Elizabeth: June 1584

159. Walsingham to Mr. William Davison. [June 2.]

Has acquainted her majesty with the contents of his letters of the 26th ult. Is to let the King of Scots understand, in answer to the offer of his strait friendship and amity with her, made to him by Arran and the rest, and that some might be chosen to be special instruments therein between them, that she has appointed Lord Hunsdon for her part to treat therein with Arran or such other as the King shall depute.

Touching the motion that commissioners may be mutually appointed on both sides about Border causes, he is to let the King understand that for her part she likes very well therof, and therefore, upon knowledge given to her of the quality of the persons that he means to depute, she will give order that they shall be met with others of like quality for her. This, nevertheless, will require some time, for she must first give direction to her wardens to make collections of such matters as they have to demand redress for, and [appoint] the place of meeting. How far the redress shall "look back," and other like necessary circumstances, must be mutually agreed on before the commissioners can be despatched. Her pleasure is that he shall continue there until he receives other direction. Richmond.

½ p. Copy. Indorsed.

160. Walsingham to Mr. William Davison. Elizabeth. [June 3. 1584.]

They have some reason to think that the Lord Seton is likely to return out of France with no great comfort, for they have heard from thence, and out of the Low Countries, that the King [of France] begins now to bend himself to the embracing of the enterprise of the Low Countries, finding how much "yt standeth him uppon" to bridle the overgreatness of Spain. For which purpose he sees it very necessary to entertain strait and sound friendship with the Queen of England, having accepted in most kind and thankful sort the foreknowledge that has been given him of her meaning to send the Garter shortly to him, with promise to do the greatest honour and courtesy that may be to the nobleman who shall bring the same to him. Some motion has been made that a man of state might be sent over to be conferred with about the Low Countries; but they [the English] are so slow in these actions that he thinks the purpose of the sending of my Lord of Derby shall go forward, and that her majesty will wade no further into the action than to forbear to take the advantage "of the going together by the eares of the two monarches" by making her peace with Spain. Thinks the French King must in the end content himself with that assurance, being all that he is likely to have of them.

Has thought good to make him acquainted with this, to the end he may know that if in Scotland they receive no greater comfort from Spain than they are likely to do from France, they have no great cause to stand upon any proud arms. Seton, doubting lest he be intercepted in his return home, means, as he understands, to convey himself into Scotland disguised in merchant's apparel.

The Queen of Scots, who also of late stood upon very lofty terms, taking advantage of the time by reason of the late alteration happened in Scotland, begins now to grow somewhat calmer, offering to employ her credit for the relief of the distressed noblemen, and to do any other thing that may procure her majesty's favour to her, upon which she protests chiefly to depend, and very earnestly to desire the same. Westminster. Signed: Fra. Walsyngham.

1¹/8 pp. Addressed. Indorsed.

161. Walsingham to Mr. William Davison. [June 3.]

Showed his letter of the 26th ult. touching his private affairs to her majesty, which ministered matter of long discourse, which neither his leisure will suffer him to impart to him nor does he see that it is greatly necessary for him to know it, save only that her majesty in her whole course of her speech greatly commended him and thought him a man worthy the cherishing, and concluded that at the Lord Treasurer's repair to the Court she would take some final conclusion with him touching his suit. She is content to yield to 80l. a year, promising also that when any office fit for his calling shall fall, she will not be unmindful of him.

Will have care that such letters as contain matters worthy of secrecy shall be used accordingly, yet this is hard to perform considering the contrariety of humours reigning in the parties, who for advice sake are to be made acquainted with the proceedings here.

The poor gentlemen who have retired into this realm are like to receive but cold comfort, having fewer favourers here than he looked for, and such become their enemies as neither the authority of their place nor the care they ought to have of her majesty's safety make allowable in them. But it agrees with the course they now hold here in displacing and depriving the best affected ministers. Looks for no better fruits from those who use religion for policy and many times abused it for faction. Will procure his revocation as soon as he can, for he is void of all hope of any good to follow his travail there, unless they here were more religious and resolute than they are. At the Court. Signed: Fra. Walsyngham.

Postscript.—Would gladly know what he has done with the 1000l.

2 pp. Holograph. Addressed. Indorsed.

162. Mr. Archibald Douglas to Walsingham. [June 3.]

"Sir, this berar Jhone Muisneir deliverit to me this uther tickat frome the ambassadour of France, quhairbye your honour may understand his ernist requeste, and the said Jho[ne] on his dessire to repair towartes your honour to mak interpretation of quhat kynd he deissiris to haif the hondis. I haiff takin the boldnes to recommend this sute onto your honour wyth no lesse affection nor the ambassadour cravis it, quho zister nycht had conference vyth my Lord Tresoreire, of quhome he ressavit greit gud speache vyth no smale affermation that he vas the onlye performar, or at leist movare, of ony gud mynd or mater that his mistres bure or suld performe to the Queen of Scottis. And the like assertione he maid that sum thair vas moir redye to hyndre materes nor he vas able to fordar. As to the present action he likit werray veill of ane memoriale presentit onto hym be Mr. Bile, and in lik maner of the contentis of the letteris cummit from the said quein to the ambassadour, the sum quhairof he vas dessirit to impart onto her majestie. Or gif he pretensit to schaw the letteris extante, his answer vas he visshit at God that his mistres mycht be sufficientlye persudite to beleif the contentis of the saidis letteris. To the doing thearof he wold do all that he culd, bot be resson of uther bussines he was not able to repair to Courte before Saterday. Upon this occasion the ambassadour is not to seik audience schortlye nor unto suche tyme as the Consale may be convenite to go thir. In this meane tyme he makis ane depesch to his maister, and accumpanyis the samin vyth the copye of the Queen of Scotlandis letteris craving that he may be excusit in caise ony repugnance or contrarietie shall appeir betuyxt ony audience of hir majesteis ambassadour and his letteris. And that be ressone albeit sum matere vas deliverit onto him be derection frome the Consale viij dayis before the vritting of this depesche that nychte in sum degre movit him to think that the Queen of Scotland cravit no mediation presentlye of the King of France, zit he vald in no vise vrite thairof onto suche tyme that he ressavit answer frome hir self, quhairof he now sendeth the copye, craving that adwising mycht be had thareupon accordinglye, and reffarris all the remanent to his next audience. At quhilk tyme he lukis to ressave answer accordinge to his majesteis dessire and deservinge. Dyvers uther speches passite betuixte my Lord Tresorer and the said ambassadour, quhilkis I omit to vrite of. Thus far I haif thocht conveniente to mak zour honour acquaynted. London. Signed: A. Douglas.

2 pp. Holograph, also address. Indorsed.

163. Sir James Melville to the Laird of Pittenweem or Sir Robert Melville. Elizabeth. [June 6. 1584.]

"Brother, yester day I raid to the well tre weall accompanied to meit the Englis ambassadour according to the Kingis majestes command. And because I taried lang and hard na word of hym I past till Couper incaice he had com another waye, and efter I had caused provyd his loging in David Welens, I raid out again and met him. The Lard of Bamowto brocht hym ther. He wald have reteinit his feid hors untill he mycht get audience of his majeste, bot I told him he nedit not, seing the lyk hors mycht be had in Couper. He rejosed and gaif gret thankis for that his majestie had caused hym to be honestly convoyed, and was glaid, as he allegit, to meit with me. It apperis that he has na hurtfall commission outwartly, and sais sa schone as the Stirling newes com to the court a soudain charge was geven to hym to com heir with diligence for the cair his mestres has alwayes had and has for the Kingis estait and preservation, bot being upon his journey Mester Widringtoun and Bowes advertist hym of his majesteis prosperous succes and sodain providence. Wherupon he toke some stay untill forther commandement mycht be geven hym as he has baith his first and second instructions, as I beleve, to schaw. He semes to be gentle and frendly and wissis he may be a mair happy instrument then uthers has bene this whill byegain, not that he will accuse the gud menyng of his compaignons and cuntre men, bot assures that the quen his maistress intention tendit alwais to his majesteis preservation, and that sche used sic meanis for the best, as was geven her be information of sic as hantid maist in thir partes, and as sche thocht suld best understand what was meitest to be done for the tym, and geve every man has done his deuty, it wilbe the better for him after wart—as he doutes not bot the have. As for hym he sall do his best to satisfie his soveranis expectation, to wit that he is lest factious of all her sarvantes, and leanis only upon her self. Then—his dewty observed to his soverain— he professit to bear gret effection unto the Kingis majeste, and therfore be way of frendly discours desyred to knaw of me what meanis mycht be metest till entertein and augment frendschip betwen the twa prencis and realmes, for he estemed me to be a man of his awen nature, not factious, bot weall effectionate, withoute respect, to the Kingis majestie my soverain and to the weall of the religion. I schew hym that being seakly and inclynit to quyetnes of mynd I was semdle in court, and therfore understode not sa weall the particularetes and circomstances of thingis as culd do many uthers who had medled in the matters. Yet in my oppinion, I said, I douted not bot the quenis intention was gud toward the King my soverain, and that her frendly offers wer alwais faire, and that in her hart sche haited the rebellion of subjectis, and yet the procedingis of her consellours, officers and messengers appered to be utherwais unto men of clear sight, and unto his majeste, wha was now a man both in wit and personnaige, and culd parsawe weall anoughe what they wer doing in the warld, and toke greter head till dedis then wordis."

"I said the custom of some contres wer to hald ther nyboures in civill discord, and send ambassadours to and fra to kendle the fyre under coulour to mak concord. Nether had I that oppinion of his maistress, nor yet of himself that many had of some consellours and ambassadours; bot this far I assured hym, onles his maistress procedit utherwais with the King then sche had done yet, matters wer able to fall out to her unmendable miscontentement. I wald not speak of auld done dedis, bot now laitly when Mester Walsingame was sent his majeste was in gud hope of a streit amytie to be pachete up, in respect of his awen ernest inclynation, and the qualities of him that was sent, and culd find nathing bot ane apperance of changement of mynd in him other upon some new occasion or be the parswasion of some in thir partes. And nevertheless his majeste delt favorably and famylierly with hym, and schew favour unto sindry that wer suspect at his request, and kepit straitly some spechis that was betwen them. Albeit efterwart Mester Bowes allegit the contrary in sic sort as sindry thocht it was done bot to pyk a quarell. And wheras his majeste was mercyfully inclynit to all his subjectis to ther awen confessit contentement, baith they with some of England and some of England with them had practyses whereof her majeste had some foirewarnyng, yet drew to plain rebellion be them that cam hot fut out of England and Yreland, and is now returnit and traited ther again. And then ye will say the quen loves his majeste, the quen sekis his majestes preservation. What is this bot moquery ? And anent the religion, when my Lord Burly was heir at the sege of Leith, hering the forveying (fn. 1) of our ministers, he gaif plain consell to put ordour unto them, or elis they wald subvert the haill estait. And now albeit na man can reproche his majestes religion nor yet his liff and conversation, quhilk is better reformid and mair godly then thers, yet they tak occasion daily to cry out upon his hyenes without rym or raison, and upon his best frendis and counsellours, quhilk I deduct to hym particulairly, and of the other slanderous practyses of some of them; quhilk he seames to disalow and be of my Lord Burly's oppinion in that pointe. He thinkis the sodain changement stranger and mair dangerous than he can mislyk of it. Bot he sais he will not be curious in a strange republik, nor he is not com to offend his majeste, bot rather to pleas hym and wherin and how thingis may be helpit. He feris my Lord Crownell [Stewart] has not bene over favorable to England. Bot I said he did all gud offices of amytie and speakis mekle to the quenis majestes prayse, bot fand falt with some frictioners baith heir and ther. He speakis nathing of my Lord of Arran bot gud."

"To conclud, I said geve the quen requyre frendschip sche mon lyk of the Kingis freindis, sche mon hait his ennemys and other delyver them in his handis or chais them fourth of hir contre, as sche did at his majestes mothers desyre after the slauchter of Davy [Riccio]. And mairover sche mon assist his majeste with substance and forces as sche did sometymes to some of his regentis. For I assured hym in sa doing sche nadit not to fear his majestes ambition, wha was yet, and apperantly wald be thir many yeares mair bent upon honest pastym, then gret handling of contres without he be compellit be sic kynd of doing as has past heirtofore. For he thinkis him self yong anough to abyd upon any thing that God hes provydit for him. This as ye find opportunite ye may schawe his majeste and secret consaill, and send word then the ambassadour is able to get audience, that horses may be provydit." Signed: Your brother, James Melville.

Postscript.—"I have as yet had bot schort conferrance. It appears that the kingis majestes gallant wreting moves them to be mair gentill. I have yet enterit with hym upon our ald purpos. Your schort wreting cam bot this day to my handis."

3 pp. Holograph, also address. No indorsement.

164. Mary to Huntly. [June 6.] Cott. Calig., C. VIII., fol. 64.

Rejoiced to hear of his good imitation of his honourable ancestors. Accepts the affectionate and faithful offers he makes her.

¾ p. Copy. (Printed, Labanoff, vol. v. p. 476).

165. James VI. to the Fugitive Ministers of the Kirk. [June 9.] Cott. Calig., C. VIII., fol. 66.

Forasmuch as since the accepting of the regiment on our person we have chiefly endeavoured to establish godly and perfect order of policy in the Church of our realm for the sincerity of the Gospel being professed in our realm, and the troubles wherewith this realm has been vexed in our minority not permitting a solid and established order of policy, we coming to years of maturity have, by the Grace of God, chiefly disposed our intention to maintain the truth, set forth His glory, by whose mercy we govern and reign, and to establish such order whereby posterity hereafter may find comfort. And because this work of God cannot duly be accomplished without instruments, and that we are certainly informed of your good gifts and long time bestowed in godly learning, especially in the Scriptures, and that chiefly to perform this work we have need of men indued with such virtues, therefore we have given commission to our well beloved Mr. Archibald Herbertson, whom ye shall trust in our name, that ye may with possible diligence address yourselves hither to your native country and King, that we may have your counsel, assistance, and concurrence to so godly a work; assuring you upon our honour and on the word of a Prince that upon your returning to your native country ye shall find us disposed not only to consider the pains of your journey, but also to respect you likewise in your placing and providing for you in honourable rooms, which we desire to be furnished with godly, learned and quiet spirits. And like as we protest before God to mean sincerely, so we wish you to render that obedience to us whereby ye shall have good proof of our favour.

We have also commanded our well beloved chaplain and Chancellor, the bishop of St. Andrews, to write to you in these matters. Falkland.

1¼ pp. Copy.

166. Mr. William Davison to Walsingham. [June 10.]

On the 29th ult. he signified to him from Berwick the receipt of his safe-conduct and purpose to set forwards the next day to this town, which by some indisposition of his health he was constrained to put off to the Monday following, and arrived here the same night. Not long after he had entered his lodging, the Provost and Bailiffs came to him pretending a commandment from the King and disposition in themselves to offer him what pleasure and service they might do him as well in respect of her majesty, whose merits at the hands of the King and country they acknowledged with many good words, as in regard for himself, who, as it pleased them to say, had always done good offices, both public and private, in nourishing the common amity between both crowns, and particular help of divers of their poor neighbours who have had to do in the English Court, etc., with many other like officious compliments to that effect.

Within an hour after Sir Robert Melville repaired likewise to him under the same pretext, as well to sound and feel him as to "previturpre" his judgment with some tolerable opinion of the present state and course of things here, whereon he would have entered into particulars with him, but finding himself suddenly "distempered" and very ill at ease after his journey, he was compelled to break off his purpose.

The next day, feeling himself ill disposed and altered by the former night's accident, he forbore to send to the Court. In the meantime he was visited again by the Provost and Bailiffs, who renewed to him their former compliments and offers of courtesy, etc. About 3 o'clock the next morning he despatched one of his servants to the Court to know his majesty's pleasure for his audience. The same day, after dinner, the Provost repaired again to him accompanied with Mr. John Graham, a man newly called to be of the Session in the place of Mr. Robert Punt, lately used as judge upon Gowrie's assize, and let him understand that the King had appointed the said Mr. John Graham to attend on him to the Court when he should be ready, and in the meantime to do him what other service and courtesy he might. And so, after some ordinary words of office and entertainment, the Provost, pretending some business in their Session, departed, leaving his companion behind him. Who being, as he perceived, directed to the same end, after some insinuation and circumstance, laboured to "creep into" him, to see what he might gather concerning his charge and affection. But finding him somewhat "straighter laced" than he looked for, and perceiving him to "smell his drift" he excused his boldness, with desire not to be mistaken, contenting himself only with such generalities of the continuing goodwill of her majesty towards the King his master of his [Davison's] own particular inclination as her minister to those offices that might tend rather to the strengthening than impairing of that amity and friendship which had hitherto been between their majesties and their countries, etc. And so, after some other ceremonies to and fro, he took his leave, praying him to give him knowledge, after his man's return, of his diet and journey to the Court, that according to his majesty's pleasure and commandment he might wait on him.

The next morning, Thursday, his man returned from the Court accompanied with a gentleman from the Colonel [Stewart], who brought him word that his majesty had appointed him the next day for his audience, and commanded some gentlemen in Fife to meet him at Kinghorn, on the other side the water, to convoy him to his presence. But on his arrival there he understood they were appointed to convey him directly to Cupar, six miles beyond Falkland, where he was attended by Mr. James Melville [Malvin], appointed by his majesty to keep him company till he should give him further knowledge of his pleasure for his audience, deferred to the Monday following. At which time, being accompanied with Melville, he repaired from Cupar to Falkland, where the King now remains, and after an hour's stay and entertainment with Sir Robert Melville, the Secretary Maitland, and some others, the King being in the meantime scarce ready, as they pretended, was at length brought to his majesty's presence, whom he found attended on by the young Duke [of Lennox], the Earls of Huntly, Montrose, Arran, and Rothes, and some other lords and barons, etc. After he had presented the Queen of England's commendations and delivered her letters, he let his highness summarily understand how her majesty, upon the bruit of the late troubles risen within his realm, foreseeing the danger that might grow thereby to his person, and trouble to his estate, she had been pleased to make choice of him, the unworthiest and unfittest of her servants, to repair to his majesty to offer his highness all offices of her accustomed kindness and friendship, if he stood in need thereof, and to interpose her credit and his [Davison's] travail so far forth as it might stand with his own good pleasure and direction in the pacifying of these tumults and diverting the inconveniences which she feared might ensue therefrom. Being despatched with this charge, on his way hitherwards, he was advertised of his highness's success at Stirling and the flight of the lords there convened, and their retreat to England. Whereupon he thought it best to stay at Berwick till he should further understand his highness's pleasure. In the meantime his majesty despatched a gentleman to the Court of England to require the delivery of the noblemen, and if this were refused him he should be compelled to seek the help of other Princes to withstand such further enterprise of his said rebels as might tend to the danger of his estate. Let him understand that the Queen of England, finding the demand in itself such as she could not for the present answer, being then utterly ignorant of the true causes and circumstances of the late alteration, and finding the message somewhat strange in respect of the form, which "she takes a language impertenent and neadles" to be used with her of whose tender love and care of his well doing his highness has had so many proofs—her majesty hereupon thought it best to return her answer by a servant of her own, and for that purpose, being already on his way, it pleased her to command him to repair to his majesty and to let him understand that, as she has at all times been ready to do anything that might tend to his welfare and good, so would she still— so long as he shall forbear to give her cause to change her affection— be loth to refuse him anything that might stand with her own honour and his contentment. But because this action and attempt of the lords is a thing whereof she is not yet well informed, and that she has always understood these noblemen to be such as have with the hazard of their lives, livings, and fortunes maintained his majesty's action from the beginning, and who both during their continuance about his person and since his estranging from his presence, always carried themselves honourably and dutifully towards him, for anything she ever heard to the contrary, and finding no cause that might justly move them to enter into any attempt against the person or estate of his majesty, on whose only grace they pretend a desire to repose themselves, and beyond whose life they had no cause to look, considering in what terms both they and their whole friends stand with the Queen, his mother, and what old and inveterate hatred there is betwixt their houses and others competitors for his crown; besides that her majesty has always understood these changes and alterations to have grown from a special and particular mistake of some in Court, by whom they think his highness is drawn to do many things against his nature and reputation, to the peril of his own estate, hurt of religion, offence of his best subjects, and hazard of the amity between both crowns, rather than from any undutiful meaning against his majesty's self, which they had also protested by their own letters to her—a copy whereof he offered to show to him. His highness therefore had no cause to think much if for these considerations her majesty made difficulty to satisfy his desire in that which, without blemish to her honour, she could not yield to, nor himself in equity demand at her hands, seeing his highness, as he told him, had to himself and others many times misliked the delivery of the Earl of Northumberland in his minority, condemning it as an act that not only "nefaired" the authors and doers thereof, but also some way touched his own reputation, and therefore could not allow in her majesty's name what he condemned in others and misliked in himself. Besides that his own example in refusing the delivery of Holt last year, and the like example of the Kings of France and Spain, who have not only refused the delivery of such her rebels fled into their countries as were justly convicted of treason, and had actually attempted to pluck the crown from her head, but also gave them refuge and maintenance, were sufficient reasons to induce her to make difficulty in delivery of these noblemen, whose actions she does not yet understand to be in any degree equal with the others, and therefore doubts not but his highness will take this other excuse in good part. In the meantime, albeit she cannot in honour refuse them this refuge in her country, yet she has commanded him to assure him that during their abode in England she would take care that nothing should be attempted by them that might tend to the troubling or disquieting of his estate.

Because his servant Livingston, at his being in England, had made report of a letter written by Gowrie during his late captivity, detecting a conspiracy for the taking away the lives of his majesty and his mother at one time, whereby some have most slanderously, unjustly, and treacherously gone about to stain and blemish the Queen of England's honour as a party and procurer of such a practice, notwithstanding her majesty is very well informed what stratagems have been used in this behalf to make that nobleman, under fair promises and hope of his life, write that which might furnish some colour for his own condemnation, and slander of others whom they no less hate, yet she has thought it very strange that the credit or cunning of any her adversaries should be able to draw his majesty to tolerate the satisfying of their malicious affections with the wounding of her reputation, which has deserved other measure at his hands, or that he himself should be induced to credit any their slanderous reports against her whose life and government have been hitherto amongst all other Princes in the world most innocent and unspotted with any such dishonourable or unprincely deeds, and who has given so many proofs of her tender love and care over himself, and also of more than a sisterly affection towards the Queen, his mother, notwithstanding she has given her too many and just occasions to have dealt hardly with her, if the goodness of her own nature, free from the revenging humour and disposition of others, had not restrained her. But, as her majesty is content to make the whole world judge of her innocency in the cause, so she presumes that his majesty, if he have the same care over her honour that she has ever had over his welfare, he will not suffer these slanderous and dishonourable slights of her ill-willers —forged by them to make her more odious, and to turn their friendship into hatred, and peace into trouble—to go unpunished, the rather seeing that the prejudice and touch of her reputation in this case is a matter of ill example and consequence for himself, who may be subject to like slanders, untruths, and accusations.

These were, as he told him, the material things he had to say to his majesty at this time.

The King, after some little pause, made him in substance this answer: that touching his despatch towards him, it was long since he understood thereof, and was not ignorant of the cause. As for the message sent by Livingston, he thought he had good cause both to desire the delivery of his rebels, and if he could not receive contentment therein, to seek other means to assure himself and his estate against their practices, because he saw them received and countenanced so near his nose.

As touching the reasons for her majesty's refusal, he confessed they were such as had some colour of force and probability, but not enough to satisfy himself. Here he entered into a passionate invective against the persons of the lords absent, reproaching them with many hard speeches, but answering directly to none of the arguments, save that taken from the example of his own and other Princes' dealings with her majesty in like cases, wherein he challenged a greater privilege than other Princes in respect of neighbourhood, kindred, etc. And in the particular case of Holt, etc., others her majesty's fugitives laboured to make the example appear unequal both in respect of the fault and quality of the persons, the one being of no reputation and able to do her majesty no hurt but as a single and mean subject, the others being noblemen of great houses and alliances, by whose force and friends they were able at all times, especially being so near, to trouble and disquiet his estate.

Touching her offer to foresee that during their abode in her dominions they should do nothing that might tend to his trouble, his answer was that he would look well enough to that himself, and provide that their malice should do him no great hurt, though in the meantime he could not think well of the favour and refuge they found in England.

As touching the letter written by Gowrie, he told him it was true that he had written such a general letter, which, he said, did not reach as far as to touch her majesty or any other in particular, besides that afterwards in the course of his examinations and arraignment there fell out nothing material in proof, and therefore her majesty's honour [was] in no way blemished by anything passed in that behalf, with many other reasons and discourses, to which he [Davison] replied, leaving him, as he pretended, reasonably satisfied. And so falling out of these public things into matters of pleasure, as of his hunting and other pastimes, he committed him to the Earl of Montrose, with whom he was appointed to dine. And his majesty calling Arran to him retired into his chamber.

After dinner, having been a while entertained by Montrose, Maitland, Robert Melville, and his brother James, who pretended a desire that things heretofore mishandled might be yet repaired, they propounded the removing of the lords out of England as a thing which they thought might satisfy the King their master, and give him cause to think that her majesty meant well towards his highness, urging the example of her like dealing with my Lord of Murray, retired into England in his mother's time.

After he had replied to this with the same and other reasons he before used to the King, he let them understand that there were greater causes of jealousy and offence offered to her majesty by the late dealings and proceedings here, wherein they should be as willing to satisfy her as they are desirous to be satisfied at her hands; and so much the rather because she has heretofore given more testimonies of her good meaning towards them, than they have well and thankfully acquitted. And hereupon being pressed to come to particulars, he answered that he had now a long journey to ride, and the day [was] well spent, so that he must be driven to defer the further debate of the particulars to another time, assuring them that in the meanwhile, on the part of the Queen of England, there should be no just cause offered to dissolve that amity and kindness that had been thus long continued between her and the King, if she might meet with the like good dealing and correspondency at their hands, whereof she had many late occasions to be jealous and suspicious.

After many other discourses he thought it best to desire his majesty's presence again before his departure, to whom he made some overture touching the redress of the late disorders on the frontiers on the one side and the other. Referring him to his Council therein, he took his leave for that time.

After some discourse in the garden with Arran, who desired to speak with him—which he thought good not to refuse him—the particularities whereof were too long to rehearse, he went back to Kinghorne, and arrived here yesternight.

Since his coming into the country, has been unvisited by any of his friends and acquaintance or others than by the Provost and Bailiffs of this town, Sir Robert Melville, John Graham, and John Wilson, appointed rather to observe him than otherwise, the rest pretending for their excuse that they know there is order taken to note who they are that resort to him either by night or day, so that without their peril they cannot nor dare not do as they would. Albeit he has found just fault with this to such as have been sent to him, yet he sees them more curious to disguise the matter with him, than to alter their jealous and suspicious proceedings in that behalf; so that he doubts what good he will be able to effect here, or what comfort he may have to stay if his entreaty hold on as it begins. Would be glad to know her majesty's pleasure for his stay or return, in case he finds the time to afford him no better hope than yet it has done to do that good he wishes.

Requests him to excuse to her majesty the fault of a long and tedious letter, wherein he has rather erred on purpose to let her understand the particular circumstances, which he thinks not impertinent, than for any pleasure he takes in long letters. Edinburgh.

7 pp. Copy. Indorsed by Davison's secretary: "Minute. To Sr. Fra. Walsingham, 10 Junii, 1584. Edinburgh."

Cott. Calig., C. VIII., fol. 68.

Original of the same.

167. Mr. William Davison to Walsingham. Elizabeth. [June 10. 1584.]

To make clear to his honour some things which haply he may be doubtful of, has thought good, besides his general letter, to let him see in a few lines what reasons he has to judge this King and Court to be guided and governed at the appetite of his mother, and consequently what the Queen of England may hope for if this course holds on long.

Shall not need to stand upon the general proposition, namely, that the conjunction of the mother and the son must of necessity be dangerous for the Queen of England's person and State, perilous to her friends, and most hurtful to the common cause of religion, seeing that the reasons of either being particularly considered will appear so plain and clear that they need no disputation. The assumption, therefore, and second part is, that he has to prove what, as he takes it, may necessarily be gathered from the special heads and arguments following:

(1) By the association concluded between them, which, howsoever it be disguised, may appear sufficiently by the last year's congratulation of La Mothe in the name of the King his master, the Queen's [of Scots] own confession, and testimony of some of the Cabinet Council, who by circumstance confess as much.

(2) By the effects since succeeding, as the alteration at St. Andrews, and the course since taken in altering and confounding the government of church and commonwealth.

(3) The rigorous pursuit of all such as have been constant favourers of religion, defenders of his own cause, and lovers of the amity with the English, some of whom have lost their lives, others are either withdrawn or captives at home, and the rest driven into exile abroad under a pretence of the act of Ruthven and expulsion of the Duke of Lennox, whereas others forfeited for the murder of the King's father and Regent's, or following the party of his mother against him, are, notwithstanding, remitted, pardoned, and restored by Parliament.

(4) The alteration of the magistracy through all the boroughs, not by any ordinary election, but by a special commission, removing such as are thought well affected either to religion or the amity with England, and putting in their rooms such only as are rather thought enemies to the one and the other.

(5) Deposing from their Session and College of Justice such as are known to be well affected, as Dunfermline and Mr. Robert Punt, in whose places they have brought in John Graham, a man fit for this time, and David Chambers, one forfeited for the murder of the King of Scot's father, and restored by this Parliament not only in blood but also to his lands, livings, and goods, and so is re-possessed of a benefice which some time he enjoyed by the dispossessing of a minister in late seisin thereof.

(6) The open invasion of the Church and ministry; first by the utter overthrow of the whole discipline and government thereof; next by apprehension, warding or banishing of the best and most godly, learned ministers, restoring Montgomery to the archbishopric of Glasgow and freeing him by Act of Parliament from the sentence of excommunication, committing the whole ecclesiastical government to some few bishops, some of whom are "infamed" in life, and suspected in doctrine, and others utterly incapable of any ecclesiastical charge, being only civil men enjoying ecclesiastical titles.

(7) His Cabinet Councillors at home and servants employed in special charge abroad are such as have always been devoted to his mother, in religion suspected, and in affection French.

(8) The negotiations of his said ministers in France, Spain, etc., and their common intelligence with the bishops of Ross and Glasgow, and other her agents and factors abroad, professed enemies to the religion and peace of both countries.

(9). The continual intelligence betwixt his mother and him, the favour and reception showed to English Jesuits and fugitives, the dismissing of Holt, and voluntary oversight of others. His holding for good servants such as have "oppugned" his authority, and general hatred and suspicion of the contrary.

(10) His changing of his domestical servants, removing all such as were religious and honest, and taking in their places men of contrary humour and quality.

(11) His impatience at hearing anything in his mother's "dispraise," and his own often speeches in her favour, with the contrary against such as he esteems her adversaries either abroad or at home.

(12) His "putting at" the best and most religious burgesses of Edinburgh, some of whom are already commanded under pain of treason not to come near by twelve miles either to their town or the Court; and others to the number of six or seven like to underly the same punishment, under the pretext of an assembly and night watch made in one of the churchyards during the Duke's being in Edinburgh, not long before his departure; who, having at that time some forces in the town, was suspected of some enterprise against the ministers and better sort, which gave them cause to stand on their guard. Which extraordinary entreaty and removing of good men offers too much matter both of offence and suspicion.

(13) Their "putting at" the Captain of the Castle of this town— which strength only remains, as they take it, unassured to them, and therefore they cease not to devise how to remove him from that charge and to put in some other more apt for the time and course they run—with many other particular reasons, in his poor opinion, necessarily induce the conclusion that neither her majesty's person nor State at home, nor her friends abroad, nor religion in either country can be in surety if this course be continued and followed forth. Leaves it to his consideration how necessary and expedient it is for the Queen of England to seek the remedy. Wherein he leaves to be considered whether the mild way of counsel, which, so long as he is thus guided, has no great appearance of effect with him, or a more sharp remedy in removing of ill ministers from about him be more expedient. The latter of which he sees all men to affect, as fearing and hating extremely the present government, if they saw how it might be well redressed and reformed, and because the reputation of her majesty's favour and comfort, though underhand signified to the lords in England, will effect much in the assurance and encouraging of their friends here, he leaves it to be considered by his honour how expedient it were for her majesty to entertain them with that comfort that in good policy she shall find meet, forbearing to practice that fruitless and needless remedy of working the reconcilement by the Queen [of Scots], which is the mark both she and her friends shoot at, to bring them and the rest home by her mediation, that she may have, by diminishing the Queen of England's credit with them and the rest of her friends, the better interest in them, and both herself and her son the more assured of them to follow and serve him in such courses as hereafter may be propounded to her majesty's peril, and pleasure of others. Which, if he be not abused, by some of special judgment is the mark specially aimed at. Or otherwise, in case they cannot be brought to that unhappy fellowship, that then they be removéd out of her majesty's dominions, that being far off, and their friends and forces scattered, disbanded, and broken at home, they may meet with the less obstacles and difficulties in the plots and projects laid both here and there to her majesty's special danger and disadvantage, the remedy whereof is thought to stand chiefly in the alteration of this present Court here, and removing of the author of all this change, which, or either of which, will breed some new impediments which shall drive them to some courses and resolutions, in which, meantime, many things may fall out in bewraying more clearly the mischief and offering the further remedy. But in this he rather signifies to his honour the judgment and opinion of others, than of himself.

Assures him that the lords in England and others abroad have means enough to make their own peace and work their reconcilement if, abandoning the Queen of England's party, they can be content to use the mediation of her adversary, and will promise some overtures that are to be made to them. Wherein Sir Andrew Keith, before his departure out of Scotland, was made an instrument to sound the Master of Glamis by some of his friends, making him many large offers, as himself can more particularly assure him; the like being propounded by Arran long since to Gowrie, and by others to Marishal and other lords, whose refusal has since cost some of them very dearly. All which, with other particular proofs, if these suffice not, may let her majesty particularly see that all these changes and alterations here, howsoever they be disguised, have for their summum finem the offence and trouble of her majesty's person and State, not without a straight intelligence with some ill members at home, weary of her happy government and desirous of an unhappy change and alteration, the further opening and discovering whereof he leaves to time. Edinburgh.

3 pp. Copy in the hand of Davison's secretary. Indorsed: "Minute to Mr. Secretary Walsingham from Edinburgh, 10 Junii, 1584."

Original of the same.

168. Mr. William Davison to Walsingham. [June 10.] Cott. Calig., C. VIII., fol. 71.

Assures him that the proceedings of this present Court are thought so extreme and intolerable that they have not only bred a common hatred and mislike of the instruments, but also a decay of the love and devotion of the subjects to his majesty, which will very hardly be repaired without a change of this course, wherein he sees very little appearance or inclination in the guiders.

The want of their ministers exiled, the imprisonment of Mr. David Lindsay in the Blackness, and the warding of Mr. Andrew Hay in the north, who refused to subscribe their late Acts of Parliament, do not a little increase the murmur and grudging of the people, besides the lack of the ordinary ministry here, which is now only supplied by Mr. John Cragge and Mr. John Brand at such times as they may be spared from their own charges.

The King is exceedingly offended with such of them as are fled, blaming them to have withdrawn themselves without cause, notwithstanding some of their friends were already in hands, and warrant given forth for their own charging and apprehending before their departure. Immediately upon their retiring the bishop of Glasgow [Robert Montgomery] and Fentry, another excommunicated, came to this town and were absolved (jure politico) from the sentence of excommunication, and now have access to the Court.

The bishop of St. Andrews, preaching on the Friday following in the great church of this town, was fain to be countenanced with the presence of the King, and environed with his guard for his surety against the popular fury which he feared, few of the burgesses or others besides the courtiers assisting at his sermon.

Lindsay is delivered out of Tantallon at the great suit and labour of Crawford, who is become caution for him, and with whom he is gone over into Angus.

The Countess of Mar was by decree of Council commanded to Dumbarton; which is since changed, and she is committed to her brother's son, the Laird of Tullibardine.

The Countess of Cassillis remains here in custody of the Countess of Arran, and is to be removed to Durleton, in Lothian, pertaining of late to Gowrie, and now to Arran. It is generally thought she shall be forfeited.

Divers of the most honest and religious burgesses of this town are restrained under pain of treason from coming within twelve miles either of the Court or this place, and others to the number of six or seven score are to be likewise summoned and to underly the punishment under the pretence of a night watch in the churchyard during the Duke's [Lennox] being here.

The prisoners are yet all unrelieved of their wards, save Lindsay and Mr. William Leslie, who by the great suit of the Laird and Lady Johnstone has obtained his life. The bishop of Murray and George Fleck remain in Montrose. Bothwell has been an earnest suitor for Cowdenknowes, but has yet obtained no grace. He has gotten the grant of Cockburnspeth. Sir William Stewart has Douglas, the Secretary Maitland Bonele, and the Colonel [Stewart] Tantallon, all belonging to Angus, whose lady yet retains her dower. The Colonel [Stewart] has besides the tutory of Glamis, with the Master's living. Huntly has gotten Paisley and Buchan's lands. Montrose Bamanno belonging to George Flecke. Crawford has gotten the abbey of Scone, Montrose the office of treasurer and the lordship of Ruthen, Arran, Dirleton, Couslame, and Newton, all sometime belonging to Gowrie, whose wife and children are very extremely dealt withal.

Atholl stands on terms of interdicting, for that they suspect he will relieve and support them. Glencairn has taken the castle of Erskine; the Laird of Clackmannan has spoiled Alloway; both belonging to the Earl of Mar, whose living is yet undistributed, save the lordship of Brechin, which is given to Huntly.

The Laird of Johnstone has gotten Locquharnell belonging to George Douglas. The living of the rest in exile is like to follow the same course.

Arran is made Chancellor in the absence of Argyll, in Council, Session, and Parliament, Sir John Maitland Secretary, and Lord Fleming principal huissier. The Archbishop of St. Andrews is a daily courtier, labouring what he can both publicly and privately to deface and persecute the ministers, as he has done in supplanting the discipline, which his conditions could never agree with—the man being here openly and generally "infamed" with very foul crimes unfitting to a Christian, much less to a man of that calling. Edinburgh.

1⅓ pp. Copy. Indorsed.

Cott. Calig., C. VIII., fol. 67.

Original of the same.

169. Thomas Randolph to Mr. William Davison. [June 10.]

We are sorry to hear such news as daily comes out of the country where you are, that the King is revolted from his religion, no account made of our amity or remembrance of the benefits past, that his mother commands what she lists, etc. If these things be true, then happy shall he be "qui non habet negotium cum rebus Scotticis." As I doubt not but these things grieve you not a little, so shall you know that others in other parts of the world live not without their griefs. But who is most sorrowful for that which now I purpose to write, I leave to yourself to judge.

Monsieur [the Duke of Anjou], who has been so long and dangerously sick, ended his life on the 1st instant at Chateau Firé, and his corpse is now brought to Paris. This being so many ways confirmed, you shall not need to doubt of the truth thereof. The King [of France] himself having but a weak body, and his mother [being] almost witless, for her senses, as we hear, begin to fail, some notable alteration is like to ensue, and all men's eyes begin to behold the rising. Some [are] in hope to have the Gospel thoroughly planted by the just successor to that crown, the King of Navarre, if the French King dies; and then has the King of Scotland showed himself too forward in altering the state of religion there, for which hitherto [his] country has been renowned far above any realm in the world.

I have over far passed myself: I meant no more than to have saluted you and to have sent you these letters inclosed, etc. Immediately on the surrender of Bruges to the Prince of Parma he sent a number of friars, mass priests, and Papists into the town, and within three days there was not one church in which there had not been a dozen masses. No freedom of conscience is left to any man, nor honest man left in the town. This example so indurates the hearts of all other towns against them that they are resolved rather to die like good Christians than "meschantly" to yield themselves to the enemies of God and falsifiers of their promise to all men. Ghent [Gande] upon this news have put out of their town all suspected Papists, and are minded and [have] given their oaths never to yield. The States have newly assembled and re-united themselves, all resolved to withstand the enemy. Proclamation is made at Flushing and all those parts that no man carry, upon pain of his life, any victuals to Dunkirk, Gravelines [Gravelinge], etc., and [they] have set forth eight ships to annoy as many as assist them. Doctor Junius or some other man of good is daily looked for here from the States to inform her majesty of their intention. At home we do as you [when] you left us. Signed: Tho. Randolph.

Postscript.—I am willed by Sir Walter [Mildmay] and Mr. Harry [ ] to write their hearty commendations to you.

2½ pp. Holograph, also address. No indorsement.

170. Demands of the Queen of Scots. [June 12.] Cott. Calig., C. VIII., fol. 73.

"A consideration of sondry matters rysyng out of the Queen of Scottes demandes and offers delyvered to the Erle of Shrewsbury and Robert Beale."

The matters concern the Queen's majesty for her own person, her realm, and subjects for peace and quietness to be continued therein. They also concern the Scottish Queen herself for her further liberty and her personal residence, for her association with her son in the Kingdom of Scotland. They also concern the King of Scots for his estate, how to be conjoined with his mother, and how his reign from the time of her demise of the crown shall be interpreted; and they also concern the estate of Scotland in general, and principally all such and their heirs, who were consenting to her demise, and who have withstood all contrary parts in defence of the King's sole government and authority.

These three points are thus to be considered as follows:

First, all things are to be surely provided, that her majesty may quietly enjoy without any molestation her most lawful estate in her crown as she has enjoyed the same almost twenty-five years. For the assurance whereof, although there be no needful cause to have any assent by the Queen of Scots or her son, or of any other potentate for corroboration thereof, having the continuance of the favour of God and the goodwill of her subjects, yet seeing that the Scottish Queen and her son make this offer to her, to enter into bond, league, and contract to do all things on their parts that may make perfect demonstration to the world and assurance to her majesty that they will further the quietness of her estate, it is not to be refused, [but] to be accepted in this manner following:

The Queen of Scots, in consideration of sundry attempts moved in her name by the French King who was her husband and by other her friends in France, and during her after-marriage to the disquieting of the Queen of England's estate is to affirm that she is sorry for the same as though done without her own direction; and at this time to offer to ratify all articles contained in the treaty of Edinburgh, or as many of them as the Queen of England shall require. And if any things have been attempted by the Scottish Queen that may seem repugnant to that treaty, she is also to disallow all her actions or practices done or attempted since that time.

Item, she is also, for the more assured continuance of quietness in this realm, to bind herself that she nor any by her procurement shall attempt anything or consent to any other who shall attempt anything to the impugning of the government of this realm by the laws now established, as well for the maintenance of the religion here established as for the civil policy, but that she shall declare herself as an enemy or a party adverse against any person, public or private, who shall attempt anywise by act, word or writing anything derogatory to her majesty's estate and government, or to the laws of this realm now established. She shall also be bound not to publish any pretence to any title of succession in this crown, but shall therein permit the same to remain in suspense, as it is during her majesty's life, and to stand to the determination of her majesty and the three estates of the realm during her life, as they shall determine by the laws of God and of this realm. And if she shall continue, her majesty to forbear also to make any title but with the consent of the estates of the realm, so that no disturbance grow in the realm by pretence of any title to be made either by her or any other. And because such offers, bonds and covenants as she shall make for these things above rehearsed may be of more force, and not to be avoided hereafter upon any "cavillation," because she is not at full liberty out of this realm, and it is reasonable that, besides her own assurance by her writing and oath, she procure the same to be ratified by Parliament in Scotland. And if her majesty shall so request it [shall] also be confirmed by the French King both by writing and oath.

And concerning her liberty, if the same shall be granted for her to remain in England at some place certain, with some to attend on her, it were requisite that some two or three hostages, being noblemen of Scotland and France, were delivered to the custody of the Queen of England for one or two years, and at the end, if her majesty should see cause to require any prorogation of the hostages, the same to be done.

For her association with the King her son, it is not meet for the Queen's majesty to allow thereof except the King and the Estates of Scotland shall have first made determination whether the same shall be received or not; or if it shall be, with what limitations and conditions for avoiding of any new troubles in Scotland either for hindrance of the religion there established or for the government civil. And therefore she is herein to be answered, that her majesty can in no sort treat with her by mentioning her association with the King until the King and the States of Scotland shall declare their determination.

To conclude, if hereafter there shall be any association accorded upon than the treaty and league to be made with them both; if there shall not be any association accorded than the treaty with [sic] the Scottish Queen may be a part, and the Scottish King [ends].

4 pp. In Burghley's hand. Many alterations.

171. Mr. William Davison to Walsingham. [June 15.]

The little time since his last letter, of the 10th, has wrought this change in the behalf of Lindsay, that Crawford, who lately procured his relief out of his ward in Tantallon, is now expressly commanded to deliver him to Huntly, so that the late hope of his life is now turned into a constant expectation of his death. The Earl has made some difficulty in his delivery, being committed to him by the King's special warrant, and this re-delivery purchased, as he [Crawford] takes it, by Arran, whom, for this and other late injuries, he esteems his enemy; but he is to be charged under pain of treason in case of refusal.

The like charge has also been given for the apprehension of Dunfermline, notwithstanding he had license to depart from the country. Who being forewarned of the intent and counsel of his adversaries, whom he knew to aim at his life, embarked secretly on Thursday night last at Burnt Island, and having the wind fair, departed towards the Low Countries, preventing his enemies who the same day had procured order for his stay and committing. Upon a letter written to the magistrates of this town by Mr. James Lawson signifying the causes of his withdrawing himself from his charge, the King has caused an answer to be drawn and sent hither to the said magistrates and burgesses to be sub-signed by them, charging Mr. James and his fellow ministers with heretical and seditious doctrine, with other things very hard in their reproach. This having been presented to them and read in open council, the Provost, who has been heretofore condemned as a man too pliable to the hard commandments of this Court, suddenly broke forth into an exclamation desiring to live no longer, as one who had seen too much of the miseries coming on his "courting," and immediately, being ready to swoon in the council, was conveyed home extremely sick, and now lies "very hardly," and not like to escape. Notwithstanding, both he and the rest thought it good to depute certain of their company to repair to the King with their humble excuse and petition that they might not be forced against their conscience to slander those against whose integrity of life and soundness of doctrine they could never take exception. But in fine the persons and letter are returned with flat charge to subscribe it in the form it is or answer their contempt at their peril, the Secretary Maitland being appointed to see it done, and to take the names of such as shall refuse.

At St. Andrews the bishop has in the meantime played his part so well in the pursuit of good men, that both the professors and students in the College of Theology have abandoned the place and withdrawn themselves for their surety where they may find safest refuge.

Seton is daily looked for, and his forerunners Farnyhurst and Henry Keir, who was servant to the late Duke [of Lennox], returned on Saturday last with one Walter Adamson, who brought the packet from Seton, and went the same night to the Court. Is informed by an honest man who came in the ship with them, that in their company were two Jesuits and two Irishmen of quality, whose names, etc., he cannot yet discover.

The King will in nowise relieve the townsmen lately warded and inhibited from coming within twelve miles of their houses or the Court, unless the town of Edinburgh, Provost, and Bailiffs, engage their goods and liberty that they shall be answerable for such crimes as he is to lay to their charge. Which hard and strange dealing against all honest men breeds a common expectation and fear of very hard and unhappy issue. Edinburgh.

1½ pp. Copy in Davison's hand. Indorsed.

Another copy of the same.

172. The Earl of Arran to Hunsdon. [June 15.] Cott. Calig., C. VIII., fol. 75.

Received his letter dated the 24th of May from the bearer hereof, his servant Armorer, which he has committed to his majesty, who has given him commandment to write this to him.

Whereas he remits in his said letter the answer to that which he "craved for" in his [Arran's] last to him to that he wrote to him by Mr. Davison, how directly or fully his majesty finds himself satisfied thereby, he trusts his own letter makes him acquainted. The King of Scots has given him charge to assure him that if his majesty had not imputed the "diting" thereof to the Queen of England "in forme of forged untruthes," and some others about her—small friends to his majesty—he had "esteamed ye had been wery of anie good intelligence making" betwixt his majesty and her.

And whereas he affirms it is not a matter to be urged by his majesty to crave the delivery of his late fugitives and rebels according to the treaty of peace, as well in respect that the Queen of England's rebels are received by strange Princes, as also seeing the King of Scots receives some of them, his majesty has told him it gives answer to these two "heads" propounded by Mr. Davison. The special "head" concerning the delivery of others' rebels was not included in the treaty of peace betwixt her majesty and any of them, as these were both concluded and put in practice betwixt the King of Scots and the Queen of England. And as to her majesty receiving some of them, his majesty "had put the contrary in proofe." But because the Queen of England never did meet his majesty with the like, he thought that such dealing could no more stand only on the one side. Besides that they were but men of base quality whom his majesty could receive, "and sick of whom she had enough the lyke to punish in her cuntrey at her pleasure." Whereas, on the contrary, his majesty's rebels lately fled into England were men not only of great quality, but also so notorious rebels that they "left" none like them in his majesty's country.

As to the Borders, his majesty has given him charge to "shew" him that his countrymen [the English] daily heap insupportable wrong upon wrong on his majesty's subjects. Albeit his majesty will communicate his mind largely thereupon to Mr. Davison.

Requests him to continue a good instrument towards his sovereign, that the amity shall not fail, and that she will credit his rebels no more, only dealing with his majesty hereafter, only trusting him, whom she sees so constant towards her, using him as he would willingly use her, and delivering his rebels to him, or at least not receiving them any longer, which otherwise were not only dishonourable for her, but also perilous for his majesty.

These then being the only means for the increasing and maintaining of the happy amity betwixt their two sovereigns, and since it is now fallen into the Queen of England's hand to do it if so she likes, how happy then should these two crowns and realms be if her majesty so did, and what great contentment and immortal honour it would bring to them [Scotland] in particular, who should be esteemed the happy instruments thereof.

1²/3 pp. Copy. Indorsed.

Another copy of the same. Indorsed by Walsingham.

173. Elizabeth to the Earls of Angus and Mar and the Master of Glamis. [June 17.]

"To the Earle of Angus, the Earl of Marre, and the Master of Glamis at Newcastell."

As we were right sorry to understand your distressed estate— being forced for your own safety to retire out of your own native country into this our realm—so were we glad to hear as well by your letters sent to our Secretary at your first entrance into our realm, as also by a late report made to us by Mr. John Colvile, that whatsoever is given out against you in withdrawing by such as abuse the King your sovereign's ear by sinister reports, who has withdrawn his favour from his most dutiful and best affected subjects, you can no way be charged with any unsound or undutiful dealing towards him. For if any such matter could justly be proved against you, or that in our own conscience we did not hold you clear in that behalf, so far off should we then be found from favouring you that none should be more ready to prosecute you than ourself. And therefore, being persuaded of your innocency, as we are, and carrying a thankful memory of the great goodwill and devotion you have by many effects showed to bear towards us, so far forth as might stand with your duty to your sovereign, you may assure yourselves that we will not fail to use as well all means of mediation that may best serve for the removing of the King's displeasure conceived against you, as also to see you in safety and used with such favour as appertains to men of your quality and desert towards us. Richmond.

1 p. Copy. No indorsement.

174. Walsingham to Shrewsbury. [June 16.] C.P., vol. XIII.

By reason of this new accident of Monsieur's (fn. 2) death, which her majesty takes very grievously, conceiving that she has lost a very good friend in him, the time has not been fit to deal with her in any public or private causes. Notwithstanding, upon receipt of his last letters, he took occasion to move her for her resolution upon the requests before propounded by him. Wherein she is content to yield to the Queen [of Scots] going to Buxton at such time as shall be thought meet by himself, and [upon] the departure of the Frenchman.

Also finds her majesty, upon reading to her Mr. Beale's report of the negotiation with the Queen of Scots, much better satisfied now touching the said negotiation, than she was before upon the receipt of the joint letter from him and Mr. Beale. So that he does not doubt but that when the ambassador of France has dealt further with her— who can yet have no access to her for that she keeps herself still private, being greatly oppressed with this grief of Monsieur's death —she will then yield to the going forward of the treaty whereof he hopes some good effects will follow, unless the stay grows from the Queen [of Scots] herself by reason of some ill dealing of hers that may in the meanwhile be discovered, or that the King her son shall proceed the more violently in his course of prosecuting the distressed noblemen. For his own repair up hither to her majesty's presence, her majesty has willed him to assure him that, though it cannot be presently by reason of the Queen of Scots going to Buxton, yet he shall not need to doubt but that she will take a resolution therein some time this summer. If the treaty goes forward, the ambassador having access to the Queen of England during the time of the Queen of Scots being at Buxton, it will begin presently after her return from thence, and it is reduced already to such heads that the conclusion cannot hang long after it is once entered into, so that his lordship may make full account that his stay cannot now be long. Would be glad to understand when the Queen [of Scots] may set forward, and how long she means to remain at Buxton. Richmond.

¾ p. Indorsed: "1584, June 16. M[inute] to th'e[arl] of Shrewsb[ury]."

175. Walsingham to Mr. William Davison. [June 17.]

His manner of proceeding there is very well allowed of here by her majesty and others. It is thought meet, for some respects, that he should stay there a few days, which he cannot with secrecy impart to him for lack of a cipher, having lost the counter-cipher of that which he delivered to him.

The news of the death of Monsieur has hindered his particular suit, wherein the Lord Treasurer is bent to deal most effectually when time shall serve. But now melancholy so possesses them that both public and private causes are at a stay for a season. Sees her majesty grown to that good liking of him [Davison] that he may hope for some goodness at her hands, though not in such full measure as his deserts or necessity require.

The noblemen remain at Newcastle, and receive no great comfort from hence; and as for the poor ministers retired into this realm, they are hardly thought of here, and therefore not likely to be used with that kindness that either Christianity or policy require. Writes this with extreme grief, for that he holds it as a presage of God's judgment towards them [the English]. The Court. Signed: Fra. Walsyngham.

Postscript.—Her majesty looks to hear often from him during his stay in Scotland. Sends him such occurrents as he has received from foreign parts.

1 p. Holograph. Addressed. Indorsed.

176. James VI. to Burghley. [June 19.] Lansd. MSS., No. 1236, fol. 50.

"Trustie and veilbelovit cusing, we greit zow veill. Being surlie informid off your ernist, cairfull and bent gudvill at all tymis quhen occatioun ves offerrit for ye furtherance off our adois in theis parttis, ve haiff thocht it ye smallest part off gratitud and thankfulnes to thank zow hartlie yeroff heirby, noct dowtting bot sen zow haiff imployit your self heirin yis tyme past at ye Queines your mistres hand, neither being requyrit be us, nether ellis haiffing sa fit ane occatioun offerrit unto zow, as now her honour being pressit to haiff bene staynit be sum our rebellis and fugitivs fled in ye said parttis alait sa far as in yem lay, ye goldin hilis promisit fallis into dros and dust, radie to be blawin avay vith everey vind, and schortlie ye trewght now scheynyng cleir in many thingis quhairin it ves dark off lait. Ve dowt noct yen bot all yir cawsis now concurring—quhilk ver noct befoir—yat ye vilbe boithe moir villing, iff posseble can be, at least moir abill for renewing and continewing yat gwd turst and intelligence betwix zour mistres and us, ye particularis quhairoff ye Lord Hunsden can schaw zow, quhome to ve haiff vryttin moir speciallie yeranent." Falkland. Signed: "youre maist loving frind, James R."

½ p. Addressed. Indorsed (by Burghley's clerk). Wafer signet.

177. Bishop of Glasgow to Mary. [June.] C.P. vol., XIII.

Madam, if by my last of [ ] I have implored your pardon for my long preceding taciturnity, I have no less occasion at present to beg you very humbly to consider that for [ ] whole months there has not been an ambassador 'ordinary in France who could have audience with their majesties, and until the arrival of the King at the commencement of this month all deliberations of strangers had ceased, even of his private estate. So that I am constrained to confess that I am more a burden than profitable to your majesty in my service, for want of having the means, on account of the difficulties which present themselves from day to day to be able to approach the King, without whom nothing is done to-day in this Court. And he does not wish that the Queen his mother nor any other, whoever it may be, should meddle with anything in his absence. He wishes to do everything, and everything to wait. Will you please consider then, madam, that it is for want of audience with their majesties that I have not continued to write to you, and not for want of goodwill, to give you testimony by my more frequent letters of my duty and obligation to your said service. I will tell you then that I have had audience with their majesties the [ ] of the present, at which I proposed to the King two points only. The one of the estate of your person, begging the said King to consider that I had been duly advertised, not by letters from your majesty, not having had a single one since the [ ] of [ ] but by other sure ways, and by common rumour, that they intended afterwards in England to change your guardian and to remove you from the hands of the Earl of Shrewsbury, who had already arrived in London, to the custody of other lords, and in consequence you would fall into the hands of your enemies or their adherents at the risk of your life, for which they will work day and night more than ever to obtain from the Queen of England, and to persuade her that it would be for the preservation and good of her estate; and that I did not see any means of counteracting their designs, if it will not please his majesty to be willing to take consideration of this danger in which he sees you clearly, and if, with his usual kindness to your majesty, he will not undertake your protection, and send an express man, a personage of quality for form to visit your majesty, and if by chance the passport should be refused him, to intercede at least with the Queen of England in his name that your majesty may not fall into this misfortune. And what convinced me most that your estate was such as I had declared to his majesty was, that by your said letters of the [ ] of [ ] your majesty gave me express commandment that when I did not receive any letters from your majesty I should not fail to do this office, to beg his majesty to take heed, and not to abandon you, reduced to such necessity, he being the only support on which your majesty relies, and from whom you hoped to receive consolation in all your adversities, and that he would do office worthy of the greatness of a most Christian King when all opportunities ceased, as the only consideration of your long afflictions past. The second point was only your complaints showing him that during his absence it was so necessary that something should be done for you, that they had added another occasion to complain anew. On this subject your majesty will see more fully by my open letters.

To which his majesty replied to me, that he was very grieved at this account, and that he would work very willingly to help you as much as might be in his power, as he was obliged thereto, and that he would spare nothing to make you know that he had vowed to do you service. That, his majesty repeated by several phrases, and prayed me to assure you thereof. And that he knew well that he being absent, they would not have done anything for you, and, for the rest, that I should give in writing to the sieur Pinard what I had told him then. I made the same remonstrance immediately after to the Queen mother, and made her understand all that the King had replied to me, and the command to give in writing to the said Pinard. The said lady made show of being very grieved and angry at the discourse that I had made her, and assured me that on that same day she would intercede with the King her son, and would do all that it would be possible for her to help you and relieve you in this extremity. And on my departure she asked me of the behaviour of the King your son. I replied to her that his majesty behaved as a young Prince abandoned by those in whom he trusted most, as he knew by the reply made and given to his ambassador, and that I did not fail then on the said reply to remonstrate with her majesty on the troubles which would follow. And seeing her remain without replying, I told her that I had heard that she had sent a gentleman to the Queen of England to speak to her of the King your said son, and that it seemed to me that that was not the true means, as it was necessary to address your majesty, knowing the inclination of the mother and the son to this thing, so often repeated by your letters and according to your commandment by me, and recently by her said ambassador, as it appears by his letters that were presented to their majesties; and that she could assure herself that on the part of your majesties there was not any change of this goodwill. For a last reply she said to me "the King my son would never abandon them," and that she would do all the good offices of a good mother, and that she had not sent any one to England. John Francis, gentleman, serving the said lady, had written from Bloys to Madam de Montpensier your cousin: I have seen the letters.

The next morning I waited on the said Pinard—the occasion which had brought me to Court—[with] the points of my said audience: the wish of the King to give him in writing what I had delivered the day before, which I did with my own hand. He told me that he was very sorry I had not given it to him the preceding day, for that morning they had spoken of it. But, in short, he did not wish to tell me anything, but he would remind their majesties. And he was very pleased with what I had given him in writing, because it would be necessary for him also to give me a reply in writing. Which has not come to pass. For, having pursued him to close quarters, to get the said reply, he only said to one of mine whom I had left there for that purpose to report to me by word of mouth, that the King this time did not find it expedient to send there an express man, but a good dispatch to the ambassador, Monsieur de Mauvissière, to solicit what I had asked for in my said audience; and being there a day after, he came to this town and told me by one of his that their majesties, not content with this first despatch, had made another written with their own hands to the said Queen of England in your favour and recommendation of your affairs, and in good time, if it would please me to write, he would certainly send my letters. Which I think has been done, because I pressed the sieur Gondy very much. My reply was that I could not write again to your majesty, as first I had not had reply on the two points that I had given in writing. For it angered me to write to her majesty so many good words that I had received from their majesties, and, as usual, at the end of the fortnight or thereabout, in writing that nothing had followed from what they had told me. And that by this way of doing things I had always to begin again. I also made known to him the same reply by Monsieur (— (fn. 3) ). To which he said that it was quite another thing that touched your person, and was not of your grievances, and that I ought not to desist from making known to you the good inclination of their majesties. The desire that I have had of having audience again made me persist in not writing then, and that I had an idea that this would press a little, moreover, to get me a reply to both points. But the little appearance that I have seen of having it before the feasts, because the King does not cease to visit from time to time Monsieur M. who is ill at Fontaine, has persuaded me to write to you as above. And besides, to tell you that Don Bernardino de Mendoza arrived in this town at the end of the past month, and remains here as ambassador ordinary of the King of Spain, and the sieur de Taxis will be sent to Flanders very honourably appointed by his said master. Having visited them together and congratulated the said sieur de Mendoza on his arrival, the said lord told me that he had only come to condole upon the death of the late Monsieur, and, however, if he could serve your majesty in anything he would employ himself with as good will as your majesty had experienced in the past; and continued in these terms throughout the day without one or the other of them making me any overture of anything. But having visited them another time, and finding them as cold as formerly, I made them a discourse of the rumour of the Court that they considered it certain that the said sieur de Mendoza had come to reside here as ambassador ordinary, that they had already spoken to Monsieur de Pugny of going to Spain for the same occasion. Then they made everything known to me, and confessed to me that the said sieur de Mendoza at first had charge to condole, as I have said. But at the second audience that he presented himself to their majesties as ambassador ordinary, and that he had had this charge by the commandment of his master, and by a commission extraordinary which was despatched to him since his departure from Spain, given to him since his arrival in this town. Then I tried to sound both by divers addresses what I ought to expect from the resolution of the King of Spain their master in the matters of the King your son, especially of the general enterprise so much desired by your majesties. But I could learn nothing, they referring always the one to the other, if not in general terms, that in time everything would be well. Except the said sieur de Taxis told me that he had charge to cause to be put into the hands of the Duke of Guise, when it should please him, the 12,000 crowns ordered for your son, and prayed me to be willing to give him hearing. And having inquired if he had nothing ordered for your majesty, he told me that for this time he had no other commandment than what he had told me. Then I was constrained to tell him that it was more than two months since he had assured me that before All Saints he would furnish me with both sums, and had caused the same to be said by Father Claud to the Duke of Guise, and on his word I had written of it to your majesty as a thing sure and certain. Whereupon he told me that then they had thus commanded him. But by the despatch of the last messenger they had not made him any mention of it. Not content with this reply, I said to the said sieur de Mendoza that this was one of the principal articles that were given him before his departure from here by my said sieur de Guise, and therefore I begged him to tell me what was done, without drawing from him anything else, except that that would be done. And pressing him still to tell him what had been written to me from Flanders, as to what had been ordered by the Prince of Parma on his departure from England, which he had not fulfilled, he confessed to me then that having arrived at Gravelins, he received letters from his excellency, containing in effect that his excellency had been advertised by your agent in Flanders, that to obtain the liberty of your person and to draw you out of this hard captivity it was necessary for you to have [ ] crowns, and that if it was thus he would command them to be given you with all diligence and without delay.

Having arrived near his excellency, and having told him that your majesty, not having sent or written him anything, will remain without any other resolution, and at present, for anything, that I have been able to say to him, I have not been able to draw from him any other reply than that he thought that that was done.

Immediately after my departure from the said sieurs I despatched an express messenger to my said sieur de Guise to inform him of what had passed between us, to know his will for the deliverance of the money already arrived, and that it might please him to write a good letter on the lack of the part ordered for your majesty, and, because he was engaged on his word to your majesty, to pray them to write of it to the King on the first opportunity to have it forwarded. For otherwise he would be constrained to furnish it from his own. Which my said lord has written them both by my man on his return, and since more than once, and has shown himself very sorrowful and contrite for this delay and fault in a thing of so little consequence, so that on the receipt of his last he prayed me not to write to him any more. For they had sent such a good despatch to their master that they assured themselves the reply would be similar to it. And because it seemed to me that there was some little jealousy between them, and all that I could draw from them was almost by force, I have remitted myself to the departure of the said sieur de Taxis to deal again with the said sieur de Mendoza alone, and think to do more to my profit. I am infinitely sorry for the release of the party that I considered already as safe as if I held him in my hand when I wrote to you by my last, and beg your majesty very humbly not to impute this fault to me. For I wrote to you the truth from the mouth of another without adding anything of my own. My lord of Guise sent word also, on the return of my said man, that the banker was paid as much of the principal as the interest, and the rest put into the hands of him to whom the said Father Claud had given the charge, who is the procurator-general in this province, at his departure from here, which has been forthwith done. I had been of opinion to cause what remained to be immediately sent to Scotland. But my cousin Fentrey told me by his last that the King had commanded him to make known to me not to put anything into the hands of the Master of Gray, nor send anything there without having news from his majesty.

This, madam, is what I can tell you at present of the part of Spain and of his holiness that I have been able to learn from his nuntio; without Spain one can do nothing, and he has always stopped short from being willing to contribute to the fourth part and nothing else. I hear the news from day to day from the sieur de la Rue of what he has negociated. I will not fail to send it to you at the first opportunity.

The Master of Gray departed from Rouen the [ ] instant to go to Dieppe, where he had caused a ship to be prepared to take him back to Scotland. He has been since his departure from here very grievously ill. God grant him good recovery, for since, I have not had any news. There is in his company a young Flemish man—his father was Spanish—whom the Master of Gray has often written to you to pray you to address yourself to. He came to France with the Chevalier Seton when he went to Spain, and on the departure of the said Chevalier from here this young man retired to Flanders near his parents, and a few days before the departure of the said Lord Gray from here he was authorised by the Prince of Parma and sent as his agent to Scotland, and has estate and provision to this effect. Although to me he pretends not to speak of his voyage, I have not wished to fail to inform you, for it is necessary to take care. He speaks good Scotch and knows as near as possible all our ways of doing things, so that by his reports he could do us bad turns if he is not nicely entertained and put in hope of being recognised by your majesty. Otherwise, it is to be feared that he will give us much trouble to return his blows, for there is no one who but trusts more in his own than in the reports of another. The Lord Fulgeam and his brotherin-law have delivered to me your letters of [ ] last, which were for their pension.

Monsieur —, (fn. 4) your treasurer, has delivered to them 400 crowns according to the commandment of your majesty. There has only been difficulty about the term of payment. They desired that this should be for the past year. I have had your commandment followed word for word, and took acquittance of them for the present year. They are two very honourable and well advised gentlemen, and boast very much of your son. They do not trouble very much about the said acquittance, provided their pension may be advanced to them always at the beginning of the year, and they tell me that your will was such. That depends on your goodwill, otherwise they will have much to do. And they have chosen for residence the town of Rouen; and I believe that Fulgeam pretends to make his wife come. I have not omitted anything of what your majesty had commanded me, to make apparent your good affection towards them, and to offer them for my part what was in my power, as I assure myself by the first despatch they will make you understand. And in this place, after having kissed very humbly your majesty's hands, I will pray the Creator to give you, madam, very perfect health, very happy and long life. Paris, the 24 of [ ]. Your very humble and very obedient servant and subject [— (fn. 5) ].

What follows is from André Peron to Monsieur Nau.

Monsieur, I have seen the liberality with which his majesty has treated me, as Monsieur [— (fn. 5) ] has made known to me. That will incite me more to pray God for his prosperity and will keep me in the service of my master. For I can assure you that without the hope that I have always had in [— (fn. 5) ] of which he had promised me to make me give some proof to his majesty to help me in my necessities and to assure my uncle in kissing your hands very humbly, I should have returned. I have been long in the service of my lord. I cannot do less than thank you for the good office that it has pleased you to do me in this respect. For without you I should not have had the 100l. which [— (fn. 5) ] had express commandment from his majesty to have given to me by his treasurer.

I beg you to do me this favour and courtesy—to thank his majesty when you find the opportunity, and to assure him of my very humble and faithful service, and to honour me with your commandments. For I desire to remain all my life your very humble and obedient servant. Madam, from all that I have mentioned in my preceding [letters] there has only been paid the pension of my Lord Fulgeam, his brother-in-law, and another. The pension of poor seminaries will remain without being paid. I have advanced from mine 200 crowns for the term of St. John. Will it please you to command the re-embursement and tell me if it is your intention to continue it. I think I have forgotten to make known to you that the day after my said audience I saw the Chancellor to recommend to him my negociation and pray him to give you brief and good justice in the resolution of your grievances. He made me a short enough reply, asking me what your majesty had done with your seals. I told him truly that I had not heard anything nor received a letter from your majesty of any consequence since the [ ] of [ ]. Then he said "I wish you to say that I have learnt that his majesty has made choice of an advocate of the Court of Parliament, and I am not sorry, and protest before God that what I did in favour of the President du Gas was rather for the advancement of her service, than for other cause." Her majesty has written also that she found it strange that I had not written to her assuring her that if I had the advancement of the said President in recommendation I should not have forgotten to write to her of it in his favour. But I will keep myself well, for I serve a master so jealous and suspicious that I dare not write to a Prince or Princess of the world, and if he knew that I had done it, it would be enough to ruin me.

Your majesty will receive with the present a copy of a letter from my lord the most illustrious Cardinal Borimeo, which was sent to me by Dr. Lewes, English "referendaire" of his holiness, and vicargeneral of the said cardinal. I have not dared to risk the original.

Monsieur Nau, I pray you to remember my last, which was that I trust you with those that I wrote to her majesty of the [ ] of [ ] if by fortune they fall into your hands. And I kiss very humbly your hands and those of all the prisoners.

Copia. Et si non possit magestatis vestre tam gravis et tam diuturna calamitas et aerumna, maximo mihi dolori et molestie non esse, et ipsiusmet nomine et relligionis catholicæ, cujus plurimum interest majestatis vestre incolumitas causa: magnam tamen hujus mairoris partem abstergit divinæ bonitatis erga ipsam fiducia. Solet enim Deus optimus maximus omnia mirabiliter temperare, et inexplicabili divinæ gratiæ suæ vi et suavitate rerum adversarum ictum mitigare, atque veluti stimulis quibusdam famulos suos excitare in cursu stadioque virtutis. Itaque minime mihi dubium est majestatem vestram in istis locorum angustiis quibus ejus habitatis definitur quam latissima habere spatia jucundissimaque libertate frui, quæ nos Jesus Christus donavit, et quam nobis adimere sine nostro consensu nulla calamitatis vis aut rerum eventus potest. Posuit majestatem vestram Deus in omnium conspectu ut ex ipsa omnes patientiæ fortitudinis, relligionis castitatis exempla capiant Qua quidem re multo melius Dei nomen illustrare et quam vero ejus amore teneatur demonstrare potest quam si rebus secundissimis uteretur unus Lodovicus vicarius meus mihi significavit majestatem vestram cupere ut ego eam Deo optimo maximo commendem. Id ego licet nihil sim nisi pulvis et cinis toto pectare, atque omni studio facere conabor. Quod si quid aliud est in quo studia atque officia mea majestati vestrae non inutilia neque incommoda esse possint, gratissimum mihi erit si ea quasi jure suo postulabit.

7½ pp. French and Latin. Indorsed.

178. Walsingham to Mr. William Davison. [June 22.]

The Queen of England finding by his letters that the King [of Scots] seems still to be very resolutely disposed to the violent prosecution of the noblemen and gentlemen who are well affected to the common cause of religion and the amity of this crown, but especially of Lord Lindsay, her pleasure is he should let him understand that, though he does not dispose himself to take that profit of her sound and princely advice that she in most friendly sort wished him for his weal and safety, yet she cannot but continue still her wonted care and desire for his well doing, wherefore if there follow not better effects than hitherto, the fault shall not be hers, but his, and the world shall have just cause to witness with her that she has left nothing undone that might tend to provide for his safety and preservation; and therefore has again directed him to dissuade him still from the violent and bloody course he is entered into to make himself an instrument of other men's passions in banishing, imprisoning, forfeiting and executing his noblemen and other personages of quality, who have ever showed themselves well affected to the cause of religion, and most faithful and loyal subjects and servants to him. Which manner of proceeding cannot be of long continuance as over violent, but must needs make him odious to all sorts of his best affected subjects, and so, consequently, endanger his estate and person, unless he shall timely remember to follow the counsel of his best friends.

Is of opinion that he will regard as little any advice he shall give him in her name as he has heretofore, and that it will rather do the parties hurt than otherwise. Nevertheless, her pleasure is he should again try him in the matter, which he leaves to himself to perform as he thinks fit. Richmond. Signed: Fra. Walsyngham.

Postscript.—The Lord Treasurer has not yet had any access to her majesty whereby he might have recommended his suit. From foreign parts they hear nothing. The two Irishmen lately arrived in Scotland are sent thither to practice that some Scots may be permitted to go out of the islands to Ireland. One of them is named W. Nugent, and the other Magogegan.

1 p. Addressed. Indorsed.

Copy of the same without the postscript.

Cott. Calig., C. VIII., fol. 77.

Another copy of the same.

179. Mr. William Davison to Walsingham. [June 23.]

I have received your honour's letters of the 17th with the occurrents, an extract whereof I sent to Arran this morning, who is presently come over here to visit his lady, being ready to lie down in childbed, and another to the Secretary [Maitland], thinking it not amiss with these complements to entertain the time and make fair weather— and somewhat captare benevolentiam of an auditory preoccupied with jealousies and suspicions. Wherein I have used the particular letters of the Lord Scrope and Sir John Foster sent to me touching the spoils and attempts on the Borders, as a mean to break up the ice to some other purpose, having in her majesty's name prayed that his highness here would consider of some expedient how these inconveniences may be met withal for the better entertaining of common peace between the realms, assuring them of good concurrence on our part. And out of this [I] took occasion to "enter" with the Secretary— coming once or twice to visit me—touching the jealousies and dryness lately grown between our sovereigns, the incommodities whereof I laid before him, wishing some good way were taken to repair all these things, offering in my power particular to do the best offices I could, as one who tendered the continuance of the amity and kindness between them, if I might find that satisfaction and correspondence at their hands that I looked for. In all which the Secretary, pretending an equal desire and goodwill both in his majesty and himself, and others about him, to concur with me in so good a work, we fell into this consideration of the means how things might be best redressed; which offered matter of long discourse on the one side and other, chiefly touching the causes of this dryness. Wherein he specially urged the course her majesty has hitherto taken by her ministers both in the Duke's [Lennox's] time and since, in seeking the contrary way to assure the King to her, rather by others than himself. The scope of all which speech was, that if her highness would yet recover him and his friendship, she must necessarily do it by himself and such as he loves—meaning the company now about him. Which opinion I thought it not best directly to "oppugn." But after I had laid down the difficulties falling out from time to time in the course of the proceedings here, giving her majesty both the first and continuing causes of most jealousy and offence, I finally prayed him to let me see how her majesty might be assured of the King his master by this course, that I might have the better ground and argument both to consent with them and give her majesty the better taste thereof. Wherein I was not dainty of good words and promises to do the best offices I might. But the circumstances were long to tell your honour.

This in sum we agreed on—because myself durst not wade far into the particulars without her majesty's warrant and direction—that I should signify and report to her majesty the good disposition I found both in his highness and them, and do the best I could to give her some good apprehension thereof. And in the meantime he promised for his part so to prepare the King his master, and to satisfy him so thoroughly of my own good meaning, that at my next coming to Court I should find a more frank and liberal dealing at his hands than I had yet met withal. And this morning sending down to visit my Lord of Arran and to impart to him such news as I had received, he took occasion to invite me to dinner by the Provost and bailiffs, whom he sent to me. But understanding my excuse, because I was under medicine, he came up to my lodging and spent two or three hours with me discoursing, as he can plentifully, of many purposes, but all tending to the blaming of her majesty's ministers employed here before me, and the several courses held in their several services, as if much more good might have been done, and, as he would persuade me, might yet be done in case I had not to follow their footsteps, pretending with many golden words that he had no French, nor esteemed any friendship in the world so necessary for the King his master as that of my sovereign, if he might have it and keep it with his honour and surety, which stood, as he thought, in the gaining of himself by himself and such as he favoured. And here he desired to know what one man in England her majesty would commit that power to join with him in doing good offices; who undertook that the King, by word or writing to myself or any other her majesty would appoint, should declare his allowance and approbation of whatsoever he shall say or conclude in his name, and prayed me to signify so much to her majesty, who, as he said, had the power to command him if it pleased her. But all his speeches were so sauced with repetition of impediments that he seemed to hold all desperate unless they were taken away, and here specially insisted on the removing of the banished lords out of England, who remain there under her majesty's wings. Considering what has preceded, he saw not what surety the King his master might have of her highness for whatsoever she promised. After I had replied to this, with much other discourse to and fro, letting him see in a generality what material causes and reasons her majesty had to justify her doings both in this and all the rest, and yet seeming to allow well of the motion of gaining the King by himself, etc.—I concluded that I would not fail to make this overture known to her majesty, and handle the matter so that both her highness and himself should have contentment.

Many other things occurred which in truth were discoursed in so high and plentiful a style that either I did not well conceive or my memory does not well retain. But of all this I gather—as in plain terms he confessed—that he would be content for his standing and surety's sake to have the cloak of her majesty's good countenance, or at the least to serve his turn withal. Wherefore, if I must needs stay any time here, it were not amiss, under your honour's correction, that I had some matter to entertain them with et faire la bonne mine till we see what time may otherwise effect. In which case, because your own letters will be suspected, I could wish to have some few lines from my Lord Treasurer, if not from her majesty's self, how general soever it be, that they may be met withal in their own stratagems.

In the meantime some other motion has been made to me touching the Castle [of Edinburgh], the Captain whereof looks every day to be charged; and in case he does not obey this, such a gap will be opened to the redress of things that her majesty could not wish the like, for many reasons I could allege, if I might safely, and therefore would gladly know what comfort and assurance I may give, in case I be pressed, of her majesty's good countenance and favour, finding matter here to suffice her. But this I propound as a preparative, whereof, if there be cause, your honour shall hear further hereafter. And in the meantime I beseech you that it may be used as appertains, both for the matter and persons' sakes who are therein interested. And that I may hereafter write more safely, I beseech your honour to send me a cipher—for the counter-cipher of that you lost I never had— because I trust not much to the measure I may receive either here or upon our Borders in the visiting and intercepting of my letters. Edinburgh. Signed: W. D.

Postscript.—Because I have great need of my man Burnet, I would beseech your honour to return him back as soon as you may with some comfortable news, if it be possible, of her majesty's goodness towards me, which haply ere I depart hence she will think well bestowed, because I trust to effect something to her surety and contentment.

Postscript.—Your honour may see by the often passing of C. Armorer to and fro how necessary an instrument he is to do good offices between the two Princes. He is now made a wooing messenger to her majesty from this King, whose letters in verse he carries to the same effect, whereof I have by chance had a sight, but may not take knowledge of any such letter.

The persons who seem to be of counsel and acquaintance with this secret are only the King, Arran, and the messenger, who was by at the consultation and writing of the letters. The invention seems to be Arran's, set on, perhaps, by others too well acquainted with our climate. He is addressed with letters and directions to my Lord of Hunsdon, whose credit "they rack and make bold of" to break the ice in this grave business for them. How it will be handled there, I know not. There are reasons enough to assure you how we deal here after the Scottish fashion, "wherof your honour can pick out the English." But I beseech your honour to use it so that it does not appear to come to light from hence, because it imports my credit somewhat.

2½ pp. Copy. Indorsed.

Cott. Calig., C. VIII., fol. 78.

Original of the same.

180. Mr. William Davison to Burghley. [June 23.]

I have been so narrowly observed since my coming hither by such as Arran and his good lady have set to watch over my haunt and resort, that no friend I have, besides such as are publicly sent, have dared either openly or privately to visit me. And I, in the meantime, have been so ill disposed in my health that till within this day or two I have scarce gone forth of my doors since my return from the Court. So that I have neither had the mean to inform myself so particularly as I would, nor matter to advertise your lordship so certainly as I desired of the state and doings here, which in truth had made me write the more slackly to your honour and in the meantime time to trouble you with impertinent letters. Yet lest my over long silence should prejudge my duty and respect towards your lordship, to whom I am so much and deeply bound, as in truth I confess myself, I had rather entertain your lordship with what is offered than [by] my expectation of better suspend any longer the remembrance and discharge of my duty towards you.

How great a change and alteration I find in the state and proceeding of this Court and government, your lordship may guess by that you daily hear. This especially I observe, that none who were corrupted before the flood with the old manners and sins of that time have any safe "retraict or alyeinge here but in the arke of her favour who bie her credit and instrumentes misguideth all." And albeit I meet with some who would gladly pre-occupy me with a contrary opinion, yet if either the association betwixt her and the King her son, confirmed by the last year's congratulation of La Mothe, and confession both of the Queen and, in circumstance, of the King himself and some of his Cabinet Councillors; if the alteration at St. Andrews, counselled and executed by such as are at her devotion and the effects succeeding the same, first in removing from Court; next in licensing to depart out of the country, and afterwards pursuing with displayed banner, under the pretence of the act of Ruthven, all such as were known to be, as they term it, of the English faction; if the charges following in the magistracy of the boroughs, in the Cabinet and Secret Councils, in his majesty's household and family, in the Session and College of Justice, and finally in the whole state and government of the Church; if the best men amongst the nobility, ministers, and burgesses be either discountenanced or severely "put at," when in the meantime the contrary affected only be received into grace and favour, and not only that, but such as stood forfeited for the murder of the King's father and Regents or otherwise oppugning his authority be remitted, pardoned, and restored to their lives, lands, goods, honours, etc.; if his Council at home and instruments abroad, the ordinary intelligence betwixt him and his mother, and correspondence betwixt their ministers, his ordinary speeches in her favour and impatience to have aught in her prejudice, the calling in of such books as touch her honour, as namely the history of Buchanan; and, in one word, his liking where she loveth, and mislike where she hateth; if, I say, all these things and many other material circumstances may suffice to confirm her interest both in King and Court—the matter appears to be so clear as admits no contradiction. And what fruit may then be looked for of such a course, if it be followed out, that shall not peril religion, wreck her majesty's friends, hazard the common peace and amity, and undermine her highness's own particular surety, I leave to your lordship's consideration.

I can assure your honour that there are very few of any judgment who do not singularly prejudge the scope and end of this beginning both in the one respect and other, and are so desirous of the remedy that they generally confess the necessity thereof; but herein they all acknowledge that "hic labor hoc opus est." To seek it by mediation so long as the King is thus possessed and governed is, as the old proverb says, "oleum et operam perdere," and to attempt it before is full of difficulties; and yet this latter is confessed by all men to be that which only remains. But whether it were better done "aperto marte vel insidiis" breeds a new question. The last is generally thought the safest, but both the time and exile of the aptest instruments remove the likelihood of any present help that way, unless the home divisions amongst our present courtiers supply their want. The other, of open force, is the last remedy, wherein I find men unresolved, unless they might see an "outgate," as they call it, and "back" for themselves, understanding thereby our assistance. In which point haply your lordship may hear of another overture than I dare yet "forespeake" without more certain ground and foundation. This in the meantime I may assure your lordship, that besides the public slanders and offences which stir up common hatred of all men against this "duumvirat" and other accomplices, there arise daily so many particulars betwixt them and others of the greatest that it will be hard for the guiders of Court in Scotland, no better backed and grounded than they are, to go well through withal against so many as they daily provoke both at home and abroad.

Argyll has license to remain in Murray free from public business, whilst in the meantime Arran, made Chancellor by the Parliament in his absence—a thing never seen before—may rule the rest both in Court and in Session, where his wife sits daily, calling, preferring, and passing what bills she lists, making "open port sale" and merchandize of justice at her pleasure; wherein the other, as Chancellor, is specially "intercessed," besides that divers of his friends are "put at," his suits rejected, and himself contemned, your lordship can guess how Scottish natures carried with their particulars can digest them.

Crawford has been of late "at the dagger's drawing" with Arran; first about the relieving of Lord Lindsay out of his ward of Tantallon, and since for his redelivery and committing to Huntly, for which Arran had procured a decree of Council; but by the King's commandment and diligence of Montrose, Maitland, and R. Melville, loth to weaken their mistress's party by the division of such instruments, they have rather shaken hands than hurt. And so Lindsay remains where he was, though not altogether assured of himself so long as this Court lasts.

Huntly was not long since in like terms with Arran, and now of late Ardkinlas, the Comptroller, a Campell, and near kinsman to Argyll, whom the other, as I hear, has reviled and used very insolently. The like complaint has Doun against him and others of their own faction. All which argues some unlikelihood of the long standing of this Court, if men's expectations fail them not. But herein time will teach us more.

Seton is daily looked for, and in the meantime this Court [is] prepared to embrace any comfort or follow any good counsel he shall bring them. Farnyhurst arrived this last week accompanied with Mr. James Sheene, principal of the Scottish seminary in France; and, as we hear, Mr. William Creichton [Reichdon], a Jesuit, and two Irishmen who were here about two years since, the one called Neugent, and the other taken to be a Desmond; but what his name is, in truth I cannot yet certainly learn. These are come before to sound the passage and discover the breach, and as they shall give courage and comfort the rest are to follow to the assault.

The bishops of St. Andrews and Glasgow, whose sermons at Court are nothing but invectives against the ministers—of far unlike reputation to themselves in doctrine or life—do what they can to fill up the ditches and make the breach to be more assaultable. For, besides the supplanting of the whole discipline, which has been their defensive wall hitherto against all corruption in doctrine, etc., they go about to overthrow the head, foundations and anti-seminary colleges of theology throughout the universities, beginning at St. Andrews, where the professors and students being severally "put at" by the bishop, have abandoned the place and withdrawn themselves for their surety. By which course, and instruments, of which the principal is both suspected in doctrine, in fame, in life for incontinency, consultation with witches, perjury, cosenage, and many such virtues, besides a particular favouring of the league between the mother and the son, your lordship may consider what good may redound to the Church. To help the matter, there is such order taken for the answering of the ministers' stipends as, if nothing else may serve, the want of maintenance may compel them to seek elsewhere, and in the meantime proclamation [is] made that no part of what is to, or shall, grow due to those who are absent be from henceforth answered, but be retained to be disposed at the King's pleasure. And to give special comfort to the ministers of this town, who by their letters to their flocks excused their forced departure, the King himself has penned an answer which he has sent hither to be subscribed by the council of this town and elders of the church, which was at first generally refused as a matter utterly against their conscience, and their deputies sent over to the King to show their reasons and beseech his excuse, but in fine are returned with "sic volo, sic jubeo," and compelled, without exception, to sign it, which part of them have done, and others of the best sort refused—of which the Provost is chief—offering rather to underlie any penalty the King can lay upon them, than yield to that which is directly against their knowledge and conscience. Others who should likewise have been pressed with this subscription have withdrawn themselves, and all men generally condemn both the matter and form of this compulsion.

The burgesses of late banished under pretence of an old quarrel in the Duke's [Lennox] time, of whom some are confined to Linlithgow, some to Haddington, are rather like to be followed by others than relieved themselves, notwithstanding the suit made for them. The Countess of Cassillis having redeemed her life with her living, which is bestowed on Bargany and Buchan [Blaquhan], kinsmen to the young earl, has obtained license, and is departed to England to her husband, Lord John Hamilton, who met her at Berwick two or three days since.

Cowdenknowes is relieved out of Blackness of the means of Bothwell and the Secretary, and has now the liberty of this town for his ward. By proclamation published last week all men are charged to be in readiness upon six days' warning with forty days' provision, after the next advertisement, to follow his majesty to the Borders, the narration thereof specially concerning the insolences and disorder of the thieves. Whereby it appears to be either to give them some terror or upon intelligence of our musters in England to put themselves in readiness that they appear not to be sleeping.

Another proclamation is likewise published this day appointing the Earl of Rothes the captain of the Castle [of Edinburgh], and the Colonel [Stewart] as lieutenant for the King in the March, Lothian, Tivedale, Linlithgowshire, and constabulary of Haddington, etc., to apprehend, punish, etc., all partakers, actors, and maintainers of the enterprise of Stirling, and in case they be fugitives, to take their escheats, etc.; and if any house be fortified to seize the same and "oppugne" it with fire and sword; the form of which commission is exceeding large, my Lord of Rothes having principal power either alone or with his associates.

The Colonel [Stewart] has procured the tutory of the young Duke [Lennox] from March's uncle, and some bruit there is that he shall be both Captain of this Castle and Provost of the town. Howsoever it be, the labour is great underhand to remove Alexander Erskine [Captain] of the place, who looks daily to be charged for delivery thereof; but ere he obey the charge it may be your lordship may hear more. In sum, the spoil of Gowrie and the fugitive lords and their followers, etc., is such a bait to sharpen the hungry appetites of our present Court guiders, that there is nothing so unreasonable which they esteem not as lawful as lastful to them. Thus your lordship sees what matters this broken State affords me, and how I may weary you with the report thereof. Edinburgh.

2¾ pp. Copy. Indorsed.

181. [Mr. William Davison] to Walsingham. [June 23.]

The heat for removing of Lindsay out of Crawford's hands, growing upon some breach between him and Arran, is now assuaged by their reconcilement, and Lindsay remains where he was, though in the meantime it be doubted whether these men have shaken hearts as they have done hands. Crawford and Huntly have since been here, and are now returned to the Court, and Arran came over to visit his lady, who looks every hour to lie down in childbed. The Colonel [Stewart] in the meantime has kept the Court, and is now to come over to sit in commission of lieutenancy with the Earl of Rothes and Alexander Erskine, who are chosen lieutenants within the bounds of the sheriffdoms of Berwick, Roxburgh, Peebles, Selkirk, Edinburgh, Linlithgow, and constabulary of Haddington, to apprehend and punish all such as have been either "art or part," as they call it, of the late enterprise of Stirling, or have intelligence with such as are fugitives, and to take their escheats, etc. But the principal scope of his coming hither is thought to be rather to lie in the wind for this castle, whereof it is bruited that he shall be Captain, and, besides, Provost of this town, their courtiers thinking that piece unsure in the hands of him who has it, notwithstanding all the proof the King has had of his long and faithful service. The Colonel [Stewart] has lately gotten the tutory of the young Duke [Lennox] with the consent of the Earl of March, who before had the same. Some new jar has happened between Arran and the Comptroller, Ardkinlas, which is yet scarce well raked up.

Seton is daily looked for with such good company as Farnyhurst has brought with him, whereof the one is said to be Mr. James Sheene, principal of the Seminary College of Jesuits in France, another William Creichton, a Jesuit, one Newgent, an Irishman, who was here about two years past, and another of that nation, his companion, said to be a Desmond. These are come to view the breach, and are to be followed by others prepared for the assault of this poor Church, abandoned of defence by the undermining of the bulwark of discipline and expulsion of the ministers, against whom the Bishops of St. Andrews' and Glasgow's whole sermons at Court are nothing but railing invectives, offering rather matter of laughter to the enemies than profit to the hearers. The College of Divinity at St. Andrews is utterly abandoned by the professors and students, which was a principal anti-seminary to those of the adversaries, and furnished with divers toward wits; the example whereof is like to be practised in the rest, so careful are these new Church rulers of the advancement of the Gospel. The stipends of the absent ministers are stayed by proclamation.

The letter mentioned in his last to be sent hither from the King, and penned, as the Secretary tells him, with his own hand, has been returned by the deputies sent over to entreat his highness's pardon and excuse the Secretary himself, appointed to see it subscribed, "sic volo, sic jubeo" prevailing against either reason or conscience; yet the Provost and others of the best sort have flatly refused to sign it with the stain of their consciences and injury of their poor pastors, though some others from fear or weakness have yielded to it: others, to avoid the storm which they foresaw, withdrew from hence. The Countess of Cassillis has gotten license to depart to her husband, and is now in England. Cowdenknowes is relieved out of Blackness. The burgesses lately banished are yet under their wards, some in Linlithgow, some in Haddington, like to be followed by others of their neighbours.

Proclamation was made last week that all men should be in readiness upon six days' warning after the next advertisement with forty days' provision to follow the King to the Borders. Edinburgh.

1½ pp. Copy. Indorsed.

Cott. Calig., C. VIII., fol. 76.

Copy of the same.

182. Mr. Archibald Douglas to Walsingham. Elizabeth. [June 23. 1584.]

"Pleis your honour, albeit of layte I haif not beyn dessirus to meddle ony fordar in materris bot in my ordinary vocation, that is to pray to God to helpe me ryst in the morning repair to the plaice in Chaipside quhair servantes ar to be hyrit to know gif ony man hes to do vyth service. Zit haif I takin the boldnes be theise few lynes to mak your honour acquaynted that the ambassadour yistirnycht—eftir the derection of his uther lettir onto yow—rissavit ane pacquett from France of the dayt xxvj. of this instant. The commone newis contenit thayrin ar that the Queen mother is to behawe her self as heir to Monsieur of all materris not apertening to the crowne of France, speciallye to the defence of Cambray [Cambrai]. Dome Bernardine de Mendosa is lik to return ambassadour resident in that realme. The Kyng hes not determinat as zit to send ony frome him in Spayne to occupy that place thayr. The queen of Navarre now greit governour to her husband upon sum femynin malice consavit aganis the Duck de Perma movit her husband to dessire the said Duck to leif the cumpanye of certayn capitanes that accumpanyit him and to repayr to him vyth small trayn. The gud ordour gevin apperis to produce quietnes in that realme. Feare to exceid my boundis movis me to absteyne frome vritting ony fordar of the said depesche onto suche tyme as I shall know your fordar plesour and quhen I may repayr to your honouris presens." Signed: A. Douglas.

1 p. Holograph, also address. Indorsed.

183. Mr. William Davison to Walsingham. [June 26.]

Wrote to him somewhat generally in his last, of the 23rd., touching the several discourses he had with the Secretary and Arran. Finds his lying still without some colour of negotiation with them in one sort or other fosters and increases their jealousies. Because he sees not what good is to be done here by running an open course against this present Court, things standing in the terms they do, thinks the best way, for the time, is to make fair weather and occupy them with some kind of appearance that the Queen of England will be content to embrace their offers, etc., if she may see how the amity may be soundly continued by them. Does not propound this as a thing that he dares assure to be sincerely followed out by these instruments, whom all men take to have vowed themselves to another saint, but rather to swim a little with the stream, and see what the meantime may offer and bring forth to the help and redress of things and her majesty's advantage. For, seeing her end, as he takes it, is to recover the King from the unhappy course he is in, tending in all appearance to the prejudice of her majesty's estate, whereto the rooting out of her best friends here and altering by degrees the whole course of this government both in church and policy are but the preparatives and inducements, without which the rest of their projects were hard to be executed, that which may best effect her desire in preventing the mischief with her least charge and most surety were simply the best way. Whether this were the better done "aperto marte vel cuniculis," weighing the present state of things, his honour can consider by experience of what is past. Does not find the time so apt, or the humours so prepared, that he durst as yet persuade a practice of the first remedy; but rather with skilful physician to observe the time and be well informed of the disease, disposition of the patient, and other necessary circumstances ere the medicine be applied. Wherein haply he may inform him more fully hereafter. Meanwhile he sees not what prejudice may grow by making a little fair weather with them, and sailing some piece of their course till the storm divides them. For, to advise her majesty to shake off her old friends for the gain of new, no better qualified, to rely much on the promise or word of such as are smally esteemed, to keep faith with no man, to think those soundly devoted to her friendship who have made their market elsewhere—for he is credibly informed that Mr. William Bellenden, an advocate in Paris, came over secretly, not long before his [Davison's] arrival, with a golden hook of good value out of the Scottish Queen's store in France to take the best fishes here amongst the Court guiders by the jaws, and is since returned well satisfied—to think that her majesty can have sound dealing with such, whatsoever they promise or pretend, for his own part he dare not assure it. Yet seeing they offer so liberally, and that he sees not what the general trial of them can hurt, it were not much amiss to take the best that may be gotten by them, and make their profit of them, as they would do to them [the English], provided that in the meantime they do not lose their better friends—because he has not known a time when friends in Scotland were more worth, nor "foreslew" such other good opportunities and advantages as may be offered. And therefore if her majesty and their honours there think it so good, he would wish—if he must needs stay any longer— to have some matter to entertain the persons and time withal to give the better will to other things, making in the meanwhile some show of employing commissioners this way for the full compounding and knitting up of all things, and letting it appear to such as run that course with them [the English] that he [Davison] has given her majesty and their honours some good taste of the dispositions here.

Because he knows and finds there are both of their own near hand and others in Court more diligent than becomes them in duty to discover and advertise what they hear, and what they can observe and learn of that course he has to run, and because he has no factions or partial disposition, but in the whole course of his service aims simply at that march which his duty to her majesty and his country propounds to him, beseeches him to let his special letters to himself be the rather used with that care that appertains. Edinburgh. Signed: W. D.

2 pp. Copy in Davison's hand. Indorsed.

Original of the same.

184. Mr. William Davison to Walsingham. [June 26.] Cott. Calig. C. VIII, fol. 80.

Yesternight the Earl of Arran, accompanied by the Earl of Rothes and the Secretary Maitland, who are to depart this morning to the Court, came to visit him, and to renew the former offers made to him in the name of the King their master and their own touching their good disposition to entertain and keep all good amity and friendship with the Queen of England, as the Princess whom they acknowledged the King most bound to. And because many things had occurred, as they termed it, rather by the fault of ill instruments than disposition of the Princes themselves, which had bred some jealousy and drives between them, that it might appear to her majesty that on their part there was no lack of goodwill to repair what is past and to provide for what is to come,—they offered in the King of Scots' name, especially the Earl of Arran, that if her majesty were desirous to keep the friendship of their master, as of a Prince her loving kinsman and neighbour, and would be content to employ any of her subjects to concur with such as the King his master would appoint, he would undertake that he should choose out three, two, or one of his nobility and Council furnished with absolute power and commission, who should give her satisfaction in anything that is past, and such assurance for the continuance of straight and perfect amity between them hereafter that if they might find the like correspondence on her part, it should turn to the great quiet and contentment of both Princes.

And because there have happened of late many disorders on the frontier of either country which might breed matter of impediment to so good a work, they likewise offered, as having commission from the King their master, that if it may please her majesty to appoint commissioners for her part, as the King was ready to do for his, they would undertake to make redress not only for what has happened in the few years since he took the government on himself, but for whatsoever has been done since the crown was first put upon his head, if he might receive the like good and equal measure at their hands for attempts made by her subjects against his. Many other purposes they had to and fro, but this in substance was what passed between them; which both the Earl of Arran and the Secretary redoubled as things sincerely meant on the part of his highness here and themselves, the Earl of Arran offering him his hand to maintain with his honour and credit anything he promised. Would be glad to know what to answer to their overtures. Edinburgh. Signed: W. D.

2½ pp. Copy in Davison's hand. Indorsed.

185. James Colvile, Laird of Ester Wemyss, to Walsingham. [June 26.]

"My lord, efter my humble commendatione of service; at my arryvel heir I vas of mynd to have visiit zour lordship, but hering of the estait of our cuntre, and oncertane of ony veritie, thocht first to have zour lordship's opinion quhat I shal do, and in kais I come to zour lordship, as presentlie materis standis I culd of nawayis pas in our cuntre, taking my jurnay from this I vil be les suspectit, sua quhan ever it be gif I may do the quenis majestie ony service I abyd on zour lordship's advertisment, quhilk I pray zour lordship hest to me, quherin zour lordship shal have prove of my gud vil to the hazart of my self and al that I have, as I most humble pray zour lordship to lat the quenis majestie onderstand. And also in zour lordship's particular ther is no man loukis bot zour lordship may mair assuredlie command nor me. Gif zowr lordship vil tak the panis to lat me knaw the estait in particular of our cuntre ze vil mak me bound to zour lordship. This uther letter send to my cusing Mester Jhone Colvill and this uther to Mester Archibald Douglas. Gif they can not be weil convoyet and in suertie I pray zowr lordship self to kep them veil, albeit ther be na mater of consequence, for they may do me hurt. I abyd on zour lordship's guid adwis." Paris. Signed: James Colvill of Estevemes.

1 p. Holograph, also address. Indorsed.

186. Walsingham to Mr. William Davison. [June 29.]

Cuthbert Armorer has arrived here. Incloses a copy of Arran's letter to Lord Hunsdon. On receipt of these new offers brought by Armorer the Queen of England thinks meet to make some trial whether the King and Arran mean now to show better fruits of some goodwill towards her than hitherto, the charge whereof is committed to Lord Hunsdon, who is to be despatched within two or three days to Berwick, and Armorer shall be sent before to see whether he can draw Arran to some convenient place on the Borders where Lord Hunsdon and he may confer together. For his own part he is so far out of hope of any good to come that way that he means to procure his revocation from thence as soon as he can. Richmond. Signed: Fra. Walsyngham.

²/3 p. Addressed. Indorsed.

Copy of the same.

187. Walsingham to Mr. William Davison. [June 29.]

As he may perceive by the inclosed, certain poor fishermen of Yarmouth have of late been very injuriously spoiled by the Scots about the islands upon pretence that it is not lawful for them to fish in the Scottish seas; which exception, as the parties allege, is not taken to the subjects of any other Princes. Her majesty's pleasure is that he should in her name complain of this to the King, and pray him to take order for due satisfaction to be made to the parties so spoiled, and for stay of the like spoils hereafter upon her subjects; for that if the like hard course should be taken with his subjects, which cannot but in reason be yielded to in case timely redress be not had, the same will in the end break out into dangerous effects for both realms. Richmond. Signed: Fra. Walsyngham.

²/3 p. Addressed. Indorsed.

188. Henry Reygnoldes to Mr. William Davison. [June 30.]

The news that is given abroad out of France is stranger in men's mouths than any we hear by writing. Monsieur [the Duke of Anjou] is buried at St. Denis, very honourably accompanied by the King and all the rest of the Court. The Queen mother is declared heir to him in all things that touch not the crown of France. By virtue thereof she shall undertake the defence of Cambrae. His appanage shall return to the crown, and the King thereout is to pay his debts. The Duke of Deperna, coming to Gascony in very great pomp in message to the King of Navarre, was requested by him not to come near him with so great a train, but only with twenty or twenty-nine horse, which the Duke takes in evil part. He has received the Queen his wife into very great favour, and they live together wth great "tokenes" of love. The Duke of Joyeuse's brother is slain by young Lansac in a private quarrel, who was apprehended by the mean officers of Paris, and after taken away by his friends, and apprehended again by the Provost Marshal of the country. The Duke of Guise understanding of it put himself in arms to rescue this offender, and in the conflict the Provost Marshal was slain. The King takes it in evil part. He labours to have justice executed upon young Lansac. The Duke has sworn by his gilt sword and spurs to keep him in despite of the King. It is thought the Duke is glad he has so good occasion by entering into this action to renew his old quarrel with the King. Monsieur Pinart, one of the Secretaries of State, is looked for to come from the King.

The death of Monsieur has somewhat disquieted the Queen of England, but now her majesty begins by little and little to forget it. Her majesty's progress was set down to begin the 24th of next month towards Portsmouth, but it is suspended by reason of some sickness that reigns in that country. Mr. [John] Colvile was of late at the Court and had audience of the Queen of England. The Court, at Richmond. Signed: Henry Reygnoldes.

Postscript.—Received letters three days since from "my lord," wherein he willed him to tell him [Davison], if he had come to the Court, that he had not kept promise with him.

1¾ pp. Holograph, also address. Indorsed.

189. Instructions by Elizabeth for Hunsdon. [June 30.]

"Instructions for the Lord Hunsdon, Lord Gouvernor of Barwick."

Seeing how greatly it imports her, for the better continuance of the present repose wherewith it has pleased God to bless her government, to seek to draw the King of Scots to be at her devotion, though the experience of his unkind usage towards her might greatly discourage her from having any further dealing with him; yet upon the outward show he now makes, as appears by late letters directed to him [Hunsdon] from himself and the Earl of Arran, of an earnest desire he has to remove the hard conceit she has taken of him and to be restored to her good opinion—she thinks it very expedient to make some trial therein, and see whether these protestations of his will yield better effects than heretofore they have done. For which purpose he is to despatch out of hand his servant Cuthbert Armorer to the Earl of Arran, and let him understand by his letter that he has so far forth prevailed with her, that she can be content, in hope of better requital, to make some proof of the late earnest desire the King his master, through his persuasion, shows to have of her friendship, provided she may receive satisfaction in such things as she has appointed him to propound to him at the time of his conference on the Borders, which heretofore has been offered on his behalf.

Yet she thinks meet that on his first entry into conference he lay before the King the great wrongs that she conceives have been done by him to her, as the severe prosecution of all such as have been noted to be well affected to her; his inhibiting by public proclamation such as he has banished not to repair into England, to make the unkindness between them more apparent to the world; his reception and harbouring of her Jesuits and other fugitives, and not delivering them according to his promise; his agreement with his mother touching the association without her privity, contrary to the assurance given by him to her; his employment of sundry subjects of his towards the pope, the Kings of Spain and France, and other inferior Princes, provoking them as much as lies in him by sinister and wrong information—as though she were his capital enemy— to attempt somewhat against her; and lastly the contemptuous usages of such ministers as she has sent to him. Is to tell him that if she shall not hereafter see that satisfaction yielded to her for these notorious wrongs and injuries which in honour appertains, whereby she may repute herself both dallied and contemned, she will then be forced, contrary to her own disposition, to take such course as the King and he shall be sorry for.

And whereas the Earl of Arran himself has—by way of complaint, and as a matter wherewith he shows himself to be greatly grieved— declared to his [Hunsdon's] said servant that he has been informed that she and such as are now near about her have a very hard conceit of him, to the end he may see she has reason so to do, he is to let him know that the cause and ground thereof has proceeded from himself. For how could she conceive otherwise of him, considering what a hard course he has held from the beginning of his credit with the King of Scots towards the late Earl of Morton and others affected towards her? Besides bringing the Duke of Lennox, a Catholic and Frenchman, though a Stewart, into Scotland, and so, consequently, no fit instrument to nourish or continue good friendship between the crown of Scotland and her, gave her much cause—he being the chief worker thereof—to conceive hardly of him; and herein she appeals to his own conscience whether she had not reason so to do. But for that she would be loth to be held so jealous or mistrustful that no protestations the earl can make of his devotion towards her can work a suspension of her former opinion conceived of him, she can be content—in hope of better measure hereafter—to lay aside the memory of things past, and to put on an opinion—howsoever he stands affected towards her—that he, having looked more substantially into his master's state, and finding that as no amity can so much benefit him as hers, so no enmity can so much peril him either for the present or the future, is now drawn to see his former error.

And for that she would be glad to make some proof whereby she may see whether these outward protestations are accompanied with inward meaning, he is to signify to him that she not being ignorant of some practices that have been of late set on foot—tending to the troubling of her State—wherewith the King and his mother have not only been made privy, but [it was] also intended that the King should be a party and principal actor therein—she therefore looks that he should lay open the said practices before her, as well in respect of the professed goodwill he now makes show to bear towards her— which can no way better appear than by acquainting her with such matters as may any way tend to her prejudice—as also for that the said practices are projected and nourished by those who, for the hatred they bear to the King [of Scots] and her in respect of their religion, could be content to set some dissent between them, and in the end laugh them both to scorn.

If on this motion—the same tending, if it be duly weighed, as well to his master's as her benefit—he shall find that he does not deal so frankly as he looks for, and as he himself promised, but shall stand upon pacts and conditions, then he is to put him in mind, as of himself, how dangerous it is for the King his master, being inferior in strength and power, to have to do with her, every way more mighty than himself, and therefore forced to depend upon other's assistance, which may many ways fail, as by death, by home troubles, and divers other accidents. And the support having to come by sea, it might not, perhaps, arrive as soon as the prevention of the danger requires, she having her forces at hand, being far greater and better furnished than ever any of her progenitors had. This being weighed with that general discontentment in his own realm ought to move the King and himself to consider the matter well. In case he shall not find in the King and him plain and frank dealing [after] putting him in mind of his former promise made to him that he would at the time of their meeting discover to him all such practices as have passed between the King of Scots and other foreign Princes, he shall then quite withdraw that goodwill that he has heretofore professed to bear as well towards him as towards the King his master.

In case he shall find him inclinable to yield her satisfaction touching the discovery of the practices, though he shall in some sort insist on the delivery of the rebels or banishing them out of her realm, as also desire that some contentment may be yielded to the King in the requests propounded last year by Colonel Stewart at the time of his being here; for the first he shall let him understand that he, as of himself, cannot but advise him to persuade the King to forbear to insist thereon, and to think himself well used at her hands—considering the sundry wrongs that have been offered to her, as also the practices she understands have been entertained by the King against her—in that she does not use the opportunity offered to her to take an occasion of revenge.

Further, he is to signify to him that, as she is persuaded in her conscience that these noblemen intended nothing against the King's own person; whose discontentment grew upon hard measure extended towards the late Earl of Morton, as appears manifestly to the world by the favour extended to others who were not only privy to the death of his father, before the attempt thereof, but also aiders and abettors therein. And therefore the taking away of a nobleman, so well deserving at the King's hands—under the colour of justice— could not but engender a great offence, accompanied with those hard effects that since have ensued. Touching the points propounded to her by Colonel Stewart, he may assure him, if she shall see the King inclined to yield her better satisfaction than heretofore, he shall find her ready to extend towards him such effects of goodwill and friendship as he in honour and reason can desire.

He may promise the Earl of Arran that if she shall see his words and deeds carried in even balance, he shall then taste those fruits of her favour that he shall have cause to think that goodwill and devotion which he protests to bear to her well bestowed.

After this assurance given to the earl, he is to let him know in how thankful part she should take it if the King his master by his persuasion might be drawn to forbear the hard prosecution intended against the noblemen who have retired into England, by staying the disposing and forfeiture of their goods and livings; whereby, besides gratifying her, he will do his master good service and remove from himself the hatred that is now conceived against him as an author of violent counsels, which in all governments bring forth most dangerous effects; whereof no realm has yielded more dolorous and lamentable examples than that kingdom.

4¾ pp. Copy. Indorsed.