by me,
But nothinge proved can be.'

So whatsoever is done in the realme, or without, the Queen of Scottes doth it." Breaking out into bitter complaints of so hard usage to be kept sixteen years in prison and captivity, having her majesty's promise before she came into the realm to be received into her majesty's protection, that she was grown old in prison, her legs scant able to bear her, her health impaired, her honour defamed, that nobody durst pity her estate, how she had besought the Queen [of England's] favour by all means, being an absolute Queen as well as the Queen my mistress, and of her own blood, and her nearest kinswoman, using bitter speeches of her misery. To which I answered, that I was sorry to see her break out in such terms against her majesty my sovereign and mistress, whose clemency and mercy being thoroughly showed throughout all her government, even in this her case was especially acknowledged and commended, and, however she took it, was abroad in the world accounted one of the rarest examples of singular mercy and good inclination that ever was heard of, considering the "provokementes" her majesty had received to dispose her to the contrary, the which other Princes abroad, howsoever they bear her in hand, admire and wonder at, and that we had seen in our time other precedents of contrary examples of some Princes for smaller offences than her majesty hath received, and towards those who were nearer to them than she was to her majesty. There she entered into extreme choler because I used that word of "mercy," saying that she was an absolute Prince as well as her majesty, and not her inferior, born from her cradle to be a Queen, and afterwards Queen of France by participation—the greatest realm in Christendom—that there was mercy in her majesty towards her subjects, towards her all extremity, and that she did not maintain the rebels of other Princes against their sovereigns as the Queen my mistress did.

"Madame," quoth I, "I doe beare respect and reverence unto you for the title you doe beare and for the bloud you come of, which I needes must honour, but when theire is question of her majestie my souveraine and misteris her proceadings you must pardon me if I forget and dispence with all other respectes whatsoever, and therefore I can not forbeare to tell you, that howsoever doth geve you that informacion it is a most manifest and fowle sclaunder, and I wolde you were as well able to cleare your selfe of parte takinge with those rebellions within the realme as her majestie is far from mayntayninge the rebells of other Princes. Truly, madame, it is a fowle and false sclaunder, whosoever affirmeth the same."

Then she seemed to impute the hardness of that speech to the terms I had used, as if I had provoked her into saying that her majesty had used mercy towards her, not being a term to be used to one of her quality. Then I showed her that the French King, being in the power of the Emperor, should have found himself to have been in the same terms if he had gone about to practise in Spain the subversion of that State; and any sovereign within the realm and dominion of another, conspiring against the Prince in whose kingdom he is, shall find himself to stand—notwithstanding his title—at the "devotion" of him he offends. There she made protestation anew that she sought especially the favour of her majesty, enduring all things with patience. But three things she had resolved never to abide, and rather to suffer a thousand deaths with all torments. First her honour, the second the right she pretended to the succession, the third her son, whom she tendered with that motherly love and affection that nothing should separate.

"Madame," quoth I, "the first God forbyd I should anie way wronge, and you doe come of that bloud that allwayes hath had their honour in especiall commendacion. For the second, whatsoever you pretend or hope for for you or yours must growe of your good behaviour towardes her majestie, and entirelie dependinge on her goodwill, wherin you seme to repose the greatest trust and hope in the favour of those that you shall find doe most feare, that you doe chefelie hope, and will oppose them selves formally allwayes to your desirs. As for your sonne, he hath receaved the favour and protection of her majestie, as I may truly affirme, her onely care hath brought him to years of discretion, where I pray God he may governe himselfe not to procure his owne undoinge and overthrowe. Besydes, all the worlde will condemne him of the most ungratefull unthanckefulness that ever Prince incurred if he shall behave him selfe unkindely towardes her majestie." There again she said that she only depended on God, and on none besides, and that his rebels and those who sought his destruction, and were enemies, were maintained. Whereof she knew there were some about her majesty who had sought her life, and her son's likewise, and that she knew who they were, and [that they] were near about her majesty, using good words of her majesty's own disposition—which I took occasion worthily to commend. She "added" the long time of her imprisonment, and [said] though she was younger than her majesty in years, yet she was a great deal older to look at. Saying God would revenge her enemies and those who were the authors of her overthrow, as already He had done to the most part of them, "whom she stucke not to curse." I told her those who were at ease found fault with all things about them, saving that which was the occasion of their disease, which proceeded from the ill humours within them. "So you findinge yourselfe in this estate lay the faulte," said I, "to others, and loke not into your selfe, and for those you terme rebels, perhaps you can lay nothing to their chardge, but that they seeke to maintaine the amitie betwene these two crownes, whom I take to be the truest harted subjects the King hath, and doe marvayle that there can be anie so voyde of judgement and all common reason to thincke that the King your sonne standinge in those tearmes that you would conserve may finde favour in any other Prince whatsoever, her majestie only excepted. And syth you stande on those tearmes, I hold it for a most ungainsayable maxime that the King your sonne and you can loke no where for any comfort and advancement, but in the only favour of her majestie, to whom all the good subjects of the realme beare that singuler devotion, that whosoever deserveth her majesties displeasure shall never winne their favour, neyther is there any Prince in whom you may have affyance that will assist you in that sorte you doe pretend, and there is noe man of any judgement or common understandinge that can conceave otherwise." Whereupon, without naming any, I told her in indifferent terms what I had heard Monsieur Mauvissière affirm with great oaths, that I might perceive he spoke from his inward meaning. Which was, "that it should cost the King of Fraunce forty millions before eyther the Scottish Queen or her sonne should ever come to obtaine any thinge in their pretended right of succession."

"You shall finde, madame," quoth I, "abroade that will entertaine you to mayntaine a faction within these realms to trouble the estate of them both, and to drawe you in hatred of the best disposed subjectes, or so to miscarie somwayes, but for further assistaunce they meane you none. Who are sorrie of your detention, but not moved with compassion of your estate (as you take it), but that you are in their opinion preserved safe to that hope which is their feare. For were you at liberty, they suppose that holdinge that course you began, or governed by the like advyce, consyderinge withall the humour of your nation, longe since some accydent might have fallen out, whereby they might have ben out of doubt. I neade not to expresse my meaninge in playner tearmes. This, howe you take it, I can not tell. But indede consyderinge arighte, you may thincke proceadeth of no evell will."

Here she gave me thanks, but could not brook those reasons, repeating her griefs, her woeful estate, and the care of her son, whom she wished might depend chiefly on the Queen, as she protested she meant, if it might be accepted, which she uttered likewise in French. Otherwise, she hoped her ancient friends, allies, and kinsfolk would not leave her destitute, complaining again of her imprisonment and misery, and how her enemies about her majesty prevailed not only to keep her from her majesty's presence, but in disgrace, seeming to doubt as though she had some fear of new troubles in Scotland, and if aught happened to her son she should fill all the world with crying out so loud that she should somewhere be heard, calling those who are contrary to his proceedings traitors and rebels; saying, though they might pretend some excuse when he was young, what can they allege now when he is of age, and so pronounced by the Court of Parliament ? I said she should do well then to see him better advised. "I, but you will not let me," said she, "when I have offered it." "Beginne, madame," quoth I, "with reforminge your doings, that there may be some consent and conformity betwene your actions and offers. There is a moderne pollicy embrased of diverse Princes, whereof as yet I see no good effectes, and breadeth soch mistrust as there is more danger in harckeninge to treatyes, then difficulty in the dealinge. But consider in deede the doings and proceedings of that instant, both of your sonne and your ministers, and you will rather marvayle that her majestie gave eare to anie treatie at all, then that she brake of the same. Let your ministers likewise abroade leave of to maintaine her majesties rebels, fugitifes and evell affected subjectes, as they do most apparently, and I am able of my knowledge to say that they doe allure them with pensions to pass the seas, as though they wold inhabyt Paris with Englishmen, and some to nourrisshe a faction within the realme against her majestie. Let your sonne likewise surcease to proceade with that severity against them to whose chardge you can lay nothinge else but that they are well affected to the amitie betwene these two realmes, and that for that they doo conceave the weale of that realme and their Kinge wholie thereon to depend. You sayd ere while that her majestie did maintaine rebels of other Princes—a most evident sclaunder. In the meane season what is done so openly by your ministers and servantes? And we have sene so many practisces, conspiracies, and rebellions begonne, renewed, and stirred up against her majestie since your beinge in the realme, as the only favour of God hath wonderfullie preserved and delivered her majestie from them."

Her answer was, that she knew nothing of her son's doings, that her majesty would not give her leave to send to him; whereupon she had foretold her what would ensue. If the Queen had once trusted her, and she had deceived her majesty, then she might lawfully blame her. As for her servants, she said she had long since given them leave to do what they thought good, seeing the miserable estate she was in, and for her part she did not hear from them at all Which I said she could not so excuse, because the means by which her "advertisementes" had intercourse were well enough known to her majesty. Which she denied, and said I was not of calling to reason with her in that sort. "No more am I," quoth I, "to heare evell of my souveraygne and misteris."

There again she repeated her former griefs, and that no man could be well thought of here who was suspected to be her friend, and so her enemies [were] maintained, falling again to speak of the estate of Scotland, as though her majesty went about to trouble the estate. I told her that her majesty, if she carried any such mind, needed only but to shut up the passage, and not to hear anything out of Scotland at all, and in short time there would happen some shipwreck, and if her majesty had been so disposed long since she might have set Berwick at Edinburgh, telling her that her majesty, God be thanked, needed not to doubt what could be done against her, and if she had any care at all it was for the King's benefit.

Whereas, because she answered me so little to that I had often objected of her ministers entertaining her majesty's rebels, to whom all our Englishmen abroad resorted and made court, I said it was a course so dangerous for her that I marvel she would not take order in it, considering patience so often offended might turn to just displeasure. She answered me very resolutely in words and countenance, that "I should think that of her that therein she was fully resolved," and that she little or nothing esteemed her life, having so long continued it in troubles and captivity that she made no reckoning in the world to die, and that if heretofore she had any ambition, it was through the grief and misery of her long imprisonment quite quenched, her only care was for the preservation of her son, and that she had foretold her majesty what was like to ensue in Scotland if she broke off the treaty begun with her, protesting to be without fault for what should happen there, or otherwise practised by her ministers for her, moved with the grief of her hard case, still protesting all sincerity in her proceedings in that treaty. Whereto she called God to witness, repeating again the whole proceeding, saying she was a chopping-stone, affirming she had let and broken off some enterprises, which, if she would have given ear to them, might have overthrown this estate. And withal, as she did, [she] often seemed to mitigate that she had uttered in choler of her majesty maintaining rebels. "Yet, Mr. Waade," quoth she, "I will name you one," and said softly to me, "howe say you to the Prince of Condy." "Madame, I have nothinge to doe with the doinges of Fraunce, neyther am of qualitie to enter into disputation with your grace, but with any other I would undertake to defend the honour of that Prince; neyther did her majestie afford him any assistaunce to any such purpose, and the same question was in Fraunce that nowe is in Scotland, that is, whosoever can possesse him selfe of the person of the King proclaimeth his contraries, be they never so good subjectes, to the King traytors and rebels. But touchinge that you sayde you a choppinge stone, there are fewe Princes in Christendome but longe since wold have removed soch a choppinge stone."

Then she said that Morton was upheld by her majesty—a rank traitor. I answered, that as long as he governed the King in his nonage by the consent of the Estates, he was favoured by her majesty to keep that country in peace and tranquility for the benefit of the King. She asked me what other Princes have to do in that realm. "The King beinge then a childe it was a thanckfull charity to have that care over him," said I, "as nowe you solicite others to meddle with the estate, he beinge, as you say, of age, not to so good end perhaps." And so reasoning withdrew myself, as though I had been drawn against my will to those discourses, being sent to another purpose, as I had told her, to be present at the conference she had with that gentleman, to whom if her grace would say anything further, I was ready to hear.

Thereupon again she willed him to take some time to confer with her secretary, of whom she would take information. Which being said in French, and I somewhat nearer then my lord [the Earl of Shrewsbury], who was sitting down, being troubled with "his goutes," stepped to his lordship, letting him understand her speech in referring Monsieur Maron to her secretary; which his lordship straightway said did not stand with her majesty's pleasure, for that he had express commandment he should have conference with none but her. Thereupon we entered a new disputation, Monsieur Maron saying he did not see how her majesty meant to give him access to the Scottish Queen, and not to confer with her secretary, who was capable, and acquainted with these causes, which she said she never understood, but referred to her officers. "If you will talke of imprisonement or adversitie, I am able to say inough," said she in French, "of those other causes I understand nothinge." "Madame, as well may he set down his sute to make you understand the same, as declare it to another, of whom you should receave it; neyther have I soch commaundement to assist to any conference this gentleman should have with any other then with your grace. Howbeit, if my lord will graunte so moch in his presence, I will not refuse it to assist." "No," quoth his lordship, "I cannot graunt that which her majestie hath not commaunded." Monsieur Maron vehemently urged to have conference with the secretary. "Well," said the Queen, "you see howe it standes, the one refers him selfe to the other." Monsieur Nau then said that Monsieur Maron might depart as he came. "Therein I have nothinge to doe but to wayte on him," quoth I. "So shall I be excused," said the lady, "sith I am not permitted to deale in other sorte. You see he cometh to bringe me nothinge, but to take away from me," glancing again to her complaints. Whereupon I told her I perceived that revenge and other passions had filled up her eyes that she could not see what was her own behoof. Then Nau said he was secretary to that Queen as well as Maron, and therefore might deal in the cause by her majesty's meaning as well as he. Which reason being so impertinent, I said smiling, there was an order in France anew that no man could serve the King and any other besides whatsoever. That word "any other" the Scottish Queen took in very ill part, saying she was no common person, but a Queen, and the French King's sister-in-law, by whom the secretary was commended to her service. "Madame," quoth I, "I speake it not unreverently, for in one of your cheefest officers the experience is seene; your Chancellour by name, to whom the King hath given six monethes terme to leave your service or the office he exercyseth under the King; whereof I report me to Monsieur Maron." Who could not deny the same, but would distinguish. I only alleged the same because Monsieur Nau used that kind of reason, saying "the faute is indede in Monsieur Maron, that delt not playnely with her majestie." Maron said it was not the request of the King his master that one might be sent with him, but his own offer to her majesty. Then my lord [the Earl of Shrewsbury] said all that might be remedied, for he might, in the presence of Nau, declare the cause presently, and help her grace to understand the same where there was occasion of doubt. Here we stuck long on the difficulty of the cause, which—to show how easy it was to conceive— I took upon me to declare, and told the Queen in English, perceiving that she was already sufficiently instructed therein.

In the end they accepted that his lordship's offer, but, for [fear of] wearying the Queen, would not enter into the cause, though his lordship would have had it done at one conference. Then falling into talk of the demand made by the Duke of Joyeuse, my Lord said it would amount to a round sum. "You see," quoth she, "they take from me on the one syde, and you on the other, but the Duke may doe me diverse wayes greater pleasure." Nau said that there was difference between the wrongs, "those there are in your goodes, and here you are wronged in your person." And I hearing this said to him I perceived he was an unfit man to be about the Queen, and one of those who ministered evil counsel—which she had no need of. "No, Mr. Waade," quoth she, "I am not directed by his counsel. I thanck God I am not of so small judgement, but am able to direct my servantes, though in these causes he hath more understandinge than I have."

"Madame," quoth I, "but those violent cownsayles have been the undoinge of many wise Princes, and you have had hard experience of them. But he that will speake thus at this time, what advyse will he geve to you in private cownsayle?" In the end it was agreed we should repair again the next day to her presence.

Going forth at the outward door, Nau began to speak to me in French; which I desired him to do in English, and before my Lord [Shrewsbury], who went before. The effect of the speech was, that it would please his lordship—since I was her majesty's servant, and here by her appointment—that his mistress might have some further conference with me before his lordship, to renew those offers she had at other times made to the Queen's majesty; the which should be in such sort as should be to her majesty's liking, and he hoped that there might great good ensue of my coming thither. I said I was commanded to wait on that gentleman and make report to her majesty of the negotiation, [being] sent more to satisfy the good respect the King had for her majesty, and to observe that discretion which was requisite in like cases, than otherwise. Howbeit, when that cause was ended, if her majesty would command me anything, I should likewise make report thereof to the Queen; but that I must needs tell him he does very indiscreetly to blow those coals he should rather seek to quench, aggravating the grief of his mistress with those specches, which served to no other purpose—as I perceived likewise by the Queen of Scots— [than] that she supposes the dealing of her son and servants should drive the Queen's majesty to some sort of agreement, which is a wrong course, for she must first, by their proceedings, in other sort remove that suspicion her majesty has had so just cause to conceive.

The next day, after the Queen [of Scots] had ended with Monsieur Maron, having granted very willingly all that he could demand, she requested him to let the Duke of Joyeuse understand that she did it in his favour, more than in respect of the King's request, who had taken from her divers things in her dowry, and that she hoped he would be a means to the King that her reasonable petitions might hereafter be heard with a better ear, though she did not do it in that respect, showing how divers ways she was injured in her dowry, the county of Touraine being taken from her, and no recompense being made her as yet; how the Comte de Châteauvilain [Earl Chasteauvillain] had used her, making himself one of the King's Secretaries to defraud her of that right which was due [in respect] of the fifth by the purchase of the said county, and her cousin the Duke of Aumale's sister "had a fleece" from her, with whom she was in suit. Nau, because the request of the Duke stood in uncertainty, would have had Monsieur Maron to have made a valuation of that the D[uke of Joyeuse] meant to purchase, to how much it might arise. Which he said he could not do, being [willing] as occasion should fall out and be offered to him hereafter to purchase of those lands held of the Scottish Queen. The lands already bought could not amount at the fifth to more than 3000 crowns. In conclusion the Scottish Queen has given him a release of all duties and rights whatsoever [that] may arise and be due to her for any land that the said Duke of Joyeuse shall purchase anywhere of that which appertains to her dower. Howbeit the Queen [of Scots] said she knew the Duke to be so honourable that he would not let others use his name. It was agreed that the Queen should give him an acquittance and grant in good form, with letters to her chancellor and treasurer not to seize on any such land hereafter as the Duke should purchase of that quality, as already they had done; whereof she said she knew nothing, and that she would be loth to blame them, because, to her knowledge, they had not done so much before, and it might serve them for excuse hereafter. Maron set down articles specifying the lordships and villages already purchased, with a few lines of his hand to put the Secretary in mind that the letters to her officers might be accordingly, and in what terms the grant was to be made; which I read to my Lord, he looking on; and his lordship sent it to Nau.

This negotiation was somewhat the longer because Monsieur Maron did not well understand the Queen, who at the first very willingly granted it, but would be "informed to know" what she granted.

Mauvissière has given her advice to ask leave of the King [of France] to alien some lands "to make a peece of money"; which she has attempted by the Duke of Joyeuse's means. For they said that the King, having granted so many things to sundry persons out of her dowry, must somewhat recompense her in giving her leave to alien some lands, or otherwise—wherein she hoped the friendship of the Duke might stand her in stead—as likewise she has requested to make a sale of woods.

Then she fell to particular talk, and asked how chanced they not to provide a wife for Monsieur [blank space] seeing the King had no likelihood of issue, enquiring greatly of the King's health and disposition. The other said on his recovery they would go about it, and so talked of the King of Navarre's sister. Then she took occasion to say that the ministers in France were better in that case than ours, because we in England were persuaded that we might not marry in another religion, yet in other things she liked the policy of the Church here better thàn [that] in Scotland or France, for she would not speak of the substance. Whereupon Maron said that here he saw the churches and the crosses standing, [and] that there wanted but the mass. I told her perhaps she liked it likewise, because it approached more to her religion. Then she said we were better than the French and Scots, "unlesse it were the Puritains," for generally it was noted that all those of the religion took somewhat off the obedience they owe to their Prince.

"Nay, madam," quoth I, "they take that which the other attribute to the Pope, and geve their whole obedience to their souveraine." "But, with your leave, you see not that the people have followed that example," quoth she, "which Maron did affirme." "Yes," quoth I, "if you looke into all estates heretofore, you shall finde none but sometimes by the Pope's meanes alone have been troubled, and the people stirred up against their souveraines, and commaunded not to obey, and especiallie in the Empire," dilating the example. "Yet," said the Queen, "a Pope shall excommunicate you, but I was excommunicated by a pore minister—Knokes. In fayth I feare nothinge else but that they will use my sonne, as they have done the mother; for Monsieur Mauvissière doth write unto me, that in Scotland they are like to fall into civill warres." I said I came, as I had before told, from a long voyage, and had not been seaven nights in the realm before I was commanded this service, therefore knew little of those things; howbeit at my first return I had heard such a bruit, but afterwards heard assuredly that it was a false alarm. My lord [Shrewsbury] said it was written to him that there was so such thing. Then her secretary brought forth the ambassador's letters and read so much as he wrote concerning that matter. "Nay," quoth she, "I am sure there is some soch stur towardes shewinge all her care was for her sonne," she herself was old, diseased, and could have no more children, neither was [she] to live long; she must love him for that she knew well he loved her, and she knew he had done divers things not requested by her, which he thought might please her, though there was a number about him who preached to him that he must not love his mother, "a hard lesson to a sonne to make him hate his mother."

"I feare you," quoth she, "your Borders be so nigh that you may let slip in men, for be my troth I heare nothinge from them thence, but sometimes by the French ambassadour."

Then she "fell" again to Monsieur [Maron], and said how she desired that the treaty with her majesty of the marriage might have gone forward, though many thought she should not have wished it, "for I should have ben of kin to them both, at the least I did hope to have been bidden to the maryadge of both my kinsfolkes else I shoulde have thought unkindenesse." Then she asked if there had not been a marriage propounded between the Duke of Savoy and the Princess of Navarre, which he [Maron] said he had heard of, and asked me what I knew, coming so lately from thence. I said it was true, for the Duke had sent an ambassador thither last winter. But she said she thought he will not marry her unless she alters her religion. I "shewed" she was too well instructed, and that the Duke's mother was thought likewise to have been of the religion. Then she said she was little and pale, and like her mother, saying she desired greatly to see some issue of the house of Valois, which she loved above all others, whereof there was only the King and his brother—saying it was a good race. She showed little desire to hear of the King of Navarre, but talking of herself and her son, said they had not done as the King of Navarre, who was the French King's subject, and had borne arms against the King, and still "drave" the King to agree with him. Howbeit I said that the King of Navarre had showed to the King [of France] such special tokens of fidelity that the King had great cause [to acknowledge], and did acknowledge him for a good brother-in-law and subject.

Leaving these speeches, she fell again to speak at large of the treaty she had begun with her majesty, in like sort as the day before. Whereunto I said I had answered her sufficiently, and wished her— as of myself—to begin where the occasion of the breach was. Then she asked me what her majesty would have her to do in Scotland. "Madame," quoth I, "I have often told you that I have noe commission to deale in any thinge, beinge only sent to this purpose nowe at an end; neyther doe I heare that her majestie demandeth any thinge for her particuler, but if she harcken to those matters it is in the behalfe of your sonne." "But when it is not required," said she, "it is not well taken." "When his yeares and discretion were not able to governe him selfe, it was a charitable and princelie affeccion of a good sister and neyghbour to have care of him," said I, "and I may affirme that her majesties goodnesse and princely care hath brought him selfe to the age of discretion, whenc, if he governe him selfe well it shall be better for him; if not, the hurte shall be his owne." [She said] that she could not abide to hear that her majesty's care had preserved him, "for then," said she, "the Queen must confesse that she had intelligence with the rebels."

I said her majesty has intelligence with Princes, not with subjects, and that it seems now those be rebels there who are well affected to the amity of these two crowns and have showed themselves the King's best subjects. "Why should the subjectes of another Prince," said she," be affected to any other bot their owne?" "I say not to her majestie, but to the amity and good agreement betwene these realmes, whereon they as best affected to him doe see his estate and preferment doth depend." She said they were such as had held him prisoner, and while he was under age they might have some excuse, now he was of years, and that the Court of Parliament had so pronounced him, what reason was there for them? I answered that in all times it was a common practice, the Prince being young, that the contrary party always say their adversaries possessing the King hold him captive, as now the others say in Scotland and France; the experience we have seen between the Prince of Condé and the house of Guise. Again she returned to that she offered, and said she had told before the Queen sent Mr. Secretary that she should do no good unless she sent with him someone from her, which she would yet fain do; "for I knowe the child doth love me," quoth she, "and will not deale with the Queen without my advyse. I did offer to make him to doe what the Queen wolde, and yet will doe if I may have assurance. I have but one barne, and halfe of him I will geve to the Queen, by my troth, with all my harte. She must not use him roughlie, but by gentle meanes winne him, for if you ride him with a rough bit, he will leape a syde as a yonge colte doth. I will undertake to bringe him to that passe the Queen will have, if she will trust me. Let the Queen trie me once, if ever I deceave her she may doe with me what she please. I offred my selfe to be voluntary prisoner." I told her she might do well for her son to govern him for his own good, for the Queen sought nothing of him, and what he looked for must come of his good and constant behaviour. Besides, the Queen was so well beloved that whomsoever should show himself of evil will towards her majesty should never get the goodwill of her subjects, and so likewise she should think of those words I used touching her ministers abroad.

She oft would have had me to have let her understand what the Queen would have her to do. "I knowe there is not the greatest enemy I have in Scotland but will take my worde," said she. "The Lord Morton who hated me above all the worlde, yet did trust my worde."

Her secretary pressed me very earnestly likewise to propound what I thought his mistress might do. I said I could not do otherwise, and had already exceeded my commission, and that my Lord [Shrewsbury] might with a "becke" impose silence on me. Then she requested me to give her my advice. I said I "wanted for" my particular doing in the world, much less was able to give [advice] in matters of State, and especially where I had no commission to deal, and had less knowledge of Scotland than all other countries—not knowing the name of three men of account in all the realm.

"In fayth," quoth she, "if you had sayd you had not knowne three honest men I would have easely beleved you, for I trowe there is scarse three honest men to be fownde in all the contry." My lord said, "have you so good opinion of your contrimen?"

Pressing me further very earnestly to tell her my advice, I said, "when I wished your sonne to take another course, you say you heare not from him, nor knowe not what he doth, when I wish your ministers to leave of to practise her majesties subjectes, and embrace her rebels, you take no knowledge of their doings. So as I see it is to no purpose, and as I sayd, I am of all places in Christendom lease acquainted with Scottish matters, and desire not to enforme my selfe otherwise, neyther came so far northwarde in all my life before this time." Said she, "you may goe further, I hope, and to doe some good." "Nay, madame," quoth I, "I pray God I never come so far againe in any soch sorte." "Oh," said she, "in fayth I perceave what you meane, you confirme that to me that my Ladie, my Lord his wife, so ofte hath told me, that the Queen allwayes suspecteth those that she sendeth hither, speciallie if they seme to persuade her of anie good to be done, or some to beare good will to me or my sonne. I perceave you feare that." I answered that she mistook me "quite and cleane," for my meaning is "that I see there is noe good to be done, for you will have none of those in the realme that shall be well willers to the amitie you seme to wish, which howe it can stande I see not. If I wish your sonne to take another course you say he is not directed by you, for you heare not from [him] at all, nor wot not what he doth, and yet you undertake to governe him. So likewise you take no knowledge of your ministers doinge abroade, if those that be well affected be about the King. He is prisoner, those be traytors that favour and tender the amity between these realms, yet your ministers abroade must continue to embrace her majesties rebels, to whom I knowe that there are by them pensions given, and a faction maintained and nourrished within the realme, so as I see not howe anie good can be done for her majesties service. Therefore I wolde not have your grace take me amisse, for, for my parte, I have all my entire affeccion so turned towardes her majestie that I have shut the other eye quite to loke no whether else, I consider no further, nor while I live will doe."

"Nay, Mr. Waade, but take heade though you be her servant, that you soe serve your misteris as you forget not God," quoth she, "for that you may not doe." "Madame," quoth I, "the dutie towardes God is of another quality, and in servinge her majestie faythfullie I doe service to God."

Then Nau said it seemed to him we were once entered into good terms, which he wished might be continued, and considered how it might be used, that some good might come of this discourse and of my coming thither, saying that I proposed that his mistress should cause her ministers to leave off to deal with her majesty's subjects. "Madame," said he, "my thincketh that it is reasonable which my lord sayd seemed to be a good course." And I said of myself I had in discourse adventured to say so much, because her grace might in so doing give her majesty some opinion of her good meaning, seeing that at such times as Princes are in open wars they always lay aside all hostility when there is any party of agreement or truce made, much more should she, propounding that treaty, in the mean season cause those offences to cease, "for I see you professe earnestly a good meaninge towardes her majestie, which beinge not beleved by the contrary effectes we see in your actions, I thought to reconcyle these thinges so contrarie. You may doe well therefore to beginne where there was faute fownde." Nau said that it seemed reasonable. She answered that already she had written to her kinsfolk in France to offer all service to her majesty, and to seek her favour; but since I had no commission, what should I deal further ? and [she] greatly feared that there might ensue some wars in Scotland. What [with the] enemies she had about the Queen [of England] and the slanders raised against her, she doubted that she might be in somebody's hands who would seek to have the custody of her to make away with her, which she often repeated, and knew some would sue for that charge. Saying Huntingdon was her enemy, and said she and her son could pretend nothing for that they were strangers; that besides the Queen she had but two kindred in the realm, Hertford and Derby. Thus, as she said the other day. she could not endure to have that her right after her majesty touched. Not that she hoped on it; for though she was ten years younger than her majesty yet [she] seemed older by twenty years, that if she might come to her majesty's presence— which now she did not hope for—she would satisfy her majesty what flatterers she had about her, not worthy to come near her, who tell her of her beauty and her divinity, saying she would not flatter. "Madame, I dare say none ever durst use aniè soch tearme of 'dyvinity'," said I, "to her majestie, and who woulde so forget him selfe to use soch tearmes should not be admitted to her presence. Otherwise, God be thancked, her majestie is in so good estate as there appeareth little alteracion." Then she said Charles Cavendish had secret access to the Queen, who had slandered her—a proper knight! I said I had seen him in the Court, but never understood of such extraordinary access. To the other things I answered nothing, as she repeated often the same which before she had alleged and I had once answered, because otherwise we should never have made an end.

She said if the Queen [of England] would not hearken to her, she knew the worst, for "in worser sorte she coulde not be," repeating her misery. Therefore she would wash her hands, and she doubted not but her good brother, the French King, in the end would have some care of her son for the ancient alliance, with the like. I told her I knew none who went about to hurt him but herself, which her majesty might have done if she had had any intention amiss long since, which sufficiently declares the soundness of her meaning, and I dare say that never any Prince has had fairer offers than have been made to her majesty, if she had been of ambitious mind. "But I see you rest still where your trust will fayle you, and thincke to drive the Queen by indirecte course to that you desire, which is a cleane contrary way."

"I remember," said she, "what you sayde yesterday that one should say. I can tell you he knowes nothinge of his master's meaninge." Then she said she could guess who it was by words I used, and would have had me name him. I said my Lord [Shrewsbury] would do it at another time.

"Forty millions was moch," her secretary said.

It was his phrase, said I, to show how much it imported the King. "I, but I knowe," said the Queen, "he had rather I should be preferred than Huntingdon, which he will never endure." "I can not tell," said Nau, "what the French King would spend, but I know there are a number in England who would lose their bones before that should come to pass." I said, "how could it be she should treat with the Queen with the advice of such a counsellor"? Whereupon we fell to words, and he said that the day before he had "foreborne me" when I said he was not fit to be about the Queen, and began to enter into terms. I would not hear him, but desired the Queen, if she had given Maron his despatch, to command me what she would to her majesty. Nau still went on. I said I had no warrant to deal with him, neither did he seem to bear that respect to his mistress he should. Then he said he meant only to excuse himself, affirming he wished the Queen chiefly to depend on the amity of her majesty, but that he was servant to the French King. I told him it was hard faithfully to serve two masters. "I, but the amitie is betwene them that I may doe it well." "I, but all estates have some thinges so contrarie," quoth I, "as you can not agree, and this is a general maxime, that every Prince redoubteth the encrease of his neighbour." Then she said the French King would regard the kindred between them. "That, in matters of estate, Princes litle regard," quoth I. Nau said that was a bad maxim. "I say not what the bonde of bloud and affynity are," quoth I, "but that especially they loke to that which is most profitable for their estates; howebeit I speake not of Fraunce particularlie, for I take the King to be one of the best allies her majestie hath, and nowe more then at any time heretofore hath with good offyces shewed his good inclynacion to embrace her majesties freindship." Then she said she was sure of her kinsfolk there. The time being well spent, the Queen said she desired to speak with me particularly before I went, and charging him [Maron] with her commendations, and desiring the Duke of Joyeuse to accept her goodwill and to embrace her causes, she embraced him.

Here I asked her again what she would command me. "Nay," said she, "I pray you let me see you before you goe, for I wolde fayne have some conference with you." I told her I thought my Lord [Shrewsbury] would not give me access to her, neither might I repair, being no otherwise permitted by her majesty but in the company of that gentleman. "I," quoth she, "but by cause he doth not understande the language it were not fyt to have him stande still in the meane season. I must shewe some respect to the King his master." "Madame," quoth I, "he must be my warrant, as I am for him, and he will suppose that your grace will send at least commendacions to the Queen." And as soon as the Queen spoke to me he was "crept" to the secretary. Then she told him in few words that she would charge me with some message to the Queen, her good sister; which was that she desired the Queen to consider how she had by divers ways besought her for her good opinion and favour, and proceeded in the last treaty with all soundness, "as she would report herself" to the consciences of my Lord of Shrewsbury, Sir Walter Mildmay, and Mr. Beale, that she foretold what would come to pass yet, if the Queen would hear her she would undertake to govern her son as the Queen [of England] would. Her majesty might consider how near he was to her; she would give her the one half of him with all her heart. "That she did of all Princes and above all other" only desire her majesty's favour, and would cause her son so to do. "If the Queen my good sister will trust me," said she, "I will never deceave her. Let her once make triale. She hath sene I foretold her what woulde come to passe, and let her send as ofte as she would, yet she shall doe no good. If she please I may send with her, I will undertake to cause my sonne to doe what soever she can require." That she had endured sixteen years' imprisonment, whereby her health was greatly decayed; that she could not live past five or six years, which she could be glad to lead with some contentment; she was not able to walk two "arrowe shootes" by reason of a distillation that was fallen into her legs. This her imprisonment she had endured with patience, and served as Jacob did to Laban, not only seven and seven years, but sixteen, which she had not done for nothing; some reward she looked for for this service and long captivity, which was to win her majesty's favour. Wherein she had followed that counsel my Lord Treasurer had given her—to abide with all patience her imprisonment, and in no case to hearken to any practice—therefore she looked for some reward, which was only her majesty's favour. But when she should be quite out of hope to recover it she would have no further respect, for worse could not happen to her than already she had endured, and looked to leave her carcase in prison, therefore cared not what might happen to her, and would wash her hands of all, as she said often.

She was to make another request, for the recovery of her health, that the Queen would give her leave to go to the baths [Buxton], whereby she found great ease, which last year she likewise desired, but was deferred by the treaty until it was told her it was too late. She hoped this year to have that leave. Besides, as she had great occasion to give her majesty thanks for the comfortable promises sent her to punish those who were the authors of the slander used against her, so she besought her majesty to continue her favour, that they might be brought to light. Whereof one Topcliffe [Toplife] was one, and Charles Cavendish another. "Lettinge her majestie understande" the Countess [of Shrewsbury], my Lord's wife, did not bear that goodwill to her majesty she supposed, who divers time with her laughed at such reports, and now accused her. It touched his lordship as well as her, wherefore she trusted as a nobleman he would regard his house. [She] desired me to signify this much to my Lord Treasurer, to my Lord of Leicester, and Mr. Secretary Walsingham, desiring their favour towards her majesty in this suit. When we were in the outer chamber Nau desired my lord [Shrewsbury] he might speak a few words to me. First, he desired me to think that he was as well affected to this realm as any man "of a straunger" might be, and better than divers of whom was better opinion, as he would make it appear. And if he had used some words, that I thought he might have kept in, he did it as a servant, and before the other [Maron], in whose presence he was to show some other countenance than he bore. But whereas I had, as it were by way of advice, given her to understand that she might do well to cause her servants to take another course, that he had considered it with the Queen, and she would do it; whereof, on his credit and honesty, I might assure her majesty. And though the late treaty had had no effect, yet his mistress was contented to enter [into it] again if she might have assurance of her majesty. Therefore she should do well first to begin as he had offered, to command her servants in France to leave off all intelligence with her subjects; which he undertook, telling me how, the night before, after we were gone, he had conferred with his mistress thereabout, and therefore I might assure so much, and that he would continue to do all good offices.

24 pp. Indorsed: "25 April, 1584. The relation of Mr. Waades conference with the Sc. La."

73. Instructions for an Ambassador to Scotland. [April 25]

"Instructions for A.B. to be presently sent into Scotland."

Is to inform the King of Scots that the Queen of England, notwithstanding his hard requital of her former care of his preservation, sends an express messenger to him to offer all offices of mediation that may tend to the quieting and appeasing of the troubles in Scotland. Is to tell him that if he had followed her advice heretofore given to him by sundry messengers whom she employed for that purpose, these troubles would have been avoided. If hereupon he shall, in defence of himself and such as now possess his ear, charge the noblemen lately assembled at Stirling with being authors of the said troubles, he is to tell him that nothing can be more dangerous for young Princes than to suffer themselves to be guided by the advice of violent and needy counsellors, who, being carried with a desire of private revenge or of enriching themselves with the spoil of others, neither weigh their Prince's honour and safety—as men transported with passion and particular respects—nor the weal of the State they live in, and that she has been sorry to see that, by the instigation of such violent counsellors, he has taken so hard and "straynable" a course with his nobility, which she saw could not in the end but breed that dangerous alteration that has now happened in his realm. For the speedy avoiding of the inconveniences that may hereafter follow, she thinks he shall do best to receive his nobility to his favour, who no way charge him, but ascribe their hard usage to the ill instruments about him, and not to be so transported by a particular affection to a few to hazard the loss of the hearts of the most part of his subjects—especially of those who for their birth, their religiousness towards God, and their fidelity to himself in the time of his minority deserved more gracious usage at his hands than they have received. She can by no means conceive so hardly of him as to think that the same proceeded of his own motion, but rather from the advice of such ill instruments about him, who, regarding more their own particular than his honour and safety, have carried him into so violent a course of government, which has been the principal cause of the present alteration. Also, she cannot but let him understand how ill and dishonourably she herself has been used by those ill instruments, in that they have sought to persuade him—as she is credibly informed —that she went about to practice the making away of him. As her former actions and proceedings manifestly witness how free she is from any such treasonable and wicked intent, so will it behove him with the eyes of judgment and indifferency to look into the mischievous purpose that may move these men to breed in him this dangerous suspicion and conceit of a Prince to whom he is so near of blood, and his next neighbour, by whose amity or enmity he is to look for most good or greatest harm, and thereupon to weigh them as they deserve. For if it would have pleased those malicious instruments to have resorted to a very fresh and new example of her usage of the Queen of Scots, when she was moved by her parliament to proceed against her in course of justice, and she forbore from assenting thereto, they should then see, that notwithstanding her sundry and dangerous designs that tend to the disquiet of her estate, how far off and unlikely she is to assent to any such ungodly and dishonourable act.

Is further to let him understand that she thinks it shall be very necessary for him, for the better and easier curing the disease of his State, grown through the misgovernment of those violent councillors, to commit the same to a parliament. And that in the meanwhile, for the avoiding of the danger and inconveniences that may grow in his realm through the continuance of his affection towards persons so generally hated, he shall do well either to commit the said parties where they may be in safety, or to commit them to remain in their own houses quietly, to the end they may be the safer from violence, which in times of such like alterations is commonly put in execution.

When he has proceeded thus far with the King, he is to let him understand that she has directed him to be used by him to pass also to the lords to declare to them in her name the purposes which she has for the preservation of the King, and for the appearing and compounding of the present troubles of Scotland; and therefore he is to require him to suffer him to repair to them accordingly for that purpose. And in order that he shall see her sincerity towards him and [that she has] no private respect for any party in his realm, he is to require him to appoint some honest gentleman of his party who is not touched with any point of faction to accompany him, and to be present and hear what he shall say to them as tending to the king's weal, and not to the favour of any faction.

Is to let the said lords understand, in the presence of such person as the King shall appoint, that hearing of the present troubles and foreseeing the great danger that the King and they themselves may thereby fall into, she could not—according to her wonted care always had of the King's preservation and of the tranquility of Scotland— but send an express messenger first to visit the King, and, as cause shall require, to procure an abstinence of arms and of all kind of blood shedding. Is to tell them that for her own part she carries so honourable a conceit of them that she cannot be persuaded their recourse to arms proceeded from any other cause than the regard they have for the King's service—seeing him abused by evil counsel— and for their own safety, "having ben over straynably prosecuted by the ill advice geven to the said King against them; and that if she had thought they had any other end or ground for their attempt, none would more mislike and impugn it than she herself."

In prosecuting the attempt she cannot but advise them therefore to have regard to the safety of the King's person, towards whom it shall behove them still to carry that duty and reverence that appertains, and to forbear from entering into blood in respect of their private quarrels, which would greatly discredit their cause, and give no less advantage to their enemies against them. Is to advise them to procure that such as have misguided the King may be brought to an ordinary trial and not violently made away.

Is to let them know that she wishes that they will, by all the means they can seek, to further the general assembly of a parliament, as the fittest and most convenient remedy to stay and redress the present mischiefs; and that in case they shall carry themselves with that regard for their duty to the King which appertains in the action they have taken in hand, they shall lack no comfort and assistance she can yield them to further the same to some good end. But in case the King rejects her offer of mediation, he is to let him plainly understand that though he cannot himself discern what tends to his good, yet she will not omit to signify to him that which in conscience she shall be persuaded to be profitable for him. And therefore as long as she shall see, and be persuaded that the noblemen's actions tend to his preservation and her own defence, by removing ill ministers from about him who abuse him with false surmises, and lead him into a violent course likely to breed his own ruin and the overthrow of his whole State, she may not abandon them and leave them undefended in their lawful enterprise. She sees not how with reason she should disallow or mislike of their proceeding.

Lastly, for that it is very hard in this uncertain and broken state of things in Scotland to prescribe to him [the ambassador] directly what certain course he shall hold in this his negotiation, she leaves him to do therein as, in his own discretion, the accidents and circumstances happening shall lead him to. Only she would have him bear in mind these principal points following as the material scope whereunto she thinks meet the whole negotiation should be directed: (1) That the King's own person be in safety. (2) That he may be persuaded of her goodwill and desire to have him reign in peace and quietness at home. (3) That he may be persuaded sincerely to favour and follow the religion wherein he was nourished and instructed. (4) That he may be won not to give credit to such as are known Papists nor to such as have been favourers of the enemies to his title. (5) That he may likewise be won to favour and embrace such noblemen as have been constant in the religion and in the maintenance of his title from his childhood. (6) That the parties favouring religion, the honour of the King, and the amity of England may obtain their reasonable demands, live in safety in Scotland, and have restitution of their lands, offices or goods taken from them not judicially.

8 pp. Draft with many corrections in the hands of Burghley and Walsingham. Indorsed by Walsingham.

"A drawght of instruction for A.B. to be presentlye dispatched into Scotland: " and by (Burghley's clerk), "25 Aprill, 1584."

74. Shrewsbury to Walsingham. [April 25.] C.P., vol. XIII.

My hearty thanks for the care you have of my licence to repair to her majesty. I must pray you for continuing therein, and that, according to my expectation, I may be shortly received in the same without so many delays. The sufficiency of Mr. Waad, who I doubt not will impart to you the whole that has passed here during his abode, makes the present [letter] short. Sheffield. Signed: G. Shrewsbury.

½ p. Holograph. Addressed. Indorsed.

75. Direction Given to Mr. William Davison. [April 25.] Cott. Calig., C. VIII., fol. 20.

"Copy of the direction given to Mr. W. Davison for the employment of the 2000l., sent to Sir John Forster. Signed by the Lord Threasurer."

On his way to Berwick is to repair to Sir John Foster and receive of him 1000l. which, he is to carry with him to Berwick. Immediately after his arrival there, is to confer with Mr. Robert Bowes touching the estate of Scotland, and inform himself of what strength the noblemen assembled lately at Stirling are; and in case, upon conference with him, he shall find them in that state which carries reasonable probability that with support of money they shall be able to prevail against those who now abuse the King's ear and authority, "then shall you with th'assent of the said somme or the whole as betweene you shalbe agreed on unto some such personne as you shall learne by Mr. Bowes to be authorised for the recept thereof" [sic], taking of the said party an acquittance for such sums as you shall deliver.

If any greater sum shall be demanded of him, and Bowes and he shall see good cause to furnish them with it, then they are to send to Sir John Foster for the other 1000l., and make delivery of the whole or part, as they shall see cause, to such person or persons as shall be authorised to receive the same. Is to give great charge to such persons as shall be appointed to receive the money and to such others as shall appertain to themselves, whose service they shall use in this behalf, to use the matter with all secrecy.

1 p. Copy. No indorsement.

76. [ ] to Mary. [April 26.] C.P., vol. XIII.

Madam, since my last letter the "malcontents" have taken the town and castle of Stirling, that is to say the Earls of Angus, Mar and the master of Glamis—the King caused (— (fn. 2) ) to be apprehended. He has been examined by (— (fn. 2) ), me, and some others. He has confessed all their wicked enterprise, and that there were many others of their band, as the Earl of Bothwell, Marshall, Forbes, Sesford, and some others, and that it was designed by the ministers. God willing, the King marches in person to-morrow, and bears his arms. I hope that his majesty will triumph so much in these treaties that it will give occasion henceforth for respecting and fearing his majesty. (— (fn. 2) ) will be put in safety; the Earl of Bothwell will be sent back. The Earl of Lindsey will be imprisoned. Madam, write to the King to have remembrance of past times. Or, madam, write to the Duke of Guise to hasten everything, so as to put an end to these enormities. Thus, madam, I am content to yield to the importunity of the bearer in kissing your majesty's hands very humbly. I will pray God, madam, that he may give you perfect health, long and prosperous life.

Edinburgh, 26 April, from your majesty's very humble subject and servant.

½ pp. French. Indorsed: 2 May 1584. "Letter deciphred."

Copy of the same.

Cott. Calig., C. VIII, fol. 40.

Extract from the same.

77. Robert Bowes to [Walsingham]. [April 26.] Cott. Calig., C. VIII., fol. 19 b.

Received credible information this morning that Colonel Stewart went forth towards Stirling on Thursday night last (fn. 3) with 1000 horsemen, promising "to knocke on Sterlygne walles"; but he stayed long in Linlithgow. Afterwards he passed to Torwood, where some small skirmishes were of none effect. About 11 a.m. yesterday the King and his army marched from Edinburgh towards Linlithgow with 6000 men on horseback and foot. The vanguard ["vayward"] was committed to Huntly, Crawford, Arran, Montrose, and Rothes. The King was in the middle ward guarded with 500 shot set forth from Edinburgh. In the "rereward" were the Lords Sinclair, Somerville, Hume, and others. The young Duke [of Lennox] was committed to, and left with the Provost of Edinburgh.

The lords in Stirling being advised as well of the present forces against them as also of others gathering, put 80 or 100 men into the castle, and afterwards withdrew themselves from Stirling, for their forces were not above 500 or 600 men; and such friends as promised to come to them failed and broke promise. Thus they are departed from Stirling and "geven backe"; but cannot learn that they are wholly broken. It is advertised herewith to him that they are drawing together towards the Borders.

Bothwell is commanded to return to his own house, leaving his forces behind him. His servant, sent to Angus on Thursday last, was taken and brought to the King. Bothwell justified the sending of him, and that he had written and sent to Angus to give up kindness with them. Bothwell had arrived at home, but he is sent for again.

Lindsay is warded in Blackness. Coldenknowes also comes to ward, Cesford is commanded to forbear from coming to the King. Gowrie, as it is credibly reported, has confessed and discovered the whole matter and the names of thirty-two noblemen and great barons to have been parties in this action, persuading the King thereon to beware to proceed over hastily. Great reward is promised to any that shall apprehend and bring to the King any of the lords or parties in this enterprise, and they are publicly declared traitors and rebels. Berwick. Signed: Robert Bowes.

1 p. No flyleaf or address.

78. Robert Bowes to Walsingham. [April 27.]

Sir, I received your last, of the 24th instant, this morning, together with the occurrents certified herewith. I see here already myself— and better than I—so far condemned upon the evil success of this enterprise, that I look for nothing else but disgrace with the evil fortune of these unfortunate persons, foully betrayed and abused. I wish that the whole burden of the fault—if any be—should be wholly laid on myself, and that no part thereof should fall on those who are scorned and be, indeed, utterly guiltless of it. I am prepared to endure with patience all that can come to me, wishing with my heart that this triumph may not turn hereafter to sorrow, yea, in those who now think to have won the victory, and who may, peradventure, find no better faith and true dealing in Scotland than others have tasted before.

It is now high time, and more, that I should be set at liberty from this charge of intelligence, wherein I can do no good. I beg you to procure my leave with speed. Berwick. Signed: Robert Bowes.

¾ p. Holograph, also address. Indorsed.

79. Angus and Mar to Walsingham. Elizabeth. [April 29.]

Whereas for the safety of the person and estate of the King of Scots, and for the preservation of religion, the common weal of their country, and the amity with England, likely to be brought into extreme danger by the subtile practices of some crept near his majesty's person and greatly abusing his youth and good nature, they, with the advice of many good men of their nation, have been persuaded and driven to seek due and careful remedy in this behalf, whereby their good intention is taken in evil part by his majesty, and they are forced to leave their country, and have arrived at Wark, Request the Queen of England's leave to remain in her dominion. Sir John Selby, deputy warden of that March, has brought them to Berwick, where they now remain. Purpose to send a messenger to him that he may signify to the Queen of England the cause of their action.

1¹/8 pp. Copy. Indorsed: "The coppie of th' Earles of Angus and Mars lettre to Mr. Secretary, Aprill 29, 1584."

Cott. Calig., C.VIII., fol. 21.

Original of the same.

80. Walsingham to Mr. William Davison. [April 29.]

The Queen of England, upon advertisements from Mr. Bowes touching the hard case the well affected lords of Scotland stand in, has found it meet that he should forbear to proceed to Scotland until he shall receive further direction. Her pleasure is that in case he has not sent to the opposite warden to acquaint the King of Scots with the cause of his repair thither, he should forbear to do it. The Court. Signed: Fra. Walsyngham.

½ p. Holograph. Addressed. Indorsed.

81. Robert Bowes to Walsingham. [April 30.] Cott. Calig., C. VIII., fol. 22.

In long conference with the Master of Glamis—who, amongst these, best knows the true state of these matters—he perceives by him that the hard success in this late enterprise at Stirling has chiefly grown upon these causes following:

First, the friends—contented to enter into this action, and on whose assistance the enterprisers most depend—were not sufficiently dealt with and bound by express consent, intelligence, and bond. "In which behalf Gowry (after his accustomed and cold maner of dealing) traveyled with many; with whome albeytt he did nott conclude in any plane sorte, nor did bynd them to be redy to accomplysh such particler effectes as the rest of thassocyattes looked for att ther handes: yett fynding gud willes in them, he was satysfyed, and gave thother assocyattes to understande that they wold joyne and concurre with them, and kepe such tryst as was appoynted att Sterling."

Secondly, by the taking of Gowrie, all such as he had dealt with made reckoning that with him the cause was defeated. Whereupon they broke the time of the tryst prescribed at Stirling—being then within three days of Gowrie's apprehension—and afterwards they had no power to come thither with their forces, notwithstanding that they knew that some of the fellowship had kept the tryst and entered into the action.

Thirdly, the enterprisers keeping the tryst—and looking verily to have found thereat their associates with forces sufficient—came thither out of their wards, and from foreign places, with small numbers, having no leisure to gather and bring with them their own proper powers. Wherefore they were not able, with so small a handful of men, to do any exploit at Edinburgh or present themselves in the field, as was purposed and generally set down.

Fourthly, such friends as had arrived at the Court and were in the field with the King could not do such offices as they were destined to, by occasion that the enterprisers could not show any head or forces in the field against them, so that by these occasions the enterprisers were forced to break and do as is already known to him.

For the proof of these four causes hindering the progress of this action he has opened to him many circumstances, appearing, he thinks, to be very probable. He [the Master of Glamis] is persuaded that if they had been able to have showed themselves in the field with 1000 men at one time, they should have prevailed without difficulty. Besides, he verily thinks that all their friends shall retain their former minds and resolutions, and that upon new and better form of dealing with them they may be readily drawn to amend the errors past, and that thereby the cause, and all the parties therein, may in short time be well restored. He is the better comforted herein, because some courtiers, and of special account, have since their coming hither offered great kindness and to adventure themselves far in the cause.

Upon hope of the constancy of their friends, and by the occasion of the new friendship proffered by courtiers and persons of good quality, they purpose to "deale backe agayne," as they say, and make proof of the resolute determinations to be concluded herein, and to be bound up in perfect and sound manner. And albeit there is good appearance of better events in these matters, yet knowing how weighty, and of what quality the same are, he dares not give any assurance.

Stirling Castle is simply rendered to the King, yet the lives of all therein shall be saved; for the Master of Livingston obtained the pardon of David Hume, the principal man left in the piece, and Sir Robert Melville got remission for Shaw. The King continues at Stirling, having dissolved almost all his forces, purposing to return to Edinburgh on Saturday next. It is hitherto meant that Gowrie shall end his life shortly, and Lindsay, now in Tantallon, is like to find small favour.

Has looked these two days for the arrival of one or two of his friends from the Court; but hears that they are driven to retire for their safety. Therefore he is occasioned, for this time, to commend the report of the present affairs in Scotland to the letters of others who without difficulty have the best advertisement thereof. Berwick. Signed: Robert Bowes.

3 pp. Holograph, also address.

82. Mary to Monsieur De Mauvissière. [April 30.] Harl. MSS. 1582, fol. 321.

The steward Maron's arrival and his conversation with her and Mr. Waade. Her letter sent to the Queen of England by Waade. Her letters to the King of France. Conspiracy of the Earls of Angus, Mar, Gowrie, and others. Archibald Douglas to travail with Angus, Gowrie, etc., to lay down their arms. Her desire to send some one to her son. Report that young Seton is at Bordeaux concerning the marriage between her and Philip II. The Queen of England's intention to send the Earl of Derby and other lords to the King of France with the Order of the Garter, and to conclude an alliance with him. Her request that he write to the King of France. Report of the Duke of Anjou's death. Sheffield.

3¼ pp. French. Copy. (Printed Labanoff, vol. iv., p. 457.)

83. Answer to the Distressed Lords of Scotland. [April.] Cott. Calig., C. VIII., fol. 27.

"The answere of the distressed Lordes of Scotland to the matters they are charged with, as followeth:"

"The three heades whereupon we were accused. First, that with twelve hundred men we should have environyd the abbay and upon [sic] seased upon our maister the Kinges majestee's person, which because of many impediments tooke no effect. Then, that we should have devised to have enterteyned fiftye men, and when his majestee's horse had bene weryed at huntinge, to have layde violent handis upon his majestee's owne person, and then have brought him together to the house of Douglas Conlage, or to an isle within Loughlevin; but because of delayes of tyme and impedimentis that occurrit therupon, we toke us to the third—most pernicious of all— that every one of us three, and the Abbot of Arbroth, should have suborned two of our owne servauntes to kill his majestee's most sacred person, they being disguised, with swift horses to eschewe when as they had accomplished their wicked purpose."

Our answer was to this effect, so far as I remember:—Surely the crimes are great that are laid to our charge, and so much the more grievous to us, that nothing being left presently by the malice of our enemies, whereof we are not "spotted saif," her majesty's good opinion of us, and our own honour, both of which by this calumny they think to deprive us of. Nevertheless, we hope in God the contrary effect shall be proved, seeing we have "obtained" at her majesty's and your honours' hands to be heard before we be convicted: which surely we could never obtain in our own country.

It is not unknown to your lordship nor to my lord ambassador, that ever since the first arrival of the Duke of Lennox in Scotland, we who are here present, and many more of the nobility, seeing the dangers imminent to the religion, the peril wherein his majesty's own person [was, and] the dissolution of the amity betwixt the two nations to be aimed at, sought by all lawful and ordinary means to remove such pernicious councillors from his majesty, as it became faithful subjects. "What we had for us that they aymed at this marke, by Godes grace hereafter when as we enter in the apologie and defence of our case, we shall make it cleare." But presently, because we are to answer to accusations laid out against us, we will not trouble your honours therewith.

It pleased God for a certain time to "renunce" such pernicious Councillors from his majesty. At which time we who are here present remained continually about his majesty, and occasion served us, if ever we had had any such malicious and wicked purposes in our thoughts, to have accomplished them without danger. And herein, my lord ambassador, we call you to bear witness as [one] who is sent from his majesty our master to have the truth tried, if ever during the time of our remaining with his majesty you saw any uncomely deed or [heard] any "unreverent word" towards his majesty, yea, or if ever our enemies were so impudent [as] to accuse us of such a crime. It is true it was then laid to our charge that we should have betrayed him for money to her majesty, and now we are burdened with going about to seek his majesty's life, when neither time nor occasion serve us to accomplish any such wicked purpose. How likely this is, your honours may easily judge. Neither do we speak this to the end that our loyalty and good service in times past should be any excuse for any treasons now devised by us. But at the least it may appear probable, having that same cause then as now, and occasion ministered to us without danger of accomplishing our purpose, and not doing the same nor ever intending it. It is not likely that ever such barbarous cruelty should have sunk into our hearts when we could not have accomplished our purpose without danger, nor lived without perpetual infamy thereafter. It is true, we must confess, that if time and occasion had served us heretofore, we might have "renunced sic pernicious counsaylours from his majestye who yet shootes at the same markes."

We know we should have done God, his majesty, and both the nations good service, ever keeping this in memory, that as the end whereat we shoot is godly and honest, so the "middes" by which we should work should be godly, lawful, and honest, and without danger to his majesty's sacred person. That these men prosecute the self same course that we have done, we by God's grace shall hereafter declare to your honours. In respect, therefore, of the evil offices which these men have done, and do daily in general to our realm, and in particular towards ourselves, we trust your honours will not burden us to make any purgation to them, whatsoever our intention has been, although we can clear ourselves. Yet seeing how prejudicial it is to our cause, and hurtful to our own honours, we do not look to be burdened therewith, as concerning anything meant against the King's majesty by us, we shall not only be answerable since our coming to England, but since our youth to this day, either directly or indirectly.

There are three accusations laid against us. The two first alleged to be devised by us could not be brought to execution because of the impediments that fell thereon. The third—a treason devised by us— had been accomplished if it had not been revealed. As for the first, if we had gone where his majesty was—which few desired—to be heard, [and] had moved his majesty to renounce such wicked counsellors from his company, surely we had done his majesty good service, and had been answerable for the same by all laws. But to answer directly, and not to trouble your lordships [with] what we must do by law—we never devised any such purpose. As to the second, that we had 50 horse, and would have laid violent hands on his majesty and brought him to some of those houses or places, we answer, that if any faithful subjects on foot or horse, many or few, might move his majesty to see the peril and danger imminent, etc., and moved his majesty upon good reasons to withdraw from their company to any place sure for his majesty's own person, etc., we never devised any such purpose. As to the third, surely we abhor speaking of it. And if ever it came to our thought—much less to be spoken by our mouths, and executed by our device—we are not worthy to live or receive breath—much less to be received within her majesty's dominions.

It was answered us, as I remember, that for the verifying thereof, and especially of the first two heads, there was the Laird of Dumfries's deposition, the speech delivered by one Robert Hamilton of [ ], the Lairds of Drumwhassel and Mains executed for the same, and letters alleged to the same effect, sent by some of us to the Laird of Dumfries by one John Hume. Being demanded if we sent any letters by the Laird of Dumfries, our answer was that since our arrival in England all the good men in our country being discontented, we received money, and many received the like of us, but that we never sent any letters to the Laird of Dumfries or any other that might import hurt to his majesty.

It was then demanded if we sent any to [the Laird of] Dumfries at all. Our answer was, that although it was no fault on our part to send letters to Scotland, provided that they were not prejudicial to his majesty or his State, yet such was the violence of our enemies that if they only received a commendation from us they were straightway examined. And for verifying thereof we declare the execution of one David Hume. So that it behoved their honours to bear with us, although we did not answer to that point, if we had sent letters into Scotland, lest we should by purgation of ourselves appear to accuse others, it behoved us to abstain from answering to that point.

As to the proofs laid out against us, we desired that either at that time or thereafter my lord ambassador would declare what were the depositions of the Lairds of Drumwhassel and Mains. He declared that the Laird of Drumwhassel ever denied knowledge of such purpose, but was convicted upon a practice conspired against the Chancellor of Scotland, the Earl of Arran, as he reported. So to that we made no answer, because we were not accused thereof. As to the Laird of Drumwhassel, he said he was convicted on his own confession upon foreknowledge and concealing of their purpose, whereunto he said he never consented. But in respect that he did not charge us with having intelligence with Drumwhassel upon these matters, it was "importment" to us, although we heard say Drumwhassel passed with another resolution to Edinburgh. But thus much we answered, "de iis qui non sunt et non extant idem est judicium."

As to Francis Hamilton, we know not such a man, nor have we heard anything but his name.

As to the Laird of Dumfries, "I knewe him not well." But this we know of him, that he professes himself plainly the Duke of Lennox's man, who brought a commission from the Duke of Lennox to the King's majesty, had his lands of him, received good deed of him, was in good favour and credit with him, was made knight when he was made Duke, near in blood, as we understand, to the Earl of Montrose whose uncle has married his sister and is detained in the hands of our enemies. If either by violence this be drawn from him for fear of his life or by persuasions induced to speak this, or if he has spoken it at all, or if any other person has overcome him, we trust so much in his own honesty that if he were here present he would never say that ever we devised such purposes. But if he were induced thereto, what could the testimony of one man prove?

As to the third, it was alleged that we only used a simple "negon" in so great matters, and so clear for verification. Wherefore he alleged that the Laird of Dumfries, looking for nothing but death after his first confession, and finding himself grieved in conscience, revealed this last barbarous and cruel conspiracy. "Who being brought in judgment when he was convicted, afore his conviction, this his confession of his foreknowledge of this last treason being redd out in the audience of five hundred persons, and knowledge thereof comeing to us we absented John Home thereupon; so that the confession of the Lord of Dumfreis and the flieinge of John Home, who toke the deed on him by not compearance, should serve against us for two wittnesses, so that it was sufficiently proved."

Item, we answered that to matter which we knew not, we could say no more but deny. As to the probations alleged by him concerning the Laird of Dumfries, we are thus much persuaded of our own innocency and of his honesty, whosoever he be who might be confronted with us, he should never stand by such a deposition. Or if he did it should evidently appear he never had anything from us for the same. And hereupon having nothing left but our lives and honours, we offer to "engage" the same. If he might ever be confronted with us we should appear innocent to all men, and herein earnestly insisted that Dumfries might be brought to confront us. For we are assuredly persuaded that such a fact as this could never sink into any Christian breast.

As to John Home, it is not unknown to your lordships that we were not able to entertain our whole company in these parts, and thereupon left many of them, and him among the rest, to see what they could do for themselves at our coming forth of Newcastle, not knowing at that time that any such purpose as this was laid to his charge. We have exhibited all such as we had with us, because, if we were not able to entertain him and his with us, and they are passed away to such places as we know not, and are not able presently to produce them, whatsoever things shall be alleged against us therein, your honours will not esteem it equitable; for some of those who "are in" this deposition are in France, and some in Spain, and have been there this year and more, whom we are not able to produce; yet they are alleged to be executors of this barbarous fact.

Hereunto my lord ambassador replied that it came enough to our knowledge before John Home departed forth of our company. Whereunto we answered the contrary was most certain. Thereupon he called for his servant and brought forth Dumfries's first deposition, as he said, which was of the 8th of February; so that his "convicting behoved" to be at the soonest the 9th or 10th of the same month. Which day we answered that we came forth of Newcastle, and alleged that we had written the same to her majesty and some of the Secret Council. The ambassador then said that it was the 10th day of March that we removed. Whereunto we answered that we were in Stamford at the time of his coming, which was in February. We were in Cambridge ["Trimerage"] the time of the Commencements, which were in February also. We came to Norwich, as we understood, the 27th of February. So that, departing forth of Newcastle the 10th of February, at which time John Home departed from us, it is manifest that Dunketh's conviction or his deposition could not be to our knowledge, whereupon we should have absented John Home. But the verity of all these matters would appear if Dumfries were here produced, and we had him to be confronted.

7⅓ pp. Copy.

84. Opinion concerning Scottish Affairs. [April.] Cott. Calig., C. VIII., fol. 32.

"My opinion concerninge the Scottish effaris, presentit to my Lord Secretary."

The King [of Scots] is enemy to the Queen of England and her estate; which needs no probation, for it is manifest. Therefore "I conclud that his felicite is his infelicite." But if it shall appear to some that he may be reclaimed, then shall it be necessary to reclaim him in such sort as shall not be prejudicial to the distressed, her majesty's faithful friends.

That neither the King's present estate—although it seems to flourish—is so happy, nor the condition of the distressed lords so desperate as men judge, he proves, comparing his form of government with his mother's in this sort. He be led by the same counsel that governed her, and so far as he has yet proceeded in his actions, resembles hers in all points, at least it is no better; ergo, his happiness must be as transitory as hers was.

That his actions past resemble hers he proves thus: at her first coming to Scotland she was "in good bruit" about two years, as long as she used the godly counsel of the Earl of Murray. So was there good expectation of the King about fourteen years, so long as he followed the good advice of such as professing the true religion preserved him in his youth. After the expelling of the Earl of Murray from Court he began manifestly to maintain Papists to persecute John Knox ["Lenox"] and sundry others of the ministry for alleged civil causes, but in truth meaning nothing but to subvert religion. So does the King. He has expelled all who preserved him in his youth, and has rendered himself subject to such as are Papists. Without the advice of her nobility she [the Queen of Scots] married Lord Darnley, and with him persecuted the Earl of Murray, the Duke of Hamilton, the Earls of Glencairn and Rothes, and sundry other noblemen, who, convening at the time in Edinburgh, thought to have removed the evil counsel from her husband. Yet finding that the rest who had promised to assist them kept neither place nor time assigned—viz., the Earls of Morton, Mar, Marishal, Cassillis, the Lords Lindsay, Ruthven, Hume, Sempill, and Cathcart —they were compelled for safety of their lives to "retain" themselves to England. In like manner the King, without advice of his Estates, traffics with his mother upon a committed authority, casting his title into doubt. He persecutes a great number of his nobility as she did. Her husband being jealous of an Italian, "Dava" [Rizzio], caused the Earl of Morton, Lords Ruthven and Lindsay to kill him. She called home again the banished lords, promising them very largely if they would concur with her against her said husband. But finding them no way inclined thereto, she appointed with Bothwell to murder her husband, and thereafter married the said Earl. Though the King and his company be very glorious after the chasing away of some of his noblemen, yet there is great appearance, if he alters not his evil course, that other inconveniences will fall out. How could the Queen have converted her fervent love for the Lord Darnley into such mortal hatred?

In all ages, when the Kings of England could not be assured of the favour of the Kings of Scotland, they ever "entertained" some of the nobility of Scotland to be their friends, thinking it very necessary and profitable for their estate. Why did that valiant Prince Henry VIII. so much advance the Earls of Angus and Lennox, but because he could not be assured of his nephew James V.? Why did her majesty assist the Scottish Protestants at Leith, but to expel the French and such as governed the State to be at enmity with her? Why did her majesty ever to this day assist the lords maintaining the King, but to preserve him and make him obliged to favour her? Now, seeing he seems to have forgotten all her benefits, wherefore should her majesty desist from maintaining and defending such as are assuredly at her devotion?

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85. Declaration of the Innocency of Angus, Mar, and others. [April.] Cott. Calig., C. VIII., fol. 25.

"A brief declaracion of the innocencie of the Erles of Angusse, Mar, Master of Glames and remanent distressed of the land, presented to her majestie of England for answer to certen sclanderous reportes geven out against them."

Forasmuch as some cease not continually by slanderous reports to make us odious to your majesty, charging us with sundry infamous matters whereof we are most innocent, but especially alleging that we have intended violence against the King our sovereign's person by attempting sundry practices for his destruction, we answer that we are free and guiltless of any such meaning, as our actions past—to none better known than to your majesty's self—testify. For it is manifest that we and our friends had his majesty in keeping till he was full fourteen years of age. During which time—let men affirm as they list—it can never be verified that any undutiful word was pronounced all that while against his highness, or any suspicion of violence offered. by us or any of ours to his royal person. But "contrariouse," such diligent care had for his preservation as lay in our power to perform, which the "ingaginge" of some of our lands and blood of the best of our friends spent at that time well testifies.

And since his majesty accepted the government on his own person, albeit we have been persecuted in body and goods very hardly— which we do not impute to his majesty—our lives sought by sundry unlawful means both at home and abroad, our wives, children, friends, and servants used in most pitiful manner, yet we protest before God—whose mercy we renounce if we lie, and your majesty's favour if the contrary can be verified—that no evil thought or meaning ever came into our minds contrary his majesty's person, crown or country. Indeed, we perceived a dangerous course, devised prejudicial to the estate of true religion and the professors thereof, and only comfortable to factious persons, as daily more and more appears. Prejudicial also to the amity betwixt the two crowns and lovers thereof, and a course very dishonourable many ways to his majesty's self. For reformation whereof we insisted with all humility, ever preferring his majesty's honour, safety, and estimation to our own lives, etc.

If there were no other argument to prove our affection to his majesty except only that necessity which for our own benefit compels us to wish his preservation, the same were sufficient to overthrow all that is objected against us.

For seeking to preserve his majesty in his minority, have we not deeply offended his mother and all others pretending title or claim, if his majesty should die without succession? So that we are void of all hope to have any tranquility in Scotland, saving so much as we expect to proceed from his majesty and his lineal descent.

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