Elizabeth: September 1586

741. The French Ambassador in England to Monsieur Courcelles. [Sept. 1.] C.P., vol. XIX.

[A letter in cipher to which there is no key.]

742. The French Ambassador in England to Monsieur Courcelles. [Sept.] C.P., vol. XIX.

[A letter in cipher, to which there is no key.]

743. Articles for Pasquier. [Sept. 2.] C.P., vol. XIX.

(1) Whether he has been at any time made acquainted with a practice for the setting of the Scottish Queen at liberty.

(2) Whether he has not been made acquainted with some practice here within the realm in disposing the hearts of Catholics to join with such foreign forces as should invade the realm.

(3) Whether he has not within the space of these four or five months written letters to certain persons in foreign parts to show how the Catholics of this realm stood affected to join with foreign forces.

(4) What practice he has been made acquainted withal at any time within these three months prejudicial to her majesty's state or person.

(5) By what manner of means he knows that the Queen of Scots has had her secret letters carried or brought to her.

1 p. In Walsingham's hand; last article written by Burghley. Indorsed: "1 September 1586. At my L. Chancelor's house. Interrogatories given to Pasquier."

744. Pasquier's Answers. [Sept. 2.] C.P., vol. XIX.

1. That he has heard from the Queen [of Scots] that offer had been made to her to effect her escape, but that she had refused it, because she was no longer capable of making a great journey; in addition to which she could not appoint a certain time on account of the complaint in her legs, which took her at such uncertain times.

2. As to the second he has heard nothing, and if such a thing should be, he would not have been acquainted with it, having never done anything except to write in French, and that very little, without intermeddling in anything more, as will be found true.

3. Protests upon his soul and conscience that he has not since the said time of five months, nor had he before, written any letters to any one soever touching the disposition of the Catholics of this country; and he assures himself that the contrary will in no wise be found.

4. Swears by his conscience that he has never been acquainted with any practice to the prejudice of the Queen of England. True it is that when Monsieur Nau was in London about two years ago, Mr. Wilkes told me that there was a Jesuit named Cruiton or Criton who had been taken with many papers of very great importance; upon which the said Jesuit having been questioned had confessed that there was an enterprise to be made against this realm; and the said Wilkes added to me that there had been a gentleman named Frinkmoton a little time before, a great friend from what he told me of the Queen my mistress, who had been beheaded for this same cause. Being returned, I made report thereof to the Queen, who told me that verily there had been a design to carry her off and to re-establish the religion in England, but that forasmuch as in doing this it had been desired to constrain her to renounce her right to the crown of England to the prejudice of her son, to which she would never consent so long as she should live, offering to deliver to herself in recompense the government of some countries beyond the sea with a revenue of a hundred thousand crowns and restitution of her dower in case the King of France wished to take it from her; that she had quite flatly refused it: moreover that such things being full of difficulties it could not be achieved without hazarding the life of many of her friends in England. But that if they would undertake such a thing in Scotland she would endeavour to dispose her son to it as much as should be in her, and a good part of the Scotch nobility.

5. He has never had any knowledge whatsoever of the means that the Queen had of conveying letters: true it is that being in the house of Chatsworth he sometimes saw the Queen go secretly by some galleries to speak to some people with Madame de Shrewsbury, and that it may be that she received some letters there: but since then upon his God he has neither known of nor been acquainted with any one who has delivered or brought any to her, as also he has never enquired about it. London. 2 Sept. 1586. Signed: Pasquier.

I affirm that these things are true, and in case the contrary be proved I am content to lose my ears and my hand. Signed: Pasquier.

1 p. French. Indorsed.

745. Monsieur D'Aisneval to Monsieur Courcelles. [Sept. 2.]

I have received your letter, which has been delivered to me safely, and with all diligence, as at Barwick.

I prayed Sir Henry Woodrington to forward your packets, and he promised me to do so, and those of the King as he did before, having been very pleased to hear good news of you.

As to my own news, I arrived the 23rd of last month, which was a week ago last Saturday, in this town, in very good health, thank God, without having had any disturbance on the road, except a little skirmish which took place at one stage between some of my people and a post-boy, which gave rise to a small fight; but that turned to no other consequence than some complaint which I made thereof to Mr. Randolph, more for form's sake, and to forestall the complaints that otherwise might have been made to him, than for the importance of the occurrence.

Since then, Monsieur de Chasteauneuf having sent to ask an audience of the Queen of England, we went to see her on Sunday last at Windsor where she is, and she received my said lord de Chasteauneuf and myself, with every favourable demonstration: and after many civil speeches passed between us, I gave her to understand that the King had only permitted me to interrupt the charge that I have for his service in Scotland for three or four months, in order that I might have the means to attend to some affairs which had befallen me in France, and after which he would that I should return; that I had been unwilling to pass through her country without kissing her hands and being honoured by her commands.

Monsieur de Chasteauneuf entering into speech told her that the King had commanded him to make instant request to her when I should arrive here, that she would cause a general passport to be sent and delivered to him for sending freely into Scotland, and that in like manner one might send to him from Scotland, concerning which I should bear her resolution to his majesty. She answered us that there was no need to speak of that during my absence, and that she would consider it later.

I told her that on leaving Scotland I had left one of my men to look after the affairs of his said majesty, who would have as much need of a passport as myself if I were there.

Ignoring that, she asked me again whether I had left any one, and who it was. I named you, and immediately she made a great exclamation, asking me why I had left you there.

I said that it was by the command and for the service of the King, who had charged me to let some one of my people remain there to carry on my charge until my return.

Whereunto she took occasion to say that the King had not named you. I told her that that was very true, but that he having given me power, and relying upon me for that which concerns his affairs in those parts, I had given you this charge, knowing you to be worthy of it, and an affectionate and faithful servant of the King: which made her very angry, telling me that she knew well those who had chosen you and placed you near me because you had more fantastic notions than I.

I told her that as hitherto I had always acquitted myself faithfully of that which it had pleased the King my master to commit to me, so henceforth I would execute his commands whenever I should be honoured with them with all the same affection and fidelity, without respect to any other whatsoever; and that what had made me bring you to Scotland was that you had offered yourself to me voluntarily, and that no one had introduced you; having received you all the more willingly that I knew you understood the language, and that having been with Monsieur de Mauvissière you had some knowledge of affairs.

She said that you had only too much, having had dealings with the rogues and traitors of her kingdom, as everybody knew when she complained of you.

To make us believe her, alleging such qualities as passion suggested to her, she turned towards the admiral, and called him to witness to us the truth of what she said, which he did not contradict, but vowed it with all the respect that he bears her.

And the said Queen continuing said to me further that Monsieur de Mauvissière had sent you away and banished you from his house for innumerable faults that you had committed towards him, which she would prove by the answers that the said Sieur de Mauvissiere had made her to the letters, that she had written to him on this subject.

Not wishing to busy myself with contradicting those letters or her assertions, and to show her moreover that I was not accountable to her in this matter, and would do only what might advance the affairs of the King, I told her finally that the opinion which she had conceived of you could be founded only upon evil reports, which I besought her not to believe lightly, and that you would never be other than a very faithful servant of the King, and that your conduct would make you known as such so long as both their majesties should be in good friendship and intelligence.

Whereupon, much enraged, she told me twice over that verily she would know you, which I take to mean some desire that she may have to devise some plot against you, and which makes me warn you to beware of the artifices of the country, of which you have good knowledge.

I could not in the end obtain from her any other resolution in the matter of the passport, after many reasons which I gave her in order to persuade her (the which I will not repeat to you, being too long to relate, and also because you will be well able to conceive of them), except that she will make answer by Monsieur de Stafford her ambassador to the King, whom she assured herself would rest content and satisfied therewith.

We are hereupon well resolved to cause the said Sieur de Stafford to be spoken to in like manner by the King and Monsieur Pinart, and even to have his courriers arrested going to Lyons and other places if she will not permit what we desire, that she may at length yield to it.

Meanwhile I have prayed Monsieur de Chasteauneuf to uphold and assist you in the conduct of your affairs with all his good help and counsel, which he has promised me to do, wherein I find him so well affectioned that you may rely upon him, and you are to write to him on all occasions which shall present themselves.

I will also contrive that the King shall speak to the said Sieur Stafford about you in such terms that they will recognise you for a servant of the King, and that this respect will contradict the designs that they might have, you relying upon me as to your own particular, which I will consider as my own matter, as I hope to prove to you.

A great conspiracy has been discovered here lately, which is said to have been made against the Queen of England by a gentleman of this country named Babington, who has been taken and has accused all those concerned, a good part of whom have been placed in the Tower.

My Lords of the Council have been occupied for three or four days every afternoon in interrogating them, and it is said that some of the greatest of this realm find themselves accused by them: that had thrown them into such alarm that they have put a guard upon all the passages of this kingdom, even to placing them secretly around the lodging of Monsieur de Chasteauneuf, on account of the idea which they had before the taking of the said Bapinton that he was in his lodging, and that this affair had come chiefly from France; which the Huguenot refugees here confirmed everywhere, and persuaded people that it had been a second St. Bartholomew that they wished to carry out in this country. However, this great noise and movement begins to calm down, the taking of the said Bapinton and of his adherents having happened, which has given them much light upon this affair, which is held to have arisen rather from the special affection which some young gentlemen students had to the religion than to the enterprise they had against the state.

Nevertheless I much fear that the ministers of the Queen of England ill affectioned to the Queen of Scotland wish to charge her with this deed, having sent to her on Sunday last a secretary of the council, with Paulet; and the said secretary at his return caused Nau and Curle her secretaries to be taken prisoners, with a trunk full of papers; and it is said that the said Nau and Curle are to be interrogated to-day.

I wished to advertise you with all diligence, in order that if they undertake anything against the said lady the Queen and her more particular officers, you may look to it how you ought to bear yourself towards the King of Scotland, and what good offices he shall be able or willing to do for his mother and her people.

To-day I am thinking about that which you will be well advised to say or cause to be said to him while waiting for the King of France to let you know what you have to do, it seeming to me that in the meanwhile you will be able to make and to give him the impression, by all possible means which you shall deem fitting, that many are of opinion that this conspiracy is suborned by some ministers of the Queen of England, who desire to advance their affairs by it to the prejudice of the Queen his mother and of himself. Afterwards you will represent to him the love that he owes to the said lady his mother, and the desire wherewith she has laboured to advance always by the aid and good assistance of the kings and princes her kinsmen, friends, and allies, intelligence with whom has always rendered her actions more suspect to their common enemies, who make use of all occasions to get the better of both mother and son, and have induced the Queen of England to believe that she had knowledge and intelligence of what was in train against her; in order to get something attempted by the said Queen of England against the said lady the Queen mother. Which is of such importance for the retarding of his greatness, and perhaps prejudice to the right which he has to this crown that he ought above all things to assist the said Queen his mother with all his strength, help, and favour; being, besides these considerations, obliged thereunto by the duty of a son towards his mother. Her servants also ought to be recommended to him as his own, who cannot be offended without encroaching upon the respect which ought to be borne to their mistress. And after these remonstrances to give him clearly to understand that he ought not to permit Nau and Curle, secretaries of the said Queen his said mother, to be molested for their services to her, but to stop it immediately. You will of yourself consider all the other speeches which you will be able to make to him on this subject, which may be of use and will be fitting to say to him; and to cause the same counsel to be given to him by those whom you will find about him devoted to the Queen his mother.

Meanwhile I will use all diligence that you may receive commandment from the King as to what you ought to do therein. I tell you the above only by my own opinion, and will write you what I shall learn about it and what more you may be able to do before I leave here, which I hope will be in two or three days.

There is here a Scottish gentleman named Doeson, who says he knows you and is a devoted servant of the King of Scotland and of the Queen his mother, and an enemy of Archibald Douglas, and wishes to return to Scotland. He prayed Monsieur de Chasteauneuf and me to write to you by him: you will hear him speak when he has arrived, and will see what he would and could do, being wary enough to give credence to his speech according to the occasion that he may give you by the effect of his words. Yet I would be rather of opinion that at the beginning you should beware of him rather than trust him.

As to what you wrote me about Tyer, I assure myself that you will know well how to find out what he is. You will also be able to say to the King of Scotland that you believe that the King of France will assist the Queen his mother with all aid and favour, and will expect that he as a good son will have a care of her; and will wish therein to make known his good nature to all the Christian princes, and to preserve by this means his good reputation with them, and you will say to the King of Scotland on my behalf whatever you shall think well out of all that is above written. Praying you as soon as you have done anything in this matter to write it to me, and of every other occurrence since, etc.

Very glad to have had this fresh batch of your news, and to have heard the good estate in which are all things in Scotland, a rumour having been lately current in this town that my Lord Claud and the Earl of Angus had fought; which I cannot at all believe since you do not tell me of it.

Postscript.—Before leaving this place I will write whither you know and will have your letters sent thither. I have decided to send your man back, in order to find out the best means for my people to undertake this voyage. The King being at Pougues, and his mother at Niort, where it is thought that the King of Navarre will be for the treaty of peace, albeit many have an ill opinion thereof, I will write to you about him from France.

7¼ pp. French. Chiefly in cipher, deciphered. Indorsed.

746. Monsieur Nau to Walsingham. [Sept. 3.] C.P., vol. XIX.

According to what was yesterday commanded me, I have put into writing how things have passed since my journey hither, having for the sake of brevity referred the fuller declaration to the letters which you have. Mr. Mylles has not been here to-day, which has hindered me from sending you the enclosed sooner. He has signified to me what it has pleased you to command me, and according thereto I shall proceed as I hope to my entire discharge, and to the satisfaction as well of the the Queen your mistress as of her honourable council. London, 3 September. Signed: Nau.

½ p. French. Addressed. Indorsed.

747. Monsieur Nau to the Council of England. [Sept. 3.] C.P., vol. XIX.

To my lords the most honourable councillors of the Queen of England.

On my return from my journey to the said Queen your mistress, I protest before the eternal God that I did as much as was in me by every good and advantageous report to establish and maintain a stable course of friendship between the two Queens, appeasing as best I could such discontents as might be begotten on the part of the Queen my mistress, the effects not following as she hoped from this course. Whereof her wardens can sufficiently testify how many times I have been reproached by her in their own presence, even to saying that I was deceiving her or that I had allowed myself to be abused. And in fact her kindred and friends in France conceived so sinister an impression of my negociations during my said journey, being so much to the advantage of the said Queen your mistress, that even yet they have not been imparted to them in detail because they found them so disagreeable.

The said Queen my mistress, in order to give all occasion of entire contentment to the said Queen her good sister, hoping for a good accord between them shortly, following the so advantageous offers that she had proposed, had resolved to live as quietly and patiently as could be wished, without seeking—as she has never done nor any one about her— any secret intelligence, or intermeddling in any practice whatsoever, promising herself ever by such proof of her sincerity to arrive at the said accord. And even yet recently, in order to make her friends and servants in France pursue this same course, by the letters which you have in your hands, she represented to them her condition here better than she deemed it, cutting off from them all hope of her deliverance clandestinely or by force, and forbidding them to make pursuit of any money for her; the whole appearing by her said letters written this present summer.

Since then, having been informed that a treaty had been made without her with the King her son, alienated from her by such means— which caused the greatest anguish, despair, and grief with which I have ever seen her seized—deeming herself moreover not only for ever rejected from all hope of accord with the said Queen your mistress, but also deprived and frustrated of her pretension to the succession of this crown after the said Queen, as it appears by the complaint that she made thereof in a letter of hers to the ambassador of France upon the occasion of the league made with the said lord the King her son, I have seen her ever since very ill content, bewailing herself continually that there remained to her no longer any good to hope for in the future, nor had she for the present any assured estate to pass the rest of her days conveniently, forasmuch as the necessary commodities which she had so long required had been refused to her, that she was from day to day more straitly confined and more rigorously used, and that her life in the keeping and estate that she was in, remained a prey at the mercy of her enemies in this realm upon the slightest innovation which might happen there in one way or another: as her letter to the ambassador of France sets forth.

The intelligence that she has since received, to wit, only about last Easter, was not of her seeking nor by the practice of any one about her, and nothing of importance happened there—as her letters which you have show—until an advertisement which she received about two months ago, setting forth, as it pleased her majesty to tell me, that some gentlemen of this country, seeing themselves so oppressed, especially on account of the religion, had resolved together to protect themselves by an armed defence; and that it was for this reason, necessary that her majesty should provide for the safety of her person, forasmuch as any trouble arising either in those parts or from Spain on account of Flanders, her said majesty could not but remain in very great danger. Whereupon it pleased her to deliver to me a minute of a letter written by her hand to be corrected and fairly written, as appears to your honours to have been done, having both of them in your hands. Since then I have heard no talk thereof in any wise whatsoever, and I have no other knowledge thereof.

My lords, upon this free deposition and the humble remonstrances that I made to you yesterday, I entreat you very humbly to procure from the majesty of the Queen your mistress, that of her goodness and very great clemency it may please her, as I most devoutly beg of her, to grant me my deliverance, having never of myself intervened in this nor in any affair concerning this state, nor set forward or led any practice, but having only written plainly and simply what was commanded me. And I protest upon the faith that I owe to my God, and promise solemnly to the Queen your mistress and to you my lords—on condition of being punished very severely if I do anything to the contrary of this my protestation—that being delivered I will not intermeddle by writing nor in any wise or manner whatsoever in any practice, affair, or negotiation which may turn to the prejudice of her majesty and of this state, binding myself thereto by the present. 3 September 1586. Signed: Nau.

2¼ pp. French. Indorsed by Burghley.

748. Walsingham to Thomas Phelippes. [Sept. 3.] C.P., vol. XIX.

Sir, I send you these inclosed copies, the one of D'Esneval's and the other of Chateauneuf's letters to Courcelles which were intercepted, whereof I would be glad to know the substance, and therefore I pray you take some pain in perusing them that I may be acquainted therewith as soon as conveniently you may. And so I bid you heartily farewell. From Barn Elms. Signed: Fra. Walsyngham.

Postscript.—I pray you take care to find out such minutes as have been drawn by Nau, who is not so deeply charged as Curll is, who wrote the letters sent to Englefield and to Charles Paget, which by subscription he has acknowledged to be his, but that the minutes were first drawn by the Queen their mistress. Both he and Nau are determined to lay the burden upon their mistress. By no means they will be yet brought to confess that they were acquainted with the letters that passed between Babington and her. I would to God those minutes were found.

I pray you send me word what course you have taken for young Pagett's despatch. It touches my poor credit—how hardly soever I am dealt withal—to see our friend beyond the seas comforted.

1 p. Postscript holograph. Addressed: "To my servant Thomas Phelippes at Court." Indorsed.

749. Memoir of Monsieur Nau. [Sept.] C.P., vol. XIX.

Answers for his very humble submission to the Queen of England, and for the offers that he has made for his deliverance.

Of the moneys which were found in his possession, that there be restored to some officers of the Queen of Scotland the portions belonging to them, specified in a roll lately sent to Mr. Walsingham; and that the quittances of the said officers be delivered to Nau to serve for his discharge.

That according to the promise of the said Mr. Walsingham the furniture of the said Nau be transported hither in the keeping of such as it shall please the said Mr. Walsingham to appoint. And to this effect that it may please him to send some one of his people understanding the French language to the places to receive the said furniture by list, and to provide for the payment of the portions of the officers above mentioned. And because there are divers goods of little value which are not worth the carriage, may it please the said Mr. Walsingham to permit Nau to make a gift thereof to his English servant.

That he may likewise be permitted to send to Don Ruisseau his brother-in-law, living at Paris, a short note concerning only an instruction for receiving and recovering some moneys due to the said Nau, wherein delay matters greatly to him. Some of the papers are in the hands of Mr. Philippes, touching upon nothing but the private affairs of the said Nau.

He begs that his money may be put into the hands of those who are here appointed for his keeping, up to 60l. or 80l. sterling to supply his necessities.

Moreover, that the papers concerning himself alone may be returned to his hands, that they may not in course of time be lost and go astray; and the statements, accounts, and other principal papers concerning the dower of the Queen of Scotland, in order that he may better explain the present state of her affairs, as has been commanded him.

That the papers here inclosed for the Queen of Scotland be sent to her if agreeable to the said Mr. Walsingham.

1 p. French. Indorsed.

750. Anthony Tyrell's Fourth Declaration. [Sept. 3.] C.P., vol. XIX.

A discovery as well of foreign practices against her majesty and the realm with the names of them that have been furtherers of the attempts, as at home.

A.D. 1585. 1. In October last was twelve months, Anfield, a notorious traitor then living, informed D[avid] A[llen] and the D[uke] of G[uise] that he had corrupted one Davies, as I take it, a western man that was of great credit with the Council, especially with Sir F[rancis] W[alsingham] and should have had committed to his charge three of her majesty's best ships for the annoyance of the K[ing] of S[cotland]. His [Davies'] intent and purpose was to have had one of the best ships of the three to be manned, with men of trust such as should willingly condescend unto anything that he would. The other two, of whom he would make no account, should be taken at an advantage and fired or else spoiled. With the other he would to the service either of the Duke of Guise or of the King of Scotland.

To this practice Anfield made Fortescue privy, and should have been made acquainted with Davies at the Marshalsea, who was accounted a fellow so politic and deep of dissimulation that of the Council who thought to employ him he was without all suspicion. But more of that matter I never heard, for Anfield, the principal agent, came over with A. Bookes and was hanged. Fortescue was fearful as then to deal in this action.

2. All the passengers, especially fishermen, upon the coast towns of Picardy, Normandy, and thereabouts, are sworn unto the Duke of Guise to be faithful and true to all English, Protestants and Catholics, that shall pass over into England by their means, to carry them with all safety, and to bring back from the parties that they carry a certificate of their safe entry, "which commonly after they come upon the English coast is always in the night," being set on land either in some creek, or else kept under board until they may find means safely to be set on land.

3. Morgan, C[harles] P[aget], C[harles] A[rundel], and Throgmorton, the most notorious traitors unto her majesty, most politically have agreed to be in factions the one against the other, that Morgan and Paget should "rone" upon one "vaine," and Arundel and Throgmorton upon another, that by that means whosoever hated the practices of Morgan and Paget, Arundel and Throgmorton should come to the knowledge thereof, and whosoever should hate the practices of Arundel and Throgmorton should be discovered by the other. Their brawls and quarrels should be so public, for the better colouring of their drift, that David Allen must be sent for from Rheims to make reconciliations and agreements. but still they remain outwardly malcontent the one with the other, as men that were of sundry factions. But in all secret and traitorous practices before the Bishop of Ross, whom they make their chief doer, they agree together.

4. Fortescue now at his last being at Paris told me of an assembly of these persons, the Earl of Westmorland, and one whom they call there the Lord Dacres, the Bishop of Ross, with two other Scottish noblemen, Charles Paget and Charles Arundel. The English invasion was concluded, the matter amply unfolded. First the Bishop of Ross made an oration wherein he declared how long they had been about the compassing of these things, how unhappily they had always been prevented, partly by the unsecret dealings of the actors themselves. wherein he discovered the lamentable haps—as he said—of Throgmorton, Shelley, and others. detected here in England, but chiefly for their private emulation and enmity that they had in such exploits the one to the other, and that was the principal cause that they were constrained now. as they hoped. in this their last attempt, to use as far as possibly they could such as were esteemed most faithful, lest perhaps they should be discovered.

At his hands they all received the sacrament and joined hands one with another, vowing in all things to run and concur together. Now had Allen. David Lewes, and Parsons—although, in truth, Lewes and Parsons are scarcely "cater" cousins ever since the last breech about the dissolution of the seminary—which is a matter impertinent and here too long to recount—these I say had sent from Rome the Pope's letters. which signified unto them his commission sent down for the providing of captains to fight under his banner for the invasion of England, and to that end he had laboured ever since he came to the popedom to make the Kings of Scotland and France friends, and how that neither of them should take this matter of England in hand as directly for himself or to make a conquest thereof for himself, but that if the Catholics themselves could find means to preserve the Scottish Queen that all this quarrel should simply be for her to depose the Queen's majesty of England, and to bring the other unto the Crown, so by that means the countries of England, Ireland, and Scotland should be made reconciled unto the see of Rome, and France, Flanders, and Spain should be delivered from all trouble and vexation.

Whereas if otherwise the Catholics of England would not prepare themselves for the receiving of the foreign forces to their own behoof, and make no preparation for the defence of the Scottish Queen, then had the Pope fully decreed that he making the invasion by the power and help of France and Spain, the whole country should be made a conquest and made subject equally to France and Spain. Whereupon the matter being now brought to the last exigent it would be considered what for the behoof of the nation were best to be done.

Fortescue by Paget was commended to the lords to be a most secret and sufficient man that had the only acquaintance with all the gentlemen of account in England. Besides, he was a Protestant by profession, he should carry credit with every man. To his charge the whole embassage was committed. Westmoreland should be made general under the Duke of Guise for the Frenchmen. Who for the Spaniards and Italians, I know not: it is likely someone of our nation. Fortescue should deliver the matter in plain terms to the most sufficient men within the realm of England. Information should be made in the north parts to all Westmoreland's friends of his coming, no practice should be left undone here in the south parts for destroying of her majesty, spoiling the nobility and confounding of the realm.

What manner of practices should have been attempted I have in part already set down, what instruments have been found out, how busy they have been to put things in execution is not unknown. This light I am able for certain to give unto your honour, the rest your lordship by your own wisdom may easily pick out.

5. This matter being of great moment, on every side accounted desperate, drove many in their devices unto their wits' end to impart the full substance unto many. They feared discovery, and thereby to be prevented by present death. Not to make speed to put matters in execution should argue their negligence, give the foreigner cause to come hastily upon them and to take from them the government of the whole realm.

They considered the natures and dispositions of the Catholics in England, whom they found to be of two kinds. All, they doubted not in heart, would be glad of any change, especially if it might be wrought with the preservation of their estates and safer restoring of the Scottish Queen. But because they had been heretofore so beaten with former attempts and saw the ill success of Northumberland, Throgmorton, Shelley, Ardent, Somerfield, Arundel, and the rest, they durst not in outward show make any allowance of such an action, "and that in countenance and outward fact through fear and terror of the thing would neither perhaps keep their counsel nor further their enterprise." Wherefore they thought it policy not to meddle with those men, but to let them alone until all should be in a broil, and when they should be assured of sufficient force that were come to be able to back them, they doubted not but all they, how white-livered so ever they seemed now, would then be content also to take their parts.

So that they had concluded, as Fortescue told me, with such men not to deal. The only fit instruments to be used in this desperate action were young gentlemen and malcontents that were most desirous and hot for alteration of government and destruction of her majesty, whereof Fortescue told me he had gotten a goodly company and very sufficient men; which were these youths about London whose familiarity and dealing with Fortescue, I have in part declared, and how they had made information unto me of these horrible practices that they had determined.

6. "These past graces taking upon them to go through with somewhat, had inveigled in many of better nature and disposition under those colours, that there was no remedy for the restoring of the Catholic religion left but to next take away the principal impediment." The act was, they doubted not, most glorious and lawful, and wanted nothing but a happy execution. If they lived all things should be to them most fortunate. If they died they should end their lives with fame and glory. Therefore, if it were possible, they would "make away" her majesty. They had many that favoured their doings that were most familiar in her Court, yea, of her own sworn men and servants. It would go hard, but they should hit of some device.

The probability of this article may appear by those whom I have already informed your honour of, and how they would seek the Queen's death sometime one way, sometime another, I have already declared.

7. That Fortescue's repair into the north was to raise up as many instruments there as he possibly could, to acquaint so many priests with these determinations as he could meet, to send news thereof by beast to their friends in Scotland to give them all the comfort they could that were friends to Westmoreland, who had, as I have heard, so many hearts as it was wonderful, and how that all the north parts hoped one day to be revenged for their spoils.

8. After he had made his information there and set them awork here about London, he should have slipped over to the confederates beyond the sea—as he was going—to give them to understand of all his doings, and so with all speed the enemy should, upon the advantage that by the confederates at home should have been made in England, have come in, and the realm so troubled should not presently have been able to resist them.

9. Being myself with Fortescue at Milan the last journey that we made to Rome, A.D. 1584, in the month of August, upon the speech that Fortescue made of the death of the Queen, D. G. told us that a gentleman of our own country had dealt with him for the same matter, whom he had highly commended unto some cardinals at Rome. He named not the party. I cannot guess well who it should have been unless it were Parry.

10. I am privy to many letters that David Allen wrote unto the Duke of Guise for his furtherance of an army for invasion and of the answer that G. made. He should be assured of it as soon as he possibly could.

11. I am privy that after that Gratley had reconciled the Earl of Arundel, how he wrote unto him of the good news, how much Allen rejoiced, sent presently a messenger both unto the Pope thereof and to the Duke of Guise. The Duke of Guise's answer I understand, who wonderfully rejoiced, wishing that if the Earl durst not attempt any enterprise at home, that he would repair unto him. He should want neither men nor money to take any quarrel in hand to be revenged of his enemies and of those that were cause of his father's death.

12. I am privy that Gratley before his going out of England bid me be of good cheer and that we should all be delivered out of thraldom ere it were long, how that he had won the Earl of Arundel to forsake his country upon information that he had made him, who would notwithstanding make his return in again shortly.

13. That Fortescue reported that the strangers who should come to invade should make entrance where they should be least suspected, and that they should come for the most part out of Flanders.

14. That many were, and would be corrupted in my Lord of Leicester's camp, himself be betrayed, and taken or slain very shortly.

15. Divers of his captains that were malcontent served him, but from the teeth outward as it seems to me by B, of whom I informed your honour, who told me also as much or more in effect.

16. All secrets should be informed from time to time to the Prince of Parma, what was meet or to be attempted by the Earl of Leicester to ruinate and to overthrow him.

17. Sir Thomas Jer[voise], a continual informer of the Spanish ambassador at Paris of such matters as are attempted against the King of Spain out of England and how they may be defeated. As in particular, he solicited me at Sir George Peckham's to send over his informations to the ambassador at Paris with all the speed possible that I could.

18. Sir George Peckham not to be trusted in anything, and by his desperate estate made fit for foreign practices, of the which in particular I cannot touch him.

19. Watton lately reconciled, but not known certainly as yet how to be used.

20. The Lord Compton like to prove a dangerous man.

21. The Lord Stourton thought to be the Papists', but none of his doings are certainly known.

22. Great labour has been made to corrupt ladies and gentlemen of her majesty's privy chamber. How far they have prevailed I do not certainly know, but, as I gather, by suspicion, which if her majesty or your honour require at my hands I will set down what I have heard.

23. Strangers, Jesuits, men of choice learning and account best "languaged and quallyted" should have been sent over and entertained with noblemen, served but as men of quality, made profession of tongues, and so with sweet speeches and sugared words have gotten credit and acquaintance, and after to have been furtherers of some practice. Others of the same nations and families "to" have so been into our universities, to have crept into the Inns of Court for the overthrow of the youth and gentility of the realm. They should some of them be exquisite in music, the easier to be placed and brought into Court, and all of them sufficiently furnished for learning, especially in philosophy and the liberal arts, for the more delight and winning of affections.

24. Priests have had privy authority, and for the most part have been earnestly persuaded that, as they find men's natures apt and fit, they should provoke and stir them to "playne" rebellion, and that in truth they are no further bound to obey their Queen, then to save themselves from her tyranny and persecution, and that so soon as they may make their own parties good, they may lawfully use all the means they can to seek her destruction.

25. I talked with divers Scottish Jesuits at Mussepont in Lorraine, who told me they were to go into Scotland, desired me and Fortescue to come into that country ourselves, they would "bring" us acquainted with sundry noblemen, the recovery of their country would be the restorer of ours, and that their Prince, if he would be Catholic as they hoped, should be King of both, or else Mary the Scottish Queen.

26. The Queen of Scots maintains 40 scholars of her own at Mussepont, besides those at Paris and at Rome, for the gaining of her nation.

27. The Duke of Lorraine, Duke of Guise, Duke de Mayne, Cardinal of Rheims, Prince of Piedmont, Prince of Parma, the Duke of Florence, besides the Pope, the Kings of France and Scotland, should be the chief doers of our invasion.

28. There chiefest men of trust of our nation were the Earl of Westmoreland, Lord Paget, Charles his brother, Dacres, Charles Arundel, David Allen, Parsons.

29. Their chiefest friends in England, the Earl of Arundel, Sir John Ar[undel], Sir Thomas Str[adling], the Lord Vaux, Sir Thomas Jer[voise], Sir Thomas Fytz, the Brownes, with sundry young gentlemen of all shires.

11½ pp. On small sized paper. Indorsed by Burghley.

751. Gilbert Giffard to Walsingham. [Sept. 3.] C.P., vol. XIX.

It would wonderfully comfort me if it pleased your honour never so briefly to signify to me his will and pleasure in what way or sort I may be able to serve you.

It grieved me extremely that I could not decipher that which I imagined came to me from your honour by Lord Eliot, by reason I had left my cipher in England. Wherefore presently I wrote to your honour, and now write thereof again that with all speed I may either receive the cipher or the contents thereof [be] declared me; which being done I will set all matters apart to execute diligently and faithfully your honour's command, and by God's help compass it, whatever it be, as I trust your honour has always found in me, notwithstanding particular information which I deemed your honour to have heard of me by some adversaries of mine. But God is my witness I never meant but to deal truly and sincerely with your honour, as I had first avowed to him, as I trust the effect has tried.

As for my departure, your honour may imagine what just cause I had, dealing by your honour's consent with so impious members, practisers of the ruin of our dear country, I say to deal with such ambitious, treacherous, youthful companions without any warrant or discharge, in which how dangerous a practice is now fallen out the world sees. And we perceive clearly now that which before we guessed at obscurely and darkly.

Oh Lord, that in Christians, in natural subjects, in native English hearts could be conceived so traitorous an act against so good and gracious a sovereign! But the just God is able always to protect His [people].

I beseech your honour to lay apart all imaginations concerning me, and know this to have been the only cause of my departure, as also fearing to be brought face to face in witness of some dealings, if it pleased your honour to command me. So God is my witness, and as I hope by His glorious passion to be saved, I will deal in all points as faithfully as ever man dealt with your honour. Thus trusting and expecting your honour's accustomed benevolence, it may please you to direct yours to Tony Evans for Walter Heson at the Sign of the Elephant, near St. James', and to no other place. I left there bills of 40l. which I trust your honour knows.

Thus beseeching the Almighty always to protect your honour from Paris. Signed: "Youre ho. faithfull servante [cipher]."

Postscript.—I dare not write such matters as I otherwise would, for want of cipher.

1 p. Holograph. Indorsed.

752. Charges against Nau and Curll. [Sept. 4.] C.P., vol. XIX.

Nau and Curll are charged to be privy and partakers in the conspiracy made by the Papists for the invasion and a rebellion within the realm, as also of a plot laid by their mistress and sent by her to the said Papists with direction for execution of their enterprise, by the minutes of the letters—sent to divers persons—following which they have confessed to be their own hands.

[Minutes of letters of Mary to Charles Paget, the Archbishop of Glasgow, Mendoza, Lord Paget and Sir Francis Englefield, dated 27th July 1586.]

1¾ pp. In Thomas Phelippe's hand. Indorsed by him and by Burghley, "From Philips."

753. Walsingham to Thomas Phelippes. [Sept. 4.] C.P., vol. XIX.

This morning received the inclosed from Francis Milles, who this afternoon made report of his proceeding with Curll, as is set down in the inclosed. He may perceive thereby that Curll both testifies the receipt of Babington's letter as also the Queen his mistress's answer to the same, wherein he charges Nau to have been a principal instrument. Put him [Curll] in comfort of favour in case he would deal plainly, being moved thereto for that the minute of her answer is not extant, and seeing Nau resolved to confess no more than they were able to charge him with.

Conceives there might be great hope of things drawn from Curll worthy of her majesty's knowledge, if it might please her majesty upon Curll's plain speaking, and in respect of the comfort put in him to receive grace for the same, to extend some extraordinary favour towards him, considering that he is a stranger, and what he did was by his mistress's commandment. For that purpose is content to retain him still prisoner if her majesty allow it. Therefore prays he will procure some access to her majesty that he may know her pleasure therein with as convenient speed as he may. Barn Elms. Signed: Fra. Walsyngham.

1 p. Addressed: "To my servante Thomas Phillippes at the Cort."

754. Lord Scrope to Walsingham. [Sept. 4.] Cott. Calig., C. IX., fol. 450.

It may please you, sir, the party known to you, unto whom you required me long since that Fielding my man might give a token from you, was with me here very lately. I caused your appointed token to be delivered to him according to your direction, and entering into conference with him I gathered these notes contained in this schedule which I have thought meet to make you acquainted with, and withal to let you understand that in my own opinion I think him an able and meet man to do many good services if it please you to employ him and procure consideration for his charges when and as he shall be used.

He has offered himself to do all the good offices in his power and is ready to do as he shall be directed by you, either in services at home or in the opposite realms, wherein he attends your special direction to be signified to him either by me or such other of trust as you shall think requisite. And for the present service he requires to understand from you whether he shall give favour and assistance by convoy or otherwise to such as shall come to him for the same, and that he may do it without blame. For he thinks that if he does not aid them, or in any way seem fearful or strange to them, he shall then grow into suspicion with them, and be able to do no good service nor get intelligence. He wishes your pleasure and direction herein to be signified to him with speed.

I am credibly advertised that the King of Scots is now at Hamilton, where he seeks to conclude a marriage between the young duke and Arbroath's daughter. It is thought a very sorry effect will follow thereon.

The Earl of Arran was lately at Leith accompanied with seven or eight score horsemen, and shall be brought to the Court by Bothwell's means. I otherwise also understand that there is in Scotland presently a great and perilous enterprise to be shortly put in execution. Whither the same stretches I doubt not but that you are more certainly informed by others than I can hitherto learn, for as yet I cannot come to the bottom of it.

I have agreed to meet Mr. Maxwell on Tuesday next and you shall be advertised thereon further, as well of our doings at that time as of all others of importance.

I heartily pray you, sir, to recommend my most humble duty and service to her majesty and let her understand from me that as I am most glad that it has pleased the Lord to deliver her from the violent hands and wicked practices of her enemies, so shall I always rest assured to bestow my life and living against the enemies of her prosperous reign, in all service that it shall please her majesty and most honourable council to command and direct me. Carlisle. Signed: H. Scrope.

1 p. Addressed. Indorsed.

Inclosure with the same:—

(Notes on Scottish affairs.)

Cott. Calig., C. IX. fol. 451.

As for any new plot or conspiracy against England other than that which was abrewing a long time past,—often attempted and still crossed,—the party knows none. Yet he is assured that if Charles Paget or Fulgeame are now in England, then matters are fully ripe, and that former and generall plot is—by some new device—to be forthwith set "abroach," and that then also Scotland shall put hand to the same.

But this invasion, he says, shall first begin in Ireland, where the whole noblemen and others of account—Urmes only and one other excepted—have confederated themselves to advance the same, and have sent away their resolutions with Caleocconnell and a bishop of that country, a great while ago "impoyed" into France and conveyed Huntly and Arran, which last is the principal worker of all devices with the Jesuits in Scotland, who are not only maintained by him in that country, but have the King's protection granted severally to every one of them.

This intended invasion and subjection of religion had been attempted long since if the nobility of Scotland had been so joined together as is supposed they now are, for they who were put in trust to travail in the same would not commit the same either to the particular doings of Arran or of Colonel Stewart, both of whom offered to undertake the effecting thereof.

It was resolved that warning shall be given to certain persons both in England and elsewhere, when this invasion shall begin, that they may prepare themselves for the same, and he supposes by the listing of Maxwell's men, and other tokens, that that news is at the doors.

He also says that there is some great enterprise now in hand in Scotland, but which way it bends he certainly does not know, because he has not been in that country for a long time.

John Colvill has had a long and secret conference with the King now within these ten days, and is in better grace than he was before. He leans altogether on the Hamiltons and seeks, as it is said, the discredit of Mr. Archibald Douglas with the King. He has fully, as is thought, deciphered Archibald's doings, and albeit the King is contented to use him in this journey yet he does not trust him.

It is thought by some that over great trust is given to the Prior of Blantyre by England.

¾ p.

755. Plot against England. [Sept. 4.] C.P., vol. XIX.

1. "What that great plott and deseingment was which appeareth was to have bene executed the springe anno 1585 agaynst the realme of England sollicited and intendeth as semeth many yeares before by the Queen of Scottes and Catholikes of this realme."

Proofs of a plot.

(1) The said Queen's letter of the 9th October 1584 to Sir Francis Englefield, the contents whereof were delivered by the said Englefield in a declaration both to the Pope and King of Spain by his commandment. "Whatsoever become of me," saith she, "by what change soever of my state and condition let the execution of the great plot and designement go forward without any respect of peril or danger to me. For I will account my life very happily bestowed if I may with the same help and relieve so great a number of the oppressed children of the Church."

(2) Sir Francis Englefield in the said declaration affirms their arguments to have been fond, which in the spring before persuaded that the success expected by the Scottish Queen and Catholics of this realm might be without prejudice delayed till either the Low Countries were recovered, the Queen of England dead, or some notable mutation occurred in the realm.

(3) In another letter he says that the Prince of Parma was not sufficiently informed as well of the number in readiness of the English Catholics as of their uniformities here to have assistance, and that it was a timorous opinion of some London and Court Catholics, knowing not the disposition of the country Catholics, that England could not be invaded without an army of 40,000 men.

He solicited it the more earnestly and probably by his own confession, for that so many of all degrees in this isle depended upon her life, being ready to do anything for her right, there being no Catholic to hope upon of the blood royal, she dead.

(4) The Scottish Queen herself by her letters of the last of January 1586 plainly confirms it, sending to her ambassador [the Archbishop of] Glasgow to know what the Pope and the King of Spain now pretend concerning that enterprise. Her ambassador's answer the 31st March 1586 is that the then Pope is dead, that the new Pope shows himself very affectionate to her causes and desires nothing more than that he may continue the good will of his predecessor, heaps up money plenty, that he has written to the Duke of Guise that he spare nothing in his power for the advancement of the enterprise of England for her liberty.

He thinks the intended siege of Geneva would stay the Pope's purse for the matter for this year. As for the King of Spain, the bruits run of great preparations this year but God knows where it shall be employed. Don Bernardino lays all the fault upon the King of France and says his master dare do nothing lest the said King of France should join and make himself a party with the Queen of England and break all his designs.

(5) In a former letter bearing date January 1585, the said B. makes a long discourse of his speech with Don Bernardino, then newly come to be ambassador resident for the King in France. The said Bernardino affirmed his master should never have made him set foot out of Spain but for the desire he had to do her service. And as for his master there was no other cause why he entertained such great store of ships in readiness under conduct of the Marquis de St. Croix but for the enterprise of England. And he might be assured his master wanted no good will, but that the change of affairs in France after the death of Monsieur had held him in suspense for taking any resolution, having otherwise nothing more at heart than to do God good service and revenge himself of his enemy of England.

(6) In another letter [he says] that the nonce's answer was unless Spain were ready nothing could be done, and that the Pope stands still upon this, that he will contribute but a fourth part and no more.

(7) One Hugh Owen was employed therein, as he says himself in his letter to the Queen of Scots, by the Prince of Parma and sent about it into Spain, who writes that the King of Spain liked best the Prince of Parma's opinion for the manner and order how to proceed in the enterprise, so, as he says, it depends much of the Prince who made most therein to persuade the King of Spain for the execution, and the rather for that the Duke of Guise seemed desirous to have it done from the Low Countries and France in respect of the nearness, commodity of victuals, ammunition and other necessaries fit for such an enterprise. The Prince of Parma is desirous to have the glory of doing it. This appears by the Prince of Parma's own letter found among the Queen's papers.

Owen advises further that Queen to temporise with the Queen of England awhile and see what the summer will bring forth for the enterprise, and if it pass without anything, to make her escape the winter after.

(8) Parsons writes at the same time that the enterprise had slept, but was revived by Owen's coming, who brought him and Allen new order and commandment from the King of Spain to renew or rather continue their suit to the Prince of Parma touching the enterprise, for that he had commission to deal with him herein. And because the principal difficulty was the surety of her person, he advises her, as Owen does, how to escape.

(9) Charles Paget, 14th January 1584, writes that by reason of the doubt conceived of the King of Scot's affection firm to his religion in these words, "There is no hope of the matter your majesty wots for the spring following."

All these things concerning and proving an enterprise intended with privity and upon assurance of some special Catholics of this realm, partly discovered in Throgmorton. They may justly be pressed to declare.

2. By whom and what English at home and abroad this enterprise was advised, managed and to be executed, a thing which cannot be unknown unto them, as whereupon she has grounded her demands and encouragements from time to time, not upon bare assurance of words and report, which makes her write to the Cardinal of Mouldevis the 30th June 1586 to be protector of this nation, wherein many of the principal of the nobility and others are ready to employ their lives, says she, and all they have in this world, for re-establishing of the affairs of this isle.

3. What that La Rue or Henry is that was the Queen's priest, with what instruments he was sent from her.

It appears the man is greatly trusted, being the only man that has posted between the Princes of the late Catholic league, as may appear by a short note of his pilgrimage extracted out of his letters to that Queen, who carried the instructions in his heart and not on paper.

That Queen has a cipher with him wherein the letters intercepted were written.

The Bishop of Glasgow says in one letter that he is gone into Spain for special execution of her services, that by him he attends to know the King's resolution. The said La Rue was despatched from the Catholic King to Rome.

"Finally, he went not from that Queen's side, being of that profession and trust with the house of Guise, since without special instruction of matter of state, which Nau cannot be ignorant of."

4. What was the cause of Fontenay's voyage into Spain and into Scotland, his negociation in both countries, and what were his instructions. For which voyage knoweth all that can be said [sic], and that it was of that nature that the French King might no way be privy thereof, insomuch as Fontenay was in danger at his return into France to be laid by the heels for his labour, and having negociated with strange princes without his sovereign's privity.

5. For what purpose the 6000l. mentioned in Morgan's letter to that Queen of the 9th April 1585, was delivered to one Baynard. He says thus—"In a good time Barasino will instruct your majesty for the recovery of the 6000l. delivered to Baynard for the recovery whereof there is no dealing in this time."

This Baynard in truth is Francis Throgmorton, that was executed, and Barasino is Thomas Throgmorton his brother, now living.

6. Who it is that having intelligence with their majesties is called Germin Ireton or Geoffrey Sutton, Thomas Berisson, Mercier, Gabriel Blunt. What has passed between their mistress and them.

In truth Thomas Berisson is Thomas Morgan, Mercier Abington, Blunt one W. Green, my lord of Leicester's man.

But Geoffrey Sutton is a man of some importance which we know not. The first letters of his name are Shir. The Lord Howard and Lord Lumley are mentioned as old servants that have endured for her, and one Lewes, the Earl of Shrewsbury's man heretofore and now the Lady Cope's, an old intelligencer as it seems.

4 pp. In Thomas Phelippes' hand.

756. Privity Of Nau And Curll to The Conspiracy. [Sept. 4.] C.P., vol. XIX.

Arguments of Nau and Curll's privity to the whole conspiracy as well of invasion as rebellion and murder of the Queen's person.

Their privity to that was written by their mistress touching the two former points, both to Mendoza, Lord Paget, Charles Paget, Sir Francis Englefield and the Bishop of Glasgow in the letters of the 27th July thus marked, F. O. K. D. E. L., which minutes are of their own hands as themselves confess. The like trust not unlike to be given for writing those to Babington.

The first letter written by that Queen to Babington as it seems since her intelligence was renewed being of the 26th June is of Curll's hand—Letter B—and the secret intelligencer Barnaby is directed by Curll's letter where to find Babington. The second letter likewise coming from Nau to Babington touching their assurance of Poley is of Curll's hand—Letter P—and it argues a letter sent in cipher from Babington, which Curll or the inditer thereof was to decipher, which was Nau. In the same letter Curll takes order that [symbol] shall stand for Babington's name.

Letter A shows that there was another letter in cipher sent to Babington by the secret messenger 27th July, which Babington shall confess to be the bloody letter. The letters to Babington and from Babington. Two of them were very long and all in cipher, fair written —as Babington will confess— and therefore it cannot choose but that the Queen's letter was put in cipher by Nau or Curll, and Babington's letter likewise deciphered.

The new alphabet sent to be used in time to come between that Queen and Babington accompanying the bloody despatch is of Nau's hand.

The heads of that bloody letter sent to Babington touching the designment of the Queen's person is of Nau's hand likewise. They cannot any way say it should stand with reason that the Queen deciphered and put in cipher her letters herself, for it appears that she despatched more packets ordinarily every fortnight than it was possible for one body well exercised therein to put in cipher and decipher those sent, much less for her being diseased, a Queen, etc. It appears all letters were addressed to one of them, Nau or Curll, for that in the deciphering there is for the most part a postscript found to them excusing sometimes the error or length of the cipher, sometimes of their private occasions, etc.

1 p. In Thomas Phelippes' hand. Indorsed by him: "Arguments of Nau and Curle theyr privitye to the conspiracye against the Q. person." Indorsed by Burghley: "From Philipps."

757. Walsingham to Sir Amias Powlet. [Sept. 4.] C. P., vol. XIX.

Received the inclosed yesterday from Mr. Wade containing her majesty's pleasure. She would have him deal with that lady. Thereupon took occasion to write back again that if that course were held with her before the intended remove, it were likely to cast her into some sickness. The purpose of the remove would be hindered thereby. Hears nothing yet in answer, therefore has in the meanwhile thought good to acquaint him with her majesty's purpose towards the said Queen, to whom she has no disposition as he may see, that no great favour should be shown.

They are now in consultation to have her brought directly to the Tower, a thing thought most necessary, and afterwards proceeded against, according to the statute made in the last parliament. If this course hold the intended repairing and furnishing of Fotheringay Castle may wait. In the meantime he would do well to forbear touching the money or removing the servants.

½ p. Copy. Indorsed.

758. Walsingham to Sir Amias Powlet. [Sept. 5.] C.P., vol. XIX.

May perceive her majesty continues her resolution to have that lady's money seized and her servants divided, by the inclosed extract of a letter received this morning from Mr. Wade. Therefore does not see why he should forbear any longer putting the same in execution. If inconveniences happen thereafter her majesty can only blame herself.

Is now absent from Court by reason of an inflammation in his right leg. Therefore cannot debate the matter with her majesty as he would.

The Lord Chancellor, Lord Treasurer and Vice-chamberlain met in London this afternoon. He shall be presently advertised thereupon of the resolution taken either for the removing of that lady to Fotheringay or bringing her to the Tower.

½ p. Copy. Indorsed.

759. Curll's Confession. [Sept. 5.] C.P., vol. XIX.

The confession of Curll [as] to the Scottish Queen's letter to Babington of the 25th July 1586.

The aforesaid I acknowledge to have put in cipher, 5th Sept. 1586.

The confession of Curll [as] to Babington's letter to the Scottish Queen.

Then must I and do confess to have deciphered the like of the whole abovewritten, coming written in one sheet of paper as from Mr. Babington. And the answer thereunto being written in French by Mr. Nau to have been translated into English and ciphered by me, 5th Sept. 1586.

½ p. Indorsed by Thomas Phelippes: "Copie of Curle's confession touching Babington's letters."

760. Nau's Confrssion. [Sept. 5 & 6.] C.P., vol. XIX.

Confession of Nau, secretary of the Queen of Scotland, before my lords the Chancellor, Treasurer and Admiral of England, touching the manner of writing the letters of the said Queen written with her own hand.

As to the letter written by the Queen my mistress to Babington, I wrote it from a minute by the hand of her majesty, as I have already deposed. As to the others, as her majesty was always wont, she herself sitting at a table, and Curle and I before her, her majesty commands me particularly and from point to point all that which it pleases her to be written, and I thereupon set down the points thereof as particularly and fully as I can do; then I show them to her and read them again. And accordingly, there remaining no more than the disposition of the matter, I wrote the said letters and showed and delivered them to her to do therewith as it pleases her to ordain. For her majesty will not permit that letters of importance and secret be written out of her cabinet, and no despatch is even closed without her being present there, and rereading always all the letters before they be put into cipher and translated, which is done by Curle, especially as to the letter written to Babington. 6 September 1586.

Help from without. Forces in the country. Army of Spain returning from the Indies. Army of France at the same time if peace be made.

Guise if he do not depart will keep France occupied.

As to Flanders the like.

Scotland at the same time.

Ireland also.

Blow.

Escape.

These are the points which in the presence of the Queen my mistress and by her commandment I set down to make the despatch for France, to wit, to the archbishop of Glasgo and the ambassador of Spain and Charles Paget. As to the letter written to Babington, her majesty delivered it to me written for the most part by her hand, and I neither did nor wrote anything, as I have protested, without her express commandment, and especially touching the point of her escape and setting fire to the barns near the house. 5 September 1586.

1 p. French. Copy. Indorsed.

Another copy of the same.

761. Examinations of the Conspirators. [Sept. 6.] C.P., vol. XIX.

The action intended was:—1. The destruction of the Queen's majesty's person. 2. The invading of the realm with foreign forces and stirring aid at home to assist them. 3. The preservation and delivery of the Queen of Scots and advancing her to the crown of England.

George Giffard.

[Accusations.] That he had undertaken the killing of her majesty by the solicitation of one Parsons a Jesuit, and the Duke of Guise, and had thereupon received of the Duke of Guise 800 pounds or crowns.

[Evidence.] Savage, 10th and 11th August, by report of Gilbert Giffard. Ballard, 8th August, as he heard, and that George Giffard had sworn it to Parsons. Ballard, 12th August, says he heard it of Gilbert Giffard. Ballard, 19th August, that he had told it to Babington and Dunn. Savage, 11th August, Gilbert Giffard told him that the Duke of Guise protested that if he caught George Giffard he should die for not performing it. Ticheborne, 29th August, Babington told him that George Giffard had received money of the Duke of Guise for undertaking to kill the Queen.

George Giffard himself hereupon examined 23rd August, utterly denies that he ever knew Parsons or Ballard, that he ever had any intelligence from the Duke of Guise or from any other from beyond the seas, or ever received any money from the Duke of Guise or from any beyond the seas.

John Savage.

He confessed at large that through the persuasion of Doctor Giffard, and by the solicitation of Gilbert Giffard and one Hodgson he undertook to kill the Queen's majesty and for that purpose was sent from Rheims hither.

[Evidence.] Savage, 10th and 11th August, that Doctor Giffard persuaded him thereunto as a thing of great merit and the only means to reform the state, and a thing approved by Doctor Allen—as Gilbert Giffard affirmed.

Savage, 14th and 15th August, sets forth a full discourse of Doctor Giffard's persuasion, who affirmed it upon his soul to be honourable and meritorious, and that whosoever took away an excommunicate heretic, his death were equal with any martyr if he should happen to be slain for doing the same. He showed divers ways how it might be done, but said so it were done it made no matter how, though with present death unto the doer thereof the merit would recompense it.

Savage, 29th August, says assuredly that Doctor Giffard said to him at their departing that if Savage fail in the attempt against her majesty's person there should be others set about the same.

Savage, 17th August, and Ballard, 18th August. There were three letters written to Savage, one from Doctor Giffard, another from Gilbert Giffard, and another from Thomas Morgan, all which were to encourage Savage to proceed in that action as honourable and meritorious.

Savage, 14th August, Gilbert Giffard told him that there was an English treatise made at Rheims to be sent over hither, inveighing against such as should seek her majesty's death, but that the same was but a device to blind the eyes of the Privy Council here to have less fear of her majesty's person, and wished that so the Catholics in England should know. And this exponent told it to Edward Abington.

Note.—Abington was one of the six to execute the act upon her majesty's person.

Ballard, 8th and 12th August, that Savage had sworn it to Doctor Giffard as he. heard. After, Savage was moved by Ballard and Babington to forbear to do the act himself alone, lest it might miscarry in one man's hand, and to join to be one of the 6 that should do it. Babington the same day after Ballard's apprehension moved Savage to a present execution of the attempt against her majesty's person, which he promised to do accordingly, and was thereupon in haste suited with a new apparel to go to the Court for that purpose. Babington says that upon this motion made to Savage to forbear to attempt her majesty's person alone, and to be one of the six, Savage was content to surcease his sole attempt on condition he might be employed in the same action, otherwise he would not, in regard of his vow which he had solemnly taken.

Savage, 22nd August, confesses it. Babington confesses it. Tichborne, 21st August, in sort proves it.

Gilbert Giffard came over to Savage much miscontent that he had "left" to execute what he had vowed, and that he could not be discharged in conscience. Babington proves it.

John Ballard.

He conspired with Mendoza, Charles Paget and Thomas Morgan for invading of the realm and preserving and delivering of the Scottish Queen, and he thereupon was sent into England to deal in these actions.

[Evidence.] Ballard, 8th, 16th and 18th August.

Savage, 10th, 11th, 14th, 15th and 17th August. This time was thought most fit for invasion by reason of the absence of the Earl of Leicester, with the captains, and of the discontent of the people. Ballard had in charge, upon sounding what assistance was to be had here, to send advertisement into France what men, ammunition and money was needful, and it should be supplied.

[Evidence.] Ballard, 8th and 16th August.

Ballard, 30th August, says that he took an oath in France for the executing of matters committed to his charge, and he advised Babington to take an oath of those whom he should deal with in it. See Babington's letter F, and Salisbury's letter L.

Ballard was sent to inform and persuade the Catholics here to assist the foreign forces for the preservation of their own possessions, upon which, as also against their persons the strangers would enter as conquerors without sparing any or making any difference of persons unless they declared themselves to take part with the foreigners. And Ballard told the same to divers here, accordingly.

[Evidence.] Ballard, Babington, 27th August.

Ballard half a year past told Edward Windsor and Charles Tylney that there would be an invasion shortly, and persuaded them to go beyond the seas, promising to provide places and entertainment for them. But after Ballard was gone into France at Easter last, and had spoken with Charles Paget, he wrote to them both to stay their coming into France until his return, and then he would tell them more.

[Evidence.] Tylney, 21st August, for the motion. Ballard, 27th August, confesses all this. Ballard at Whitsuntide last returned into England from Mendoza, Charles Paget, and Morgan and broke the whole matter to Anthony Babington, who undertook the dealing in the whole action and laid the plot for killing the Queen's majesty by six gentlemen and for the invasion and delivery of the Scottish Queen, which Ballard well liked.

[Evidence.] Ballard, 8th, 12th, 16th, 18th August. Babington confesses it at large.

Ballard moved Savage to forbear the attempt against her Majesty's person by himself alone lest it might miscarry in the hands of one alone, and moved him to be one of the six to do it, and to that end made Savage and Babington friends—upon an old quarrel between them.

[Evidence.] Ballard's confesses it, Savage, 22nd August, also.

Touching Ballard's dealing for sounding Scotland see in Davy Ingleby's letter.

Dunn, 3rd September, says that Ballard at his last coming out of the north told him that he had assured to him 500 gentlemen there who would be ready to come to assist Babington in those actions whensoever he would appoint them. Ballard, examined hereupon, 5th September, says for the north part he put only Davy Ingleby and Bost in trust to sound the Catholics in those parts, who assured him that if they might be assured that the matter were once in action, and that the strangers were entered, they should have aid enough in those parts.

[Evidence.] Ballard, 5th September. Before the night before his apprehension he received a letter by Gilbert Giffard from Morgan to will Babington to name the six, and to set down what reward was promised, and they should have it.

Dunn, 3rd September, says that the Sunday, or Sunday seven-night before Ballard's apprehension, Ballard said to him that for all Mr. Babington's brag he could not see that he could assure himself of more than two, viz., Tichborne and Barnewell, for the killing of the Queen's majesty, but Ballard said for his own part he had that afternoon sworn unto him two of Sir Walter Raleigh's men to execute the act whensoever he would have them. But he named not the parties. He says that Ballard at another time told him that some had received the sacrament at his hands to accomplish any act that he would for the purposes aforesaid, but told him not who nor for what special purposes they received the same.

Ballard, 5th September, examined upon these matters, says that he meant the two that had sworn her majesty's death: upon that Savage and—as he had heard—George Giffard had sworn it, and if he said as Dunn has set down, he did it for his own credit, to make Dunn believe he could do as much as Babington and to encourage him, and he denies that ever he dealt with any of Sir Walter Raleigh's men to such end, and he knows none of Sir Walter Raleigh's men but Flyer.

Ballard went late into the north to sound the Catholics, and by the reasons aforesaid to move and strive them to give assistance to the foreign forces, and Windsor and Gage went with him, and there he left order with Bost to sound the north further, and also to see what aid might be procured in Scotland. [Evidence.] Ballard, 27th August. Ballard should have now gone into France to have signified to Mendoza the Pope's nuncio and the Duke of Guise in what forwardness things were here, and to solicit their forces and to go further to the Prince of Parma if Mendoza so thought meet. [Evidence.] Ballard, Savage, 22nd August.

Ballard often reprehended Babington for his slowness, and complained to Dunn also of Babington's slowness and doubted he would disclose all to the Queen's majesty. [Evidence.] Babington, 20th August, Ballard.

Ballard immediately after his coming out of France repaired to the French ambassador's for letters to be conveyed to him from Charles Paget by the name of Dyn, and the French ambassador advised him to take heed of coming; the other, for being suspected, offering to come to Ballard to any place if he had cause to speak with him. [Evidence.] Ballard, 27th August.

Ballard about 7 weeks past by appointment met Cordaillot, the French ambassador's secretary in the Moorefield and there conferred, and Ballard said if the Duke of Guise would do anything for reforming of this state and freeing the Queen of Scots, now was the time, the Earl of Leicester being absent with so great forces. To which Cordaillot answered they would be loth to lose so necessary a member as the Duke of Guise because he might not be spared out of his country, but willed Ballard to be of good cheer.

Anthony Babington.

He laid the plot for the destruction of her majesty by six gentlemen. He undertook and laid the other plot for the invasion and for the delivery of the Scottish Queen.

[Evidence.] Babington confessed it at large. Ballard, 8th, 12th, 16th, 18th August. Savage, 10th, 11th, 14th, 15th, 17th August. Barnewell, 20th August. Tichborne, 21st August.

Babington wrote to the Queen of Scots of all the plots aforesaid and she returned answer to him of her liking and allowance of it, and gave direction for the course of proceeding. [Evidence.] Ballard, 8th and 16th August. Savage, 10th and 11th August. Tichborne, 11th and 21st August. Babington sets it down at large.

After Ballard was apprehended, the same day Babington—fearing his present danger to be discovered—moved Savage first, whom he presently apparelled to go to court, and after Charnock, with all speed to execute that upon her majesty's person. He also broke with Tichborne then to like effect.

[Evidence.] Babington, Savage, 22nd August, confess it at large. Tichborne, 21st August. After Babington's flying he wrote a letter to Cordaillot that he was forced to fly for matter, wishing him to desire his master to lend him 300 crowns which he would repay in one month, and desiring order for a ship from France to convey him and certain gentlemen from such place as he would appoint, saying that the Queen his mistress should thank him in his behalf. [Evidence.] Babington, 20th August.

Babington in his examination sets down at large much more circumstance touching the whole action.

Salisbury says that Babington told him he would take an oath of all those that should take part in these actions, that they should be secret and discover no part thereof but only to such as would take the like oath, and willed Salisbury to execute the same oath of any that he should trust, but the oath extended not to execute any act, and they should not discover it if they were examined by authority. [Evidence.] Salisbury, 31st August.

Chidiock Tichborne.

He was named by Babington to be one of the six who should attempt her majesty's person. [Evidence.] Savage, 17th August. Ballard, 8th August. Babington.

Tichborne offered to be one to undertake the despatch of the Queen's majesty if it were defined for lawful, or any other thing much rather tending to the reformation of our country that were honourable or meritorious of what danger so ever, though there were neither execution of life nor reward. But for the invasion or surprising of her majesty's person he made no doubt. [Evidence.] Babington.

Tichborne confessed that Babington told him he had gone so far and dealt with so many of his friends that he could not retire, and that he doubted matters could not proceed without danger of her majesty's person. [Evidence.] Tichborne, 21st August.

Tichborne confesses that by conference with Babington he knew his intention, albeit he never directly moved him to attempt anything against her majesty's person. Yet he conceived that his acts and speeches wholly tended thereto. [Evidence.] Tichborne, 17th August.

Tichborne also confessed that he conferred with Babington touching the surprising of her majesty's person, and to put her into the hand of some Catholics—as the King of Scots was used—and that he said he would be willing and assisting unto it if it might be without hurt to her majesty's person, and that he commended Charnock to be a tall man and wished to be joined with him in that action. [Evidence.] Tichborne.

Tichborne also confessed that on the same day after Ballard's apprehension Babington sought out Tichborne and broke with him thus, saying, "Savage is a tall man and my special friend and such a one as prefers my welfare before his own life."

And he said further, "In regard of my desperate case, I wish I had given 500l. that you had your limbs and were not lame, for Savage will go forthwith about his work," not naming what work, but this examinant presumed he meant the action against her majesty's person. [Evidence.] Tichborne, 21st August.

Tichborne confesses that after Babington and the rest were fled, Babington sent to him for horses to convey them away and for his device how they might escape. But Tichborne sent them no horses, but sent his advice that they should disguise and sever themselves, and so fly. [Evidence.] Tichborne, 21st and 25th August.

Babington says that Tichborne was acquainted with the plot of Savage and Giffard to take away her majesty's life long before the plot of the six, and asked Babington's opinion therein, which he thinks he did as of purpose to concur with him in any course therein. [Evidence.] Babington.

Babington says that after Ballard's apprehension he told Tichborne he was much discontented that Tichborne's leg was so ill, for that they were in danger to be discovered, and therefore they were either to fly or to perform somewhat. [Evidence.] Babington.

"Tichborne confesses that Babington read to him the letter which he received from the Queen of Scots, and Tichborne wrote the copy whilst Babington deciphered it, wherein, amongst other things—which he mentions—was contained, and concerning the six gentlemen for performing the assignment he should find her ready to yield correspondence to their endeavours." [Evidence.] Tichborne, 2nd August. Charles Tylney.

As Ballard says, he was confessed by Ballard and brought into the Catholic Church, and he made him acquainted with the plot of the invasion, which Tilney seemed to like well of. And Ballard said to him, "We should have a new world shortly." [Evidence.] Ballard 18th and 19th August.

Babington told Ballard that Tilney should be one of the six, and asked Ballard's opinion of him, and Ballard said he thought he would not be, but Babington said he thought he would. [Evidence.] Ballard, 8th August, and 12th, 18th, and 19th August.

Babington says that Tilney, Barnewell, Tichborne and Abington were content to undertake the exploit for the Queen's person if it were held lawful, whereof Barnewell doubted, and some others, but for the invasion or surprising of her majesty's person they made no doubt at all. [Evidence.] Babington, but after he says he does not remember that he consented directly to take away the Queen's life, but he reckoned him amongst the six for that he offered to surprise the Queen's majesty's person.

Tylney himself confesses that Babington moved to him a proposition for surprising the Queen's majesty's person into the hands of Catholics as the King of Scots was, and for removing the Lord Treasurer and Mr. Secretary from her majesty. 21st August. Ballard, half a year ago, told Tylney and Edward Windsor that there would be an invasion shortly, and persuaded them to go over the sea and he would provide places for them. Tylney himself confesses it, 21st August, and Ballard also.

Ballard says that about Easter last, after he had talked with Charles Paget, he wrote to Tylney and Edward Windsor to stay from coming over until his return out of France and then he would tell them more, but these letters were not delivered. [Evidence.] Ballard, 27th August.

Ballard says that about 10 weeks past he and Cordaillot the French ambassador's secretary met at Windsor's lodging, at which time there was Tylney, Windsor, and Tyrrell a priest, and there they continued discoursing half an hour, only of ordinary compliments, and this meeting Ballard procured of purpose to make Cordaillot acquainted with Windsor and Tylney. [Evidence.] Ballard, 27th August.

Tylney confesses to Cordaillot's being there at Windsor's chamber in the company aforesaid, but says that he knows not by whose means or by what occasion he came thither saving he heard Windsor say he had occasion to deal with Cordaillot touching transporting of things of his into France, he having then an intention to travel, and that there passed no words between Tylney and Cordaillot, but words of entertainment. [Evidence.] Tylney, 29th August.

Tylney, 29th August, confesses that he, Tichborne, and Babington talking together of the Scottish actions and the surprising of the person of the King, it was moved if that were lawful, why her majesty's person might not also be surprised, and by what means her majesty's person might be taken if it were lawful for Catholics to do it. But there was no certain resolution therein, and either Babington or Tichborne moved a question, "What if her majesty should happen to be killed in surprising of her person ?" whereunto he, the said Tylney, said, as he remembers, that it was not lawful.

He also confesses that he heard by one William that went over with Ballard that Ballard was savely arrived in France. This William, says Harry Dunn, 3rd September, is named William Warneford, and is brother to Warneford that was in prison at Wisbeche, and was Ballard's servant, and came over to tell Windsor that Ballard had procured him 60 crowns a month at the Prince of Parma's hands, if he would go over.

Robert Barnewell.

He was named by Babington to be one of the six for the act against her majesty's person. [Evidence.] Savage, 10th, 11th, 17th August. Ballard, 8th August.

Babington affirms that Barnewell said he would willingly spend his life either in the attempt of her majesty's person if it were held lawful, or much rather in any other part of the action that should be profitable to the Catholic cause, and recommended his life to be employed by Babington whereinsoever.

Barnewell confesses that Babington told him it was resolved that without taking away her majesty's life there was no possibility of restitution to the Catholic faith, and that thereby and [by] delivery of the Queen of Scots without any aid of foreigners it might be done, and thereby the country should not come into the hands of strangers. Barnewell said it was not lawful to lay violent hands upon an anointed prince, to which Babington replied that for any other cause than for restitution of religion it was true, but for that it was resolved, and that she being once deposed could not be reconciled without submission to the apostolic see.

Then Barnewell asked the names and numbers, and Babington said he thought six gentlemen with so many tall fellows to wait on them, well horsed and furnished, would serve to put this in execution. And, about one month after Babington asking Barnewell what he would do herein, Barnewell answered that the conclusion was hard and the enterprise full of danger and void of all hope of life to those persons that should adventure themselves, and therefore he would rather be employed in the delivery of the Queen of Scots. But he said he would not spare his own life in furtherance of the Catholic cause, and so recommended himself to Babington's best disposing of him. [Evidence.] Barnewell, 20th and 23rd August.

Babington told Tichborne that Barnewell had given him his life to dispose at his pleasure. [Evidence.] Tichborne, 21st August. Babington says that Barnewell had understanding of the act to be attempted against her majesty's person by Savage long before, and moved Babington for his opinion therein, which he thinks he asked as meaning to concur with him in any course therein.

Barnewell's picture was drawn by Babington's appointment among other of the six at the painter's, and upon Babington's picture was meant to be written, "hi michi sunt comites quos ipsa pericula ducunt," but being better advised it was appointed to be written instead thereof, "quorsum hec alio properantibus." And these pictures Babington said he would keep as a memorial of so worthy an act as attempting her majesty's person. [Evidence.] Savage, 22nd August.

The same evening that Babington fled Barnewell came to Tichborne's chamber and lamented much his own misery, letting him know how narrowly he escaped Mr. Young the Justice, at Abington's chamber, and the next day Barnewell and the rest sent an Irishman with a message to Tichborne for his advice how they might escape. [Evidence.] Tichborne, 21st August.

Edward Abington.

Was acquainted with the purpose of the invasion by Ballard, and Abington said he would do what he could. [Evidence.] Ballard, 18th August. Abington devised to surprise her majesty's person and to remove from her majesty such as should be thought meet, and to place Catholics in their room, and thereby to have a toleration if not a reformation of religion. [Evidence.] Babington.

Babington named Abington to Ballard for one of the six to attempt her majesty's person. [Evidence.] Ballard, 8th August.

Babington affirms that Abington, Barnewell, Tichborne and Tylney were content to undertake the exploit for her majesty's person if it were held lawful, whereof some doubted, but for the invasion or surprising of her majesty's person they made no doubt. [Evidence.] Babington, and after he says that he does not remember that Abington consented directly to take away the Queen's life, but he reckoned him amongst the six, for that he offered to surprise her majesty's person.

Savage made Abington acquainted with the drift of the Catholics in publishing the treatise against such as attempt anything against her majesty's person or the State, viz.—that it was meant only to blind the eyes of the Council here, to rest secure of her majesty's person by not distrusting the Catholics touching her majesty's person. [Evidence.] Savage, 14th August.

Salisbury says that the same day that he intended to depart from London he saw Babington talking in the fields with Edward Abington, and when they had done, Abington came to Salisbury and said to him that he intended to see him in the country, for Mr. Babington had told him of something that was in hand, and when he came into the country he would speak with him of it. [Evidence.] Salisbury, 30th August.

Anthony Tichenor, as far as Ballard remembers, was made acquainted with the matter of the invasion by Ballard at Edward Abington's chamber. [Evidence.] Ballard, 19th August.

Babington named Tichenor to be one of the six, etc. [Evidence.] Savage, 10th August.

Tichborne conjectures Tichenor to be one of the six because he has heard Babington commend him for a very tall man, and that he would retain him. [Evidence.] Tichborne, 17th August.

Babington says he does not know Tichenor to be privy, albeit we reckoned him one in respect he is a stout man, resolute and zealous in religion, and Ballard and Babington in their intention reckoned [him] as one of the six with Abington, Tylney, Tichborne, Barnewell and Savage.

Babington sent word that there will be little more gotten at this man's hand but what shall be gathered from Abington first.

Thomas Salisbury.

As Babington says, he was formerly acquainted with the action of attempt against her majesty's person to be done by Savage, and asked Babington his opinion therein, which Babington thinks he did as of purpose to concur with him in any course therein. Salisbury confessed that he conceived by Savage's speeches that the Queen's majesty was to be taken away, and he told Babington the same.

Barnewell says that he telling Salisbury that Ballard was come over with news of an intended invasion, Salisbury answered that he had heard of that three weeks before Ballard's coming over, by a gentleman who had served under King Philip, who came out of France and had returned again, and meant to be in England again shortly. [Evidence.] Barnewell, 29th August. Salisbury, 30th August, confesses as much, saying that he meant Savage to be the gentleman that had so told him.

Savage says that Babington named to him four which should attempt her majesty's person, viz., Barnewell, Tichborne, Tichenor, and. as he remembers, Salisbury. [Evidence.] Savage, 17th August.

Salisbury confesses that Babington made him acquainted with the whole plot, wishing him to be as popular as he could when he came into the country, and to furnish himself with horses and to deal with his private friends in it, which he yielded to do but would not be any actor to take away the Queen's life. And then Babington said he should not be used therein but in taking away the Scottish Queen and raising forces in his country. [Evidence.] Salisbury, 30th August. Ballard, 8th, 12th, 16th August [says] that Babington told him as much touching Salisbury, viz., that he had acquainted him with the whole plot but that he should be used for his own country in Wales to raise forces to assist foreign invaders.

Tichborne says that Salisbury told him that Ballard had brought an advertisement over that there should be an invasion this summer by the Pope and by the Kings of Spain and France, and that he had also heard the same of Babington, and Salisbury asked Tichborne what he would do in these matters, and Tichborne asked again of Salisbury what he would do, and Salisbury said that he would do as the sway of the Catholics would do. [Evidence.] Tichborne, 29th August. Salisbury, 30th August, confessed he talked with Tichborne of the same, who said also that he would do therein as other Catholics did.

Salisbury was assenting to the taking away of the Queen of Scots and to raise force in his own country to assist the invasion and a mover of others for assistance therein, and said he would ride into Yorkshire to provide him as good horses as he could. [Evidence.] Babington, Barnewell, Tichborne, Ballard, and Jones prove it fully. Salisbury himself confesses it fully.

Barnewell says that Babington caused the pictures of him, the said Babington, Barnewell, Savage, and Tichborne to be drawn, and said he would have the painter down into Wales to have the pictures of Salisbury and others his friends in the country. And Babington said he would ride down to Salisbury's house. [Evidence.] Barnewell, 29th August.

Salisbury, since his departure from London, received from Babington a letter by Lewis, Salisbury's own servant, requiring him to be as popular as he could. [Evidence.] Babington proves it, Salisbury confesses it.

Salisbury afterwards received another letter from Babington by the hands of John Smythe, Babington's servant, whereby he advertised him that all things here rested in the same terms he left them in, that the proceedings therein were very slow, and showed the great care he had of the advancement of Salisbury, that he doubted that his letters that he had written to the Queen of Scots after Salisbury's departure were intercepted, notwithstanding he doubted not to obtain for them what he thought good. He advised him to be popular to his uttermost and to expect his further direction, wishing him for his credit to impart to his private friends the greatness of his forces, that they might be the better disposed to follow him. [Evidence.] Babington. Salisbury himself confesses the receipt of the letter, and also remembers the contents thereof to like effect.

Salisbury confesses that being at Mr. Jones's house at "Cadowgan," Jones told him of their inquiry in the country after him and Babington's and others concerning the seeking of the Queen's death, and that he the said Salisbury there also received a letter from Mr. Babington's house having neither superscription to whom it was directed nor subscription of name from whom it was sent, certifying him that Babington was taken and had escaped. And hereupon Salisbury himself intending to fly into Scotland, because his own horse that night was broken out of the pasture, borrowed Mr. Jones's gelding to ride away upon, and caused Payne his man to change cloaks with Mr. Jones's man because he might the better escape unknown. And then he and Payne his man and the two Travesses flying away towards Lancashire, every of them changed their names upon the way. [Evidence.] Salisbury confesses it. Jones proves all but the letter and change of their names. Payne, the servant, confesses it fully in all points but for the letter.

Tichborne says that Salisbury had taken his oath upon the testament of Babington giving—for so was Babington's course to do with those that he dealt withal—that he should not discover what he opened to him. [Evidence.] Tichborne, 29th August. George Ballard's letter.

Salisbury confesses that there were discourses between him, Babington, and Tichborne touching the sacking of London. [Evidence.] Salisbury, 30th August.

John Charnock.

He was very conversant with Ballard, rode into Hampshire with him in July last, and since their acquaintance, which was 3 weeks before Ballard's apprehension. As Charnock confesses, Ballard and he very seldom parted the one from the other, and lodged together in Charnock's chamber. Ballard, 27th August. Charnock, 29th August. Dunn says that Charnock was at dinner and supper at Windsor's lodging with Windsor, Babington, Ballard, Dunn himself, Gage, and one of Mr. Thomas Arundel's men. [Evidence.] Dunn, 3rd September.

Charnock confesses he supped at "3 Tonnes," in Newgate Market, with Babington and Poley, about 12 days before Ballard's apprehension, and that he supped at "The Rose" at the Temple Bar with Ballard, Savage, and Gage, when, at the end of supper, came unto them Babington and Poley. [Evidence.] Charnock, 29th August.

Ballard says that Charnock told him that he was acquainted with the purposes of killing her majesty intended by George Gifford and Savage. [Evidence.] Ballard, 18th August.

Babington says that he dealt with Charnock in this action—of attempt against her majesty—and so had Savage and Ballard done before, and that Charnock in "Powle's" the same night after Ballard's apprehension referred himself to be disposed by Babington, and offered to spend his life wherein Babington should direct him.

Savage affirms that, at the same time of there being in Powle's, Babington and Charnock talked secretly together an hour, and when they parted, Charnock told Savage that Babington had moved him to be one in the action against her majesty's person. [Evidence.] Savage, 14th August, and confronting Charnock affirmed it to his face.

Charnock confessed that Babington and he talked together in Powle's, and Savage was there also but heard not their talk, and he says that Babington's speeches then to him were that Ballard was apprehended, in whose hands the life of Babington and divers his friends were, and if he the said Charnock were in the same case he wished him to consider what was to be done, for though Ballard would discover nothing, yet Maude that knew all his secrets would tell it to Mr. Secretary, and by that means it would out, and that he the said Charnock answered that he cared not, for Ballard could say nothing of him. [Evidence.] Charnock, 29th August. Babington said he would join Charnock with Tichborne, and said that Tichborne was glad to be joined with him because he was a tall man. [Evidence.] Ballard, 19th August. Tichborne, 21st August, that about a month then past Babington asked his opinion touching Charnock, and Tichborne said he thought him to be a tall man and wished to be joined with him in the action of surprising her majesty's person, without hurt to her person.

Gage lent Babington his apparel to fly away in, and put upon him Babington's apparel, and came to Charnock's chamber in the same and told Charnock of the same, and there put off Babington's apparel and borrowed Charnock's apparel and put it upon him. And he and Charnock fled thereupon with Babington, Barnewell, and Gage, and continued in the fields and in the woods together. [Evidence.] Gage, Charnock, both confess the same.

Harry Dunn.

He was very familiar and conversant with Ballard, and carried his messages, and sometimes rode out of London with him to escape searches, and after Ballard's last going into France he received letters from Ballard of his safe arrival there. [Evidence.] Ballard, 27th August. Dunn, 3rd September, confesses it.

Tichborne says that Dunn was wonderfully familiar with Babington, and that Babington, Ballard, and Dunn were often shut up close in a chamber together, and he thinks that Dunn was privy to the action against her majesty's person, and should have been one to execute the same. [Evidence.] Tichborne, 17th August, bis.

Tichborne says also that Babington told him that Dunn, Barnewell, and Savage had given him their lives to be disposed at his pleasure, and thereupon moved Tichborne in the like. [Evidence.] Tichborne, 20th August.

Ballard says that at his last coming over out of France he told Dunn of the invasion intended by the Pope, etc., and Dunn agreed to it as a good course, saying it was better the Pope took it in hand than either Spain or France. And for the attempt against her majesty's person, he found Dunn acquainted therewith by Babington, for so Dunn himself told him. And Ballard says that he conferred with Dunn of the whole plot against her majesty's person, and let him understand of that Savage and Gifford had undertaken. And conferring with him of the invasion, Dunn said he was but a weak man, but he would do the best he could to assist. [Evidence.] Ballard, 19th August. Babington says that Dunn was acquainted with these matters. Ballard confronting Dunn in this point whether he acquainted Dunn with the invasion afterwards affirmed it to his face that he so did.

Dunn confesses that Ballard acquainted him with the invasion, and that Babington had told him of the whole plot to take away her majesty's life, to deliver the Queen of Scots, and to procure assistance to foreign invasion, saying that he had 6 men assured who would undertake to kill the Queen's majesty, and that he could at that very time deliver the Queen of Scots. "Marry," he said, he wanted authority to reward those that should execute those plots, and therefore he would talk with Ballard that if his letters for that purpose sent to the Queen of Scots were intercepted, that yet by Ballard's means he might receive sufficient authority in that behalf by way of France.

And Babington and Ballard having for that purpose talked together, and Ballard having therefore written into France and received letters again, Ballard showed him, written in one of the same letters, a request to name the parties to whom he would have authority given, and to set down what reward he would demand for them, and it should be assured. And Dunn says he told the same to Babington, who made no great account of it. [Evidence.] Dunn, 3rd September.

Queen of Scots' letters to Babington showed to Dunn.

Dunn also confesses that Babington showed him the Scottish Queen's letter, and read it to him, in which amongst other things were contained her advice to procure an association amongst the Catholics upon colour that the Earl of Leicester upon his return with his forces had vowed to kill all the Catholics in England, also that Babington should certify to Mendoza any want that was here of men, munition, or money, and that should be supplied by Mendoza, also that he should certify to her the names of the six that should perform the act against her majesty. And as he remembered she advised that there should be four horses laid to bring word of the designment by several ways, for fear of intercepting, to the end she might know it before her keeper. Also there was contained in the same letter that Babington should burn the same letter presently after the reading thereof. [Evidence.] Dunn, 3rd September.

Dunn confesses that Ballard in the end of Christmas last told him he would go into Scotland, and at his return from thence before Lent he told him he had been with the Lord Claud about aid for an invasion against England, and would go into France to signify the same. [Evidence.] 3rd September.

Edward Jones.

He was made acquainted with the intended invasion by Salisbury, who moved him, the said Jones, for his aid and his friends' unto him therein, which the said Jones then promised to do. [Evidence.] Salisbury, 30th August, proves it fully.

Jones himself confesses that Salisbury said to him the last term— when he saw him careful to pay his debts—"You need not be so careful to pay your debts for there will a time come within this half year that you shall not need to pay any your debts." For it was meant that a force should be sent into the realm for the relief of the Catholics here. And Jones asked him how he knew the same, and Salisbury said that Babington told him that Fortescue was come from beyond the seas and had told Mr. Babington so much. Then Jones asked when it would be, and Salisbury said before Michaelmas next, and that the Duke of Guise should have the conduct of the French forces. He required the said Jones to deal well with him, saying that, if Babington came to anything, then he the said Salisbury should come to something, and then should the said Jones satisfy himself of whatsoever Salisbury owed him.

He said that Babington was the man that undertook for these in England, and that gentlemen should be directed by him, and that he should direct as well for the safety of the Scottish Queen as for all things else that were to be done, and that then he the said Salisbury was to be employed in his own country as Babington would have him. And Jones says that the cause why Salisbury did not expressly move him to give his assistance unto him in this action was for that Salisbury, as Jones thinks, assured himself of him, the said Jones, to be directed as he would.

Jones also says that on Friday the 12th of August, he having been at Wrexham was shown by one Edwards a paper of names of Babington, Barnwell, Salisbury, Gage, and Dunn, saying they were sought for for seeking the destruction of the Queen's majesty, saying he prayed God the heir of Llennye were not the man. And Salisbury coming about 11 o'clock in the night to Jones's house, the said Jones told him the matter aforesaid, and in the morning early the said Jones went to Salisbury in his chamber and said to him, "What have you done to bring yourself and your friends in this danger ?" To which Salisbury answered, "Well, well, there be few gentlemen in England of any account," he thinks he meant Catholics, "but would be drawn into this action." [Evidence.] Jones, 30th August. Salisbury, 30th August.

Salisbury says that even then he received a letter from Babington's house signifying that Babington had been taken and was escaped, and this he imparted to Jones. [Evidence.] Salisbury, 30th August.

Jones confesses that after he had thus spoken with Salisbury in his chamber he went to John Travesse, lying in his bed there, and said to him, "Up, John, yonder man," meaning Salisbury, "has brought us all to destruction." And Travesse said, "What remedy ? It is therefore time for us to be packing." [Evidence.] Jones, 30th August.

Jones hereupon presently sent his folks some one way some another after Salisbury's and Travesse's horses, whereby they might haste away, and for that Salisbury's horse was broken away he, the said Jones, upon Salisbury's motion, lent Salisbury his own riding gelding to ride away with. He resolved to ride into Lancashire—by the advice of Travesse—from whence Salisbury meant to make a way towards Scotland, as Jones proved by his speech. [Evidence.] Jones, 30th August.

Jones says that upon the request of Payne, the servant of Salisbury, to change his cloak with Howlet the said Jones's servant, because Payne's own cloak was better known, the said Jones willed his servant to deliver to the said Payne his cloak. [Evidence.] Jones, 30th August, and Salisbury also. Payne, 29th August, also confesses that he so borrowed it the better to escape without being known.

Barnewell says that he grew acquainted with Jones the last winter, in company of Babington and Salisbury, and has heard Babington often say in Trinity term last that he would ride down this summer to Mr. Salisbury's house in Wales, and would also visit Mr. Jones and others his friends in Cheshire and Lancashire. [Evidence.] Barnewell, 29th August, John Travesse.

He is very familiar with Salisbury and Jones; he rode from London in their company unto Wrexham, and there stayed with them, making merry 3 days, and riding after into Lancashire. About a fortnight after he returned unto Wrexham again and there met with Salisbury and Jones, and after that rode to Denbigh where he met with Salisbury. [Evidence.] Jerome Payne, 29th August.

Salisbury says that he told Travesse of the invasion and delivery of the Queen of Scots, and that there must be forces raised to assist, who at the first misliked of it and in the end said he would do the best that he could. And this was before their going down from London. [Evidence.] Salisbury, 30th August.

Salisbury says that Babington wrote him a letter by Lewis, Salisbury's man, wherein he willed him to be as popular as he could, and yet to disclose nothing till he had his further direction. And at Denbigh Salisbury showed to the said Travesse the contents of this letter. [Evidence.] Salisbury, 30th August.

Jones says that, he being minded to have gone into Ireland, the said Travesse about a month past at Jones's house at "Cadowgan" said to Jones that he marvelled what Jones meant therein, saying that if Salisbury come to him he will stay him from that journey, saying that Salisbury was also minded to have gone into Ireland, but now he has altered his mind, and said Mr. Salisbury would tell him the reason thereof at his coming. [Evidence.] Jones, 30th August.

Jones says that after Salisbury's coming to his house, and he had told him that he the said Salisbury and Babington and others were sought after for seeking the Queen's death, and that he asked what he had done to bring himself and his friends in danger, and received Salisbury's answer that there were few gentlemen of any account in England but would be drawn into this action. He the said Jones went to Travesse, then lying in his bed at "Cadowgan," and said to him, "Up, John, yonder man," meaning Salisbury, "has brought us all to destruction." And Travesse answered, "What remedy ? it is therefore time for us to be packing." [Evidence.] Jones, 30th August.

Travesse gave counsel to Salisbury to fly into Lancashire, as Jones, 30th August, says. And Salisbury says that Travesse fled with him, and by the way told Travesse what Jones had told him touching how he was sought for, and that Salisbury had answered that he was no partaker of that touching her majesty's death, but that if Babington were taken he might accuse him of the other matters concerning the delivery of the Scottish Queen and raising of forces. And then Travesse asked Salisbury what he would do, and Salisbury said that he would get him beyond the sea. And Travesse said he would go with him. [Evidence.] Salisbury, 30th August.

Salisbury, the two Travesses, and Payne, Salisbury's man, flying upon their way agreed all to change their names. [Evidence.] Salisbury, 30th August; Payne, 29th August, confess it.

David Ingleby.

He was familiarly acquainted with Ballard here in London in the company of Edward Windsor.

Ballard says that Edward Windsor told him, before their going into the north in Trinity term last, that he had done nothing, but now he would see what he could do to make himself strong. He thought that by David Ingleby's means he should be able to procure some aid. [Evidence.] Ballard, 18th and 19th August.

Ballard says that he and Windsor rode into the north last Trinity term, and Windsor called himself by the name of Digby, and rode to Mistress Arlington's, and there Ballard was called by the name of Scot, and thither repaired to them Bost and David Ingleby, and there they remained 4 or 5 days. Then rode Ballard to Typping's and remained there 7 or 8 days, and there was called Browne. Thither repaired unto him the said Windsor by the name of Digby, and the said Bost and David Ingleby. [Evidence.] Ballard, 27th August.

Ballard says that he made David Ingleby fully acquainted with the matter of invasion, saying that if the Catholics yielded not aid thereunto the foreigners would enter as conquerors, without making difference between Papist and Protestant, to which Ingleby answered, "When we may be sure of help, then you shall see what we will do." [Evidence.] Ballard, 12th, 19th, 27th August.

Ballard says he told Davy Ingleby that we should have a new world shortly, meaning by [that] the alteration that would happen against her majesty's person and by the invasion. [Evidence.] Ballard, 18th August.

Ballard says that the last year, in the summer, he was sent by Davy Ingleby and Edward Windsor into the north to understand if the lords of Scotland meant to stand out. He understood by Bost that, if the Scottish lords had not aid, they were not able to hold out, and that the lords of Scotland found great fault with the English Catholics that they did not hold out as they did. For if they did, and joined together, they might the better attain to liberty of religion, and the Scottish lords looked for aid out of France, but they were prevented by the broils. And this answer of Bost the said Ballard returned to Edward Windsor and David Ingleby. [Evidence.] Ballard, 5th September.

Ballard further says that for the north parts he put only Davy Ingleby and Bost in trust to sound the Catholics in those parts, and that Davy Ingleby and Bost assured this said Ballard if they might be assured that the matter were once in action and that the strangers were entered, they should have aid enough in those parts. [Evidence.] Ballard, 5th September.

Tipping.

Ballard says that last year, in the summer, he by the direction of Davy Ingleby and Edward Windsor rode into the north to understand if the lords of Scotland would hold out, and by the way as he went he lay 2 days at Tipping's. [Evidence.] Ballard, 5th September.

Ballard says also that after Christmas he rode down into the north to Mr. Ogle's beside Newcastle and lay at Tipping's on his journey thither. And returning from thence, Tipping and Donington came with him to London and were much in his company, and Donington, then intending to go over with Ballard, then conveyed his lands to Tipping, and the writings were sealed in Harry Foxwell's chamber. [Evidence.] Ballard, 5th September. Dunn, 3rd September.

Tipping, at Ballard's, being in the north in June last entertained the said Ballard at his house 7 or 8 days by name of Browne and thither repaired to Ballard; Edward Windsor—by name of Digby—David Ingleby and Bost and certain others dwelling about Newcastle. [Evidence.] Ballard, 16th, 18th, 29th August. Gage, 27th August. Tipping confesses it.

Ballard says he told Tipping of the invasion, and the plot and order of proceeding in it, and as he remembers he told him also the means devised for safety and delivery of the Scottish Queen. Tipping seemed to think it probable, and Ballard willed Tipping in common terms to talk with his friends, to feel their dispositions, and named to him Sir Harry Constable, and willed him to sound him in general terms. [Evidence.] Ballard, 29th, 30th August.

Tipping says that Ballard did not talk with him in particular of any invasion, saving that he and Maude told him. It was common speech among the base people in Picardy that they would be here in England before Michaelmas, and Ballard spoke in generality of an invasion into the realm intended, and that there would be trouble here shortly. Ballard asked him the said Tipping of the disposition of divers gentlemen of the country whether they were Catholics, as, namely, the Constables, Babthorps, Methams, Hungates, Craythornes, and Inglebys, but more he remembers not. [Evidence.] Tipping, 29th August.

Jereme Bellamy.

Confesses the entertaining and relieving of Babington and his company both in his mother's house, barn, and woods—which he had long before very obstinately denied, and would never acknowledge anything thereof until he was made acquainted with all the particularities thereof, confessed by Maskrye and others. And he confesses that he relieved them after he heard that they were enquired after as traitors. [Evidence.] Bellamy, August.

Bellamy further confesses that on the Wednesday he heard that Babington and his company attempted to have killed her majesty, and on the Thursday after he brought them into his mother's barn, and before they came to the barn, he relieved them with meat. [Evidence.] Bellamy, 29th August.

Dunn says that on the Wednesday when he and Babington and the rest were in the woods, Bartholomew Bellamy came unto them and told them that he heard that they were searched and enquired for as traitors, and therefore was very fearful to relieve them. Jerome Bellamy was also present, but seemed to make less account of the matter and not to be so fearful as his brother was. Then Dunn and his company told Bartholomew Bellamy that there was no such cause but for that a priest was taken and they had been in his com pany, and Jerome Bellamy also heard the same. [Evidence.] 5th September.

Harry Foxwell.

Ballard says that immediately upon his return out of France he talked with Foxwell at his lodging at Westminster and acquainted him with the purpose of invasion and the delivery of the Scottish Queen, but he remembers not whether he told him of the killing of her majesty. And Foxwell said he was glad of it and liked well of it, and Foxwell asking what he should do when these things happened, Ballard said to him that he should take no great care of it. "For," said he, "I will be here myself, and you shall go with me and Babington who has the managing of this matter, and so you shall be safe." And Foxwell said he would. [Evidence.] Ballard, 5th September.

Dunn says that one time Foxwell said to him, "If it be true that Mr. Fortescue tells me, we shall have some stir shortly," but did not tell him what Fortescue had told him. For Dunn thinks that Foxwell conceived that Fortescue had told the said Dunn as much as he did to him the said Foxwell. [Evidence.] Dunn, 5th September.

Ballard says he advised Foxwell to have 100l. in gold always in readiness for himself, and Foxwell said he would. And Ballard told Foxwell that if the plot for the Queen of Scots took place she is to give allowance for it, for that it is to be employed for the Scottish Queen's service. [Evidence.] Ballard, 5th September.

Ballard further says that Dunn told him that Foxwell had 2000l. in readiness to be employed in the service, and this grew in speech between Dunn and him upon that that Babington told the said Ballard that Dunn had promised him to get one to deliver him 2000l. for this exploit. [Evidence.] Ballard, 10th, 19th August, and 5th September. Dunn, 3rd September, denies this but thinks rather Foxwell might tell Ballard as much for that they two have been of longer acquaintance.

Ballard says that he had of Foxwell since his last coming over, 5l. before their talk of the invasion, and 20l. after, which was to be repaid after Michaelmas next. [Evidence.] Ballard, 5th September.

Sir Thomas Gerard.

Babington said to Ballard that he was sure of Sir Thomas Gerard, adding withal that he was a man of good power. [Evidence.] Ballard, 19th August.

Babington says that he talked with Sir Thomas Gerard—once as he takes it—at his house in Canon Row and at Babington's own lodgings at Cooke's, when Sir Thomas came to require him to be bound for him to Kynnersley. Babington told him at the first that there was a bruit of an invasion, from whence, and what number. And after talking with him concerning the same he told him there would be an invasion, and that the Queen of Scots should be taken away, in which exploit Babington asked if he would be one. He answered he would, and Babington bade him rest so until he should hear more from him, which he should not fail to do as soon as anything was concluded. [Evidence.] Babington, page 21.

Tichborne says that, as he lay in bed with Babington, Sir Thomas Gerard came thither, whereupon Babington caused Tichborne to rise, and Sir Thomas Gerard talked then 2 hours together. [Evidence.] Tichborne, 16th August.

Sir Thomas Gerard confesses that Babington demanded of him what he would do, and whose part he would take if God should call the Queen's majesty away, and that he answered he would then do like an honest man and take part with the right, to which Babington said, "Then you must take part with the Scottish Queen, for she has the right." Whereunto Sir Thomas replied he would not dispute of it because it was forbidden by the laws.

He confesses further that he found Tichborne in bed with Babington, and then when he came Babington caused Tichborne to rise, but denies that Babington ever talked with him of any invasion or delivery of the Queen of Scots.

32½ pp. Indorsed by Burghley: "A summary of y^e exam. and confessions of y^e conspyrators. Seat. Pikeryng."

Cott. Calig., C. IX., vol. 413.

Copy of the same.

762. Articles For Examining Robert Bold. [Sept. 6.] C.P., vol. XIX.

"Articles wheruppon Richarde Bold was examined, 6° Sep. 1586."

1. Whether you were not lodged in June last at Mistress Bright's house in St. Clement's Churchyard, where Edmund Peckham often resorted unto you with others.

2. What were those others to your remembrance that so accompanied the said Peckham to your lodging, and what talk and speech had they with you?

3. Do you not remember that you heard the said Peckham about that time went to Salisbury Court to the lodging of a young gentlewoman your kinswoman, together with certain other parties, and there agreed of your going down into the country to your said kinswoman, whom you said was possessed, and who were those parties that were there at that time with you?

4. Did you not there agree to ride down together to your house in Berkshire, and did you not lend two of the company, one of them having his doublet and hose of yellow canvas lined with black, the other a green cloak with gold lace and a doublet of yellow, 2 geldings to go with you, who brake their fast with you at your lodging, and took your horses at the White Hart at St. Giles?

5. Do you remember who these two persons were ?

6. After their coming into the country to your house, what was said or done by him to your kinswoman, how many times to your knowledge did either or any of them say mass or preach, or how long stayed they at your house ?

7. What persons were then at your house more than a kinsman of yours of Hertfordshire and his wife, and your brother that serves the Earl of Derby ? Were not you and they at their sermons, and did not the party whose doublet and hose were of yellow lined with black use any speeches to you touching your reconciling to the church ? What answer made you to him, and did you not say that you were so entangled about the Earl of Leicester's business that presently you could not be reconciled, but you would soon deliver yourself thereof that you might be reconciled as you desired, and what other speeches used you then of the said Earl ?

8. How long to your remembrance remained the said persons at your house, and did not you return with them to London with the gentleman of Hertfordshire and his wife who left you at Brainford ? After your being at London where left you them and what is become of them to your knowledge ?

2 pp. Indorsed.

763. Examination of Richard Bold. [Sept. 6.] C.P., vol. XIX.

"The examination of Richarde Bolde uppon the articles delivered 5° Sep. 1586."

To the first he answers that in June last he lodged at Mistress Bright's, and Edmund Peckham with others often repaired unto him there. The principal cause of Peckham's repair was to deal with this "examinate" about certain bonds, wherein he stood bound for Peckham to Alderman Billingsley, and to entreat this "examinate" to join with Mr. Norris, servant to the Lord Treasurer, about the soliciting a suit of his in the Exchequer.

To the second article he said there came with Peckham to this examinate at Mistress Bright's a tall man "with somewhat a downe looke," and another somewhat less and yet in show older than the taller man. These as he remembers came to him with Peckham twice and no more, and the cause why they were brought was this:—

Peckham had about 4 or 5 days before their first coming talked with this examinate about one Alice Tunstall, a niece of this examinate, aged about 13 or 14, who remained then and so does still with this examinate's wife, and persuaded this examinate that whereas her disease was grown to worse terms, except some present remedy were provided it would breed her overthrow, adding that if this examinate would like thereof he would bring a friend or two of his that should cure her.

When this examinate seemed to like well thereof, Peckham desired he might bring his friends, and so he did, and this examinate desired them to go down with him to his house in Buckinghamshire to see the young maid, which they promised they would. Other speeches there passed none between them but ordinary table-talk of no importance.

To the third he says that he was at Peckham's lodging in Salisbury Court and there met first with the lesser of the two men, and there, upon Peckham's motion, this examinate desired the lesser man to go and see his said kinswoman. But he says he did not say that she was possessed, and he never suspected any such matter until, long after their coming from this examinate's house in Buckinghamshire, he heard that divers had been apprehended at Denham House about driving out of spirits, in whose company was one Anne Smith, whom Peckham had sometimes preferred to the service of this examinate's wife, which Anne Smith had been troubled as Alice Tunstall was.

By reason thereof this examinate suspected that Peckham and those other two had conceived that Alice Tunstall was possessed with a spirit and intended to cure her as one possessed. But he says that when they came to her she was well and needed no curing. And so in truth she was well 6 or 8 weeks before they saw her.

To the fourth he says they agreed to go down as he has before declared, and at Peckham's request he lent one horse and no more as he remembers, on which one of the two strangers rode, but he knows not which nor does he remember their attire more than that the lesser man wore a green cloak. He says that the morning they rode hence the two strangers and Peckham broke their fast with him at his lodging without any company save such as waited, and afterwards they four took horse at "The White Hart" in St. Giles. Upon Peckham's request this examinate appointed one of his servants to carry behind him a little coffer, but what was in it or whose it was he cannot tell.

To the fifth he says that as far as he remembers the tall man was called Blunt or Hunt, and the lesser Palmer, but he says he does not otherwise know what they are. Since the apprehension at Denham before mentioned he has been afraid lest those two strangers were some bad companions.

To the sixth he says that they came to his house towards evening and reposed themselves quietly until the next morning, and then about 8 o'clock Peckham came into this examinate's chamber and asked if his friends should deal with his kinswoman, whereunto he answered that he thought she was well, and that she was very unwilling to come under their fingers. Peckham replied that harm they would do her none, but good they might do her; whereupon this examinate had the said Alice, who was then weeping as loth to go with them, to go to Peckham into the chamber where the two strangers lay, and from that time till 2 hours after this examinate saw neither Peckham, the two strangers, nor his kinswoman.

After dinner this exponent asked Peckham how she did, and he said "well," and then he asked the taller man also—whom Peckham commended as the special man—how she did and what they had done to her. He answered that she was well and had nothing done to her because there was no need.

He says further that because Peckham had divers times before terrified this examinate in saying that her disease was monstrous, he therefore desired Peckham to take such order that his two friends might look so well into the matter and state of her sickness that she might be perfectly cured before they departed. Peckham answered, "Ye shall hear him anon if ye will," whereunto when this examinate yielded, Peckham came about two hours after and called this examinate, willing him to come up into the strangers' chamber.

This examinate, taking with him William Twyneo, his brother-in-law, dwelling in Walton in Hertfordshire, went up into their chamber and there found Peckham, the two strangers, this examinate's wife, and no more so far as he remembers. Then the taller man of the two, sitting upon a stool, as all the rest did, began a discourse with a text in Latin out of the Scripture, which this examinate thought he would have applied to the disease, but he went forward and discoursed of faith, and that we ought to believe the pastors sent from the true church.

This was the sum and scope of his speeches, which lasted about a quarter of an hour, and then they rose, whereupon this examinate within a while after came to Peckham and said to him, "Cousin Peckham, what is this that he has said to the wench's disease?" whereat Peckham laughed and made no other answer, saying he asked if he were not a notable man, and bade this examinate never take any further care for the wench's disease. But other massing or preaching there was not that this exponent knows of, neither did they stay any longer than till the next morning. As for the text whereupon he spake he does not remember it, nor did he understand it because it was in Latin.

To the seventh he says that during the time of the strangers' and Peckham's being at his house there were Twyneo and his wife, and a brother of this examinate called Henry Bolde, and no more to his remembrance but the ordinary servants. There passed no other than ordinary speeches between any of the two strangers and this examinate, saving in their return from this examinate's house the taller man of the two about Houndslow Common began to talk with this examinate about the wars in the Low Countries, dissuading this examinate from proceeding any further therein in respect that the states were but wild persons and drunkards and such as would keep touch with no man.

This examinate answered that by the grace of God he would go thither again to the Earl of Leicester, and if he found the expense to grow greater than he could well bear, he would then return home again. Other speeches than these, either touching reconciling, or any matter of state or religion, there passed none between this examinate and any of them at any time.

To the last he says that after the two strangers had remained 2 nights and one day at this examinate's house, they two, this examinate's brother, Twyneo and his wife, Peckham and this examinate, came all to St. Giles in the Fields—save that Henry Bold parted with them at Braynford, and Peckham parted with them over against Windsor. And when they lighted at St. Giles, Twyneo and his wife went with this exponent, and the other two strangers parted and went two several ways, by reason whereof this examinate began to suspect them the more. But what is become of the two now he cannot tell, for he never saw them nor heard of them since that time. And as for Twyneo he thinks he is with his wife at his house in Watton. Signed: Rycharde Bolde. Examined by Ed. Barker.

7 pp. Indorsed.

764. W[illiam] Waad to Thomas Phelippes. [Sept. 7.] C.P., vol. XIX.

Her majesty's pleasure is he should presently repair hither, for upon Nau's confession it appears they have not performed the search sufficiently. He assures them they shall find amongst the minutes in Pasquier's chests copies of the letters wanting both in French and English. Suspects he overlooked one packet. He must likewise bring with him minutes of the letters he had here. Prays he will send them some messengers hither. Signed: W. Waad.

²/3 p. Addressed. Indorsed.

765. Burghley to Walsingham. [Sept. 8.] Cott. Calig., C. IX., fol. 448.

Sir, we are occupied with many offers to and fro, in words, but I cannot certify you what shall be determined. Yesterday, the Tower was flatly refused, and instead of Fotheringay, which we thought too far off, Hertford was named, and next to the Tower thought meetest, and so for a time both liked and misliked for nearness to London. Nevertheless, I hope it will be so concluded this day, and so I will write to Sir Walter Mildmay to stay brewing and provisions of coal which by my last I required him to provide.

The Queen has agreed upon nine earls besides councillors, and upon eight or nine barons to hear the cause. Hertford shall be meeter for such an assembly than Fotheringay can be. Grafton was also named, but "unmeet." We stick upon Parliament, which her majesty mislikes to have, but we all persist, to make the burden better born and the world abroad better satisfied.

Nau offered on Tuesday to have opened much, and instead thereof he has only written to have a pardon as yesterday because it was the Queen's birthday. I do send to Mr. Milles to challenge him and to warn him to be sent to the Tower if he do not otherwise acquit him of his promise. I think Curll will be more open, and yet Nau has amply confessed by his handwriting to have written by the Queen's inditing and her own minute the long letter to Babington, but he would qualify his mistress's fault in that Babington provoked her thereto, and Morgan provoked her to renew her intelligence with Babington. Signed: W. Burghley.

1 p. Holograph, also address. Indorsed.

766. Matters Concerning Mary. [Sept. 8.] Lansd. 49, fol. 171.

To be resolved by her majesty.

1. To what place the Queen of Scots shall be removed, Fotheringay or Hertford Castle.

2. About what time the Council and noblemen shall assemble to hear the Scottish Queen's cause.

3. At what time the judgment of the noblemen shall be affirmed by Parliament.

Hereupon order is to be given for execution of the resolutions.

1. Sir Amias Powlet is to be warned to put things in order for her remove, without giving to her or to any of hers any warning longer than two or three days, not showing to her to what place certain she shall go, but the space of two or three days' journey. Warning to be given to certain principal gentlemen to attend with a number of servants for that purpose from shire to shire.

2. To have letters sent severally to all noblemen that are absent to come to London about a day certain, or rather to the Court.

3. According to the Queen's resolution, to have either a new summons presently, or else to expect the 14th November.

The names of the gentlemen appointed to attend the Queen of Scots in her remove.

Out of Staffordshire—Sir Walter Aston, Thomas Trentham, Thomas Grissely, Edward Aston, Edward Littleton, Walter Leveston, John Bowes, Richard Bagot.

By Warwickshire—Sir Thomas Lucy, Sir Fulk Greville, Sir Francis Willoughby, Sir John Harrington, William Boughton, Edward Boughton, John Shuckborough.

By Northamptonshire—Sir John Spencer, Sir Richard Knightly, Sir Edward Montagu, Anthony Mildmay, Edward Griffin, Thomas Brudenell, Thomas Andrews, Bartholomew Tate, Edward Cope.

By a part of Buckinghamshire—Lord Grey, Sir John Goodwyn, Robert Drury, Robert Dormer, William Hawtrey, Griffin Hampden, Thomas Pygot.

By Bedford—Earl of Kent, Lord St. John, Lord Cheyne, Thomas Ratcliff.

Into Hertford—Sir John Cutts, Sir Henry Cock, Sir John Brocket, Sir Philip Butler, Henry Capel, George Horsey, Edward Verney, Thomas Fanshawe, Thomas Sadler, Charles Morison, Edward Bashe.

1½ pp. Indorsed: "A memorial of matters with Ye Q. Majesty concerning ye Scots Queen."

Lansd. 103, fol. 24.

Copy of the same.

767. The French Ambassador in England [Monsieur D'Aubespine] to James. [Sept.]

I have already written to your majesty that I had arrived in this realm to reside as Ambassador of the most Christian King in the place of, etc.

Among other offices his majesty had commanded me to have a care of the affairs of the Queen your mother, in accordance with the ancient friendship and alliance which has always been between the Kings of France and your predecessors Kings of Scotland, a thing whereof I was very willing to advertise your majesty before, and again by this present, fearing lest my first letter may not have been safely delivered to you, whereof I entreat you to send me word, and to command me as may please you, as well for the affairs of your said majesty and your subjects as for those of the Queen your mother, which I believe and think to be united to yours.

½ p. French. Copy. Indorsed.

768. Instructions for Mr. Archibald Douglas. [Sept.]

"Ye sall tak our susteris awin ambassadoris Masters Randolphe and Woltone, to recorde that willinglie we yeildit to the perfyting of ane league with theire soverane, not doubting but our said suster, weying how far we haif thairin preferrit hir and hir amitie to utheris our confederat freindis in Europe, and with quhat franknes we haif procedit to the conclusioun thairof, unstikand evin at sene impossibileteis and refusall of all ressons, sall mutuallie acknawledge it a sufficient declaratione of all receproque affectionis and sinceir gude meaning in hir behalf.

This league as it is avis, set doun, and endit, sae can we not bot wish bot for the better keping and continewance thairof sum gude considerationis war had of sundrie thingis moved be the commissioneris at thair lait meting, and deliverit in not to the Earl of Rutland, quhilk, albeit for the time we war content that for our promeis and subscriptionis caus thai suld be rather moved, nor strikken at, yet can we not persuade us bot our said dearest suster and hir Council, respecting quhat danger ane inequalitie of conditionis breidis usuallie in leagues, and quhat reasoun will require to be granted for the better satisfactione of our people, quhous estate the commodetie and incommodetie of sik treateis cheiflie tuichis, will let us haif sik ansser to the saidis notis as may be fund aggreable to equitie and may gif thame occasione to lyk the better of us that be our selffis, by thair previtie, haif bene the onlie meane of this conjunction and amitie.

The heidis quhairof the ansser is expected: cheiflie the ansser of our last lettir toward the meitting of commissioneris and the motione we maid to our dearest suster for the removing of the difficultie arysing of the day fra the quhilk redres suld begyn anent the piraceis, and hir liking of our motioun for the restraint thairof; anent the immunitie of our people traffiquing in thois partis, anent the mutuall fre danisatione of the subjectis in ather realmes, anent the conference betuix sum learned theologues of bayth the realmes upone the pollitie of the kirk, ye sall best understand be the coppie of our instructionis delivered at that tyme to our commissioneris, quhilk we have heirewith commandit to be gevin you for your moir ample information.

All sic novationis as sen the motione of this league haif bene procured be privat men for thair particular commodeteis, to the restraning of the free libertie of our traffiquaris in England, speciallie toward the vent of salt to quhatsuever lefall merchand, as thai haif bene in use befoir, ye sall craiff to be dischargit.

As lykwyse toward our countersute within that realme, ye sal be very cairfull to crye out the authour thairof, and desyre him to be deliverit in your handis to be send to us for his better tryall and knawlege of his complices outeris thairof within our realme.

Item, you sall deale for reparatione of all the lossis sustenit be piraceis in suche sorte as ye sall ressave particular informatione from the personis damnifeit, and do quhat ye can to ressave suche ansser as may be aggreable to reason, whereof ye sall certifie us from tyme to tyme, that we may gef sic ordour to our subjectis as thai may not haif just occasione of complaint."

1¾ pp. Indorsed: "Certeyn nottis."

769. Walsingham to Thomas Phelippes. [Sept. 9.] C.P., vol. XIX.

Prays him to bring to Court such secret advertisement as he has received from Bord., G. G., and Cat., for he will have use of them. Signed: Fr. Walsyngham.

⅓ p. Holograph. Addressed. Indorsed.

770. Master of Gray to Walsingham. [Sept. 9.] Cott. Calig., C. IX., fol. 443.

[Latter half of a letter.] "Them verie honest gentlemen. Bot as by my last I must pray you yat, upon my obligation to be comptable to the'rle of Leicester and estaitis, I may have of hir majestie 2000 or fyftain hunder pound and if any thing be superplus it shall come to ye pay. Breif, it shall rebat so mutche to me and ye holl troupes till I give a cleir compt."

"I am assurit no almaine would have listit four thousand foot men and six hundrethe hors for fyftie thousand crounes and ye nombre is little les and better godvilling shalbe of … (fn. 1) country. I pray you, sir, yat you forder yis, and send me vord vyt diligence, for if I shall sell my land or my jowels it vilbe thocht I am not wyse and some litle discredeit it shalbe to hir majestie; and befor God if it be not send from thence I must do it, for I vil give liberally to gentlemen, and tym servis not yat I can send for it nou to my Lord Leicester. I remit me than to you and hir majesteis. favorable dealing touardis me. Asshur you, it shall never come in my handis."

"Sir, I have vrittin to his majesteis embessadour of ane advertisement I hard yisternicht. I pray you inquyr it of him, for it is not impertinent. The eternall be vithe you for ever. From Dumfermling yis 9 of Sept. 1586. Yours as his auin, to be commandit, Master of Gray."

Postscript.—"Sir for the better impression I leave last to recommend unto you yis berair, to you veil knouin. It shalbe verie veil dun, and I pray you yat ye favour him in his sut, for ye may do great good in my absence, for aftur you no man gettis sounner knouledg of thingis than he and is not suerir to advertis. The King in lyk maner vil think veil of yt yat he be veil usit. I persuad myself that you vil do for him."

1 p. Holograph, also address. Indorsed.

771. Walsingham to Thomas Phelippes. [Sept. 10.] C.P., vol. XIX.

The Lord Treasurer, having sent to Mr. Douglas extracts of certain intercepted letters which her majesty thinks necessary to be shown to the Scottish King, further refers Mr. Douglas to him [Walsingham] to be furnished with other extracts out of like letters in his hands.

The said letters remaining in his [Phelippes'] custody, prays he will repair with them to the Lord Treasurer and receive his direction, which letters he thinks necessary to have extracted to be delivered to Mr. Douglas, and after receiving his order to use all diligence in making the said extracts to be sent forthwith to Mr. Douglas, for he dispatches his servant towards Scotland on Monday next. Barn Elms. Signed: Fra. Walsyngham.

¾ p. Addressed: "To my servante Thomas Phillippes at my lodging at the Cort."

Indorsed by Walsingham: "For her majesty's affaires. Fra. Walsyngham."

772. Monsieur Nau to Elizabeth. [Sept. 10.] C.P., vol. XIX.

I protest, upon the damnation of my soul, which is dearer to me than millions of lives, if I had so many, that I do not know nor am acquainted with any facts or persons of this practice and enterprise more than I disclose to you by the enclosed, begging your majesty most humbly to receive it in part satisfaction of my offence towards you, with the entire devotion which will remain to me so long as I shall live to employ the life for which I hope from you in doing you most humble service, so far as it shall ever be in my poor capacity and power, as I shall be able from this hour, being in France, as I would declare to you more particularly the means thereof if it pleased your majesty to suffer me on my two knees in your presence. The which I entreat you most humbly, awaiting the effect of your clemency so often and so liberally extended over your own subjects and their very grievous offences; which causes me to hope that you will not deny it to the first of the servants of the Queen of Scotland, having served under her and her directions, who has been hitherto called in question, and in his first fault, which he acknowledges and wishes to amend as far as shall be in him, pledging his faith therein to you by the present, prostrating himself at the feet of your majesty.

½ p. French. Indorsed.