Elizabeth: January 1587

228. Monsieur de L'Aubespine to Monsieur D'Esneval. [Jan. 1. 1586–7.]

I send you a packet from Courcelles which the ambassadors from Scotland brought me, who arrived the day before yesterday; to wit, Mr. de Gray and Sir Robert Melvin; Keyth was there before, with whom I have negotiated several times. We have not yet seen the said Gray and Melvin, who are waiting to have audience of the Queen; and in the meanwhile Monsieur de Bellièvre is departing without seeing them, for which I am very sorry. By his return you will hear news enough from this quarter, where all things go as ill as ever. God grant that no tragedy arise from it.

229. Monsieur de L'Aubespine to Monsieur Bellièvre. [Jan. 1.]

Yesterday evening very late arrived the courrier from Calais, who brought three letters for you, which I send you in my packet. There was one for you from Monsieur Villeroy, which he told me to open if you had departed, and then to burn it. I hesitated to open it, because you were so near, but at last I made up my mind to see it before sending it to you, fearing that you would likewise have been troubled to send it back to me by my coachman, which is not so fitting as by Monsieur de Trappes. Also, it is better that it should remain with you without being sent back to me; this consideration will, if you please, excuse that which I have done therein.

I send you that which Monsieur de Villeroy wrote to me, which I beg you to burn.

As far as I can see all is lost, and they will decide to precipitate themselves in one direction, since they cannot agree as to the other.

This war of Sedan will be of consequence with respect to Germany if the King does not cause it to cease, and will astonish this princess not a little.

As regards our Scotchmen, they are going to the audience today, whither I will send, and Des Trappes will bring you news thereof, if they come out early.

The Master of Gray boasts that he will tell news; whereof having advertised me yesterday evening by one of their men, I said that it would not do to give offence in the first instance. I am told that the said Gray also boasts that he will obtain that which has been refused to us. I think that he knows more of the secrets of this Court than we, and has better credit there: it is best that he serve for something.

You will see by this note what news I have. If Pasquier goes to his mistress I will cause him to advertise her of the trouble that you have taken for her life, and of the great efforts that you have made about it; and will advertise her to write letters to the Queen of England full of humility and supplication, if he can have means of serving her.

The audience of our ambassadors from Scotland has been put off till tomorrow, the Epiphany, on account of the indisposition of Mr. Gray, who is ill.

This morning Diamant told me that as fast as the Queen [of England] is appeased, the enemies of the Queen of Scotland immediately embitter her; witness the taking of these four last. That of herself she desires to preserve her life. That she is much offended at the words that you said to her on behalf of the King, to whom she is writing that she desires to know the interpretation of the said words. It is a delay which she is making in order to beguile the world, and not to give a decision upon this matter.

For certain Keyth had charge from the King of Scotland to renounce the friendship of the Queen at the time that he told us so; but Duglas hindered him from saying it, setting forth that this speech must be kept for those who should come last.

²/3 p. French. Extract.

230. Mr. Archibald Douglas and William Keith to Mr. William Davison. [Jan. 1.]

"Pleis your honour, it hathe beyn the King our soveranis pleasour to derect the Master of Gray and Sir Robert Melweill, knycht, his ambassadouris to deale with her majestie in such materis of importance, for performing whearof thai ar dessirous to knaw when it shalbe her majesteis pleasour that thai may be admitted to her presens. Most hartlye we must pray your honour to mowe her hienes that hir said pleasour heiranent may be signifeid ather to ws or to thame selffis. And so levand to trouble your honour with longar letter, we humblye take our leave. From Londone this first of Januar, 1586." Signed: "Your honouris most assured freindis at power, A. Douglas, W. Keithe."

½ p. Addressed. Indorsed.

231. Sir Amias Powlet to Walsingham. [Jan. 2.] C.P., vol. XXI.

Whereas by your letters of the 22nd of the last you signified to me that you had received a privy seal for 100l. bestowed by her majesty in reward upon the soldiers serving in this castle, and that you reserved the same in your hands to be delivered to any such as I would appoint to take order for the receiving and conveying thereof hither, it may please you to deliver the said privy seal to this bearer, my servant, Thomas Knight, who is appointed to take order with one of his fellows remaining always in London to receive and convey the said money hither.

I send this said bearer and three of his fellows to London at this present, for no other cause than to bring hither 500l. in money for the use of her majesty's household here, this country yielding no mean to receive it by exchange.

This lady finds fault that her papers of account for this last year, which include all former years, are kept from her, as indeed I can say they are not sent, because I perused those which were sent before they were delivered. And the same may also appear by this copy inclosed of Nau's letter, sent with the said papers. I have in my hands some books of account found in Nau's chamber at the time of the search, and doubting lest they might concern these causes, I have without this Queen's privity perused them, and find they contain certain accounts of former years.

I wish unto you all good means to increase your health, but it seems that this cold season of the year had need of hot and earnest solicitors. The delay is fearful. God send it a good and happy issue. So I leave to trouble you, committing you to the mercy of the Highest. Fotheringay. Signed: A. Powlet.

Postscript—I thank you most heartily for Mr. Davison's letter, which I return inclosed herein. Sir Dru Drury prays to be recommended to your good favour.

1 p. Addressed. Indorsed.

232. Mr. Archibald Douglas and William Keith to Mr. William Davison. [Jan. 3.]

"Pleis your honour we haif onderstand be suche as caryit ane lettir from ws to my lord Chamberlayn for the obtening of audience to the Master of Gray and Sir Robert Melweill, ambassadoris from our soverane, that it hath beyn hir majesteis pleasour to geve ansser that she thocht at thair departure from Scotland that thai had beyn derected to hir, bot be thair slow expeditioun in cuming, together with that she hathe beyn informed of thair dealing with the Frenche ambassador at this present she doeth belewe that thai ar directed to him and thairfoir that hir majestie will adwise when she will geve tham audience."

"According to our dewetye we delivered this ansser to the saids lordis ambassadouris. Thai do afferme to ws that thai haif had no maner of dealing with the said ambassadour, this onelie excepted, that having ressaved informatioun that Monssier de Belleure was to departe upone the nixt morrow, to whome of dewetye thai war obliged to gif thankis for the panis he had takin to requeist in that mater wherfoir thai war directed, thai send one of thair companie to him for accomplishing of that complement whiche thai culd not performe be thair awin personall presens, be ressone thai had not as yit obtenit audience of hir majestie, wherwithe thai think hir hienes will nowise be offended, speciallie in respect of our soveranis approwit gude meaning in all suche mater as may onywise concerne hir weilfare, upone consideration wherof, as of befoir, we most pray your honour to mowe hir majestie that hir hienes pleasour may be certefied ather to thame or to ws, anent the contentis of our formar lettir, crawing audience for thame."

"And so we commit your honour to the protectione of the Almightie from Londone this thrid of Januar. 1586. Your honouris most assured freindis at power. A. Douglas, W. Keithe."

1 p. Addressed. Indorsed.

233. Monsieur de L'Aubespine Châteauneuf to the Archbishop of Glasgow. [Jan. 5.] C.P., vol. XXI.

It is with regret that I have not written to you for a long time past, for many reasons which I leave to your prudence to consider. And even now I can tell you no good of the Queen your mistress, to whom Monsieur de Bellièvre has done all possible service without any fruit appearing up to this time, as Monsieur de Bellièvre will tell you, who is returning to those parts from hence, having served so worthily in this affair that I can testify to you that the said lady and all her servants are under an extreme obligation to him. He will relate to you all that has passed there, which will keep me from making a longer discourse to you: I will only tell you that I shall continue to serve her as far as may be, and shall avail myself of all means without sparing any money. I have caused the ten thousand crowns of Christmas to be taken, not to be wanting in case of need; the whole will be so well managed that none of it will be employed except for her service, and I shall risk as little of it as I can. She is at Fotheringay, so strictly guarded that there is no means of writing to her. The Master of Gray has come with Sir Robert Melville; they have not yet had audience of the Queen, which was the cause that they did not see Monsieur de Bellièvre at all, for which I am very sorry. Keith and Douglas were already there, so that it is a very odd embassy. I shall see them after their audience, and will govern myself with them as I shall see best to be done, knowing them well all four. Nau and Pasquier have been caused to write to me that I should tell what money I had in my hands for the Queen of Scotland; to which I have made answer that I had none, and that she owed me much, and that I had received nothing at all for the terms of Midsummer and Christmas. London. 15 January 1587. Signed: De l'Aubespine Chasteauneuf.

1 p. French. Addressed. Indorsed.

234. [Mr. Archibald Douglas] to Mr. William Davison. [Jan. 5.]

"Sir, yesternycht eftir my returning from Court I was ernestelye pressit be Mr. George Yowng, derected from the Master of Gray, to vryte these few wordis off excuse, wherof I send yow the copye, to my lordis Tresoreir and Chamberlayn. Albeit the requeist apperis to cary litill effect, yet onderstanding be sum secret whispering that the motion thayrof doothe proceid from the French ambassador, I can think no uthervaise bot that it tendeth to sum fordar mater than I can yit onderstand."

"Because men cannot be to curious in this perrellus age to presserve that which doeth conserwe the honestar sort of Europe in apparent securitye, I can not forbear to acquaynt you wythall, to the end yow may—be such moyen as yow haif—essay to knaw from what grownd this doeth proceid, and be the moyr deligent to cause the apparencis of that day be observed. I shall do what I can to knaw what this mater meaneth eftir my returning from Bern Hellmes, whethir I mynd to go to vesite Sir Frances this efter none. And so I tak my leawe this Thursday. Youris whose ill vrytinge is knawin."

1 p. Holograph, also address. Indorsed.

Inclosure with the same:—

(George Young to Burghley.)

"Pleis your lordship, upone sum accident of seiknes fallin to the Master of Gray sen my departure from yow, he hes prayed me to requeist your lordship to move that her majestie may be pleased to delay thair audience quhill Fryday, wherof I thocht gude to mak yow adverteist, with hartie prayer that it may be your lordship's pleasour to trawell that his requeist may be performed. And so I commit your lordship to the protectione of the Almightie."

¼ p. Copy. No indorsement.

235. Sir Christopher Hatton and Mr. William Davison to Burghley. [Jan. 6.] S.P. Dom. Eliz., vol. 197, No. 6.

May it please your good lordship. This evening we have had Moody before us, with whom, notwithstanding we have dealt very roundly, yet can we draw nothing of substance from him. We have therefore thought it convenient to send to Mr. Randolph for his prisoner to be brought hither tomorrow very early in the morning, to the end that if we find this man to persist in his denial, he may be confronted with him as one that opened matter enough to touch them both by his own confession.

We have likewise thought it fit to send very early in the morning for the keeper of Newgate and one Romane, his servant, with two other prisoners named by Stafford to have been by at his access to Moody, to examine them touching the point of Du Trap's resort to him, wherein, as in the rest of our proceedings, we will use that care and secrecy which both the matter requires and her majesty expects, and in the meantime beseech your lordship to advertise us whether you think this course of confronting the parties fit or no for this first meeting, that we may proceed accordingly.

If in the morning we find any further matter worthy the advertisement, we will not fail immediately to make your lordship partaker thereof, otherwise at our return to the Court in the evening to bring the report ourselves how we find the same. So we humbly and hastily take our leaves. Signed: Chr: Hatton, W. Davison.

²/3 p. Addressed. Indorsed.

236. Mr. William Davison to Thomas Phelippes. [Jan. 10.] S.P., Dom. Eliz., vol. 197, No. 11.

Has order from her majesty to send for him expressly. His man having been, as his [Phelippes'] father's heard, at Barn Elms, therefore despatches this messenger thither. Prays him to fail not to be here this evening and bring all those things he has.

The French ambassador has written to the Lord Treasurer complaining of the apprehension of his servants and detention of his packets. Her majesty would therefore that they be made up ready to be delivered to him, but that he first let the Lord Treasurer and himself "visit" in what sort the packets are before they are delivered. In haste, from Ely House. Signed: W. Davison.

⅓ p. Addressed. Indorsed: "Delivered at Ely House about half an hower after 2 of the clock in thafternone."

237. Memoranda of Letters. [Jan. 12.] C.P., vol. XXI.

Charles Paget to the Queen of Scots, 29th May 1586, 10th April, 1586, 25th July, 1586. Decipher under Curll's hand.

Queen of Scots to Charles Paget, 20th May 1586, in answer of two of his of the 14th June, 16th May, 24th and ult. July 1585, and 4th February 1586. Another of the 27th July 1586. Received his of 29th May.

Queen of Scots to Thomas Morgan, 27th July, 1586, in answer of his of the 13th June. The original and minute in Curll's hand. The 9th May 1586, and one of the 20th July 1585, sent by Blunt's means, and in answer of his of the 4th and 9th July 1586. 20th May, in answer of his old ones, and of the 8th March and 29th April 1586. Minute of Curll's hand upon notes of the Queen his mistress.

Morgan to the Queen of Scots, ult. March 1586, the original in cipher, in answer of hers of the 17th January 1585. The decipher verified by Curll, 28th July, 1586. 17th December 1584, 23rd April, 1585, 8th May 1585. A postscript of one of these letters of the 24th April 1586, the original in cipher. The 26th July, the original by Babington. 9th May 158[ ], decipher of Curll's hand. 28th January, 1586, the decipher, etc., of Curll's hand.

Queen of Scots to Mendoza, 27th July, 1586, in answer of his of the 29th May 1586. 2nd August 1586, in answer of his of the 5th July 1586. 20th May, 1586, in answer of his of the 10th February and 26th July 1585.

Mendoza to the Queen of Scots, 4th April 1586, 19th May 1586.

French ambassador to the Queen of Scots, 15th August 1586, in answer of letters of the 10th and 7th July, 1586. The original found deciphered among the Queen's papers and testified, etc., 9th April, 1586, ult. April 1586.

Fulgeam's letter to the Scottish Queen and Curll. Nau to Fulgeam, 27th July 1586.

Queen of Scots to Sir Francis Englefield, 27th July 1586, in answer of his of the 3rd May to Nau. 20th May 1586, in answer of his of the 13th December 1584, and 12th January 1585.

Sir Francis Englefield to the Queen of Scots, 13th December, 12th June 1584. To Nau 3rd May 1586. Nau to Fontenay May 1586.

Queen of Scots to Courcelles, original signed with Curll's own hand.

Queen of Scots to the Bishop of Glasgow, 27th July 1586, in answer of his of the 20th May 1586, 28th May in answer of his of the 24th and 27th February and 10th March 1585, and last of March 1586.

The French ambassador to Du Ruisseau, 15th January 1586.

Cordaillot to the Scottish ambassador, Bishop of Glasgow, 12th January 1586.

Queen of Scots to the French ambassador, 31st May, in answer of his of the 10th April 1586, 13th July 1586, minute of Nau's hand.

Pasquier's confession under his own hand, original.

La Rue to the Queen of Scots, 18th May and 24th October 1585, 24th August, December 1585. Queen of Scots to La Rue, 13th July 1586, the minute of Nau's hand.

Queen of Scots to her son, a minute of Nau's hand, 1581, with an address to Tirrell who carried it.

Barnes' letter to the Queen of Scots dated 10th June, and confession by Curll and Barnes, the original decipher of Curll's hand.

Emilio or Barnaby to Curll, 16th June 1586, the original decipher of Curll's hand.

Fontenay to the Queen of Scots, 15th August 1584, the original in cipher. Decipher of Fontenay's negociation with the King of Scots, verified by Pasquier.

Martelly to the Queen of Scots, 1584, the original in cipher.

Bishop of Glasgow to the Queen of Scots, March 1584, 12th July 1586, 20th May 1586. Without date, 1584, three letters.

to the Queen of Scots, 1584.

Father Parsons to the Queen of Scots, 1584, two letters.

Liggons to the Queen of Scots, 2nd September, 24th December 1584.

Cherelles to the Queen of Scots, 2nd April 1586.

Cherelles to Nau, 30th March 1586.

Alphabets with the Lord Paget, for Emilio, with Charles Paget, testified by Curll, for Gabriel Browne [William Grene]. Addition to the alphabet with Morgan. Alphabets certified by Curll with Chaumont, French ambassador, with Pietro, with Don Bernardino de Mendoza, with Liggons. Alphabets sent Morgan for , with Gabriel Dennis, with Barnes, with George Douglas, with Abington, with the King of Scots, with Earl Huntly, with Cavaillon, Cherelles, Tassis, the Earl of Leicester, "Earl" Fentry, E, Claud Hamilton, Liggons, Courcelles, La Rue.

Reasons for the surceding against the Queen of Scots.

Extracts of Morgan's and Paget's letters made by Curll.

2½ pp. On small paper. In the hand of Gilbert Curll.

238. Monsieur Cordaillot to Monsieur du Ruisseau. [Jan. 12.] C. P., vol. XXI.

It would be but lost time to dilate to you what has passed here in the matter of the Queen your mistress during the time that Monsieur de Bellièvre has been here, forasmuch as I could not acquit myself sufficiently thereof, and also I know that on account of the rank that you very worthily fill in the council of the said lady there will be nothing left for you to desire therein. And thus I will no further intermeddle therewith than to tell you that he has done marvellously well in his negociation, but it has not succeeded as was hoped, so that he departs to-day without fail to return hence, awaiting only his passport, which he has sent to fetch for the last time, his goods being all packed, and awaiting only that to start on his way. Monsieur Nau is still well: he is well entertained at the house of Mr. Walsingham, but I much fear that it will cost him dear at last: God grant that I may be mistaken. This good entertainment disquiets me; I would prefer less kindness and a little more liberty. I sometimes hear news of him, and he is well, thank God. It seems to me very long since we had any news of you; this will be when it shall please you. I will write to you at once if the Master of Gray and the lord Melville, who have again been sent lately by the King of Scotland about this matter here, are able to make any progress. London. 12 January 1587. Signed: Cordaillot.

1 p. French. Addressed. Indorsed: 13 Jan. 1586.

239. Instructions concerning Catholics in Scotland. [Jan.]

You must, according to the direction and credit you have received of the good father at London to Mr. Lawson, Mr. Swinburne, etc., in the north parts, address yourself to such Catholics in Scotland of experience and understanding as they shall resolve fittest to be made acquainted with your voyage and intention thereof, with as much speed and discretion as is possible, letting them understand that you are expressly sent into those parts for three purposes.

First, to give them knowledge in what desperate terms the Queen of Scots who has been the only hope of both nations a long time is now brought, by the malicious practices of her cursed enemies: that no other thing is expected but death, for they have proceeded here against her so far as to proclaim the judgment given against her by the lords, and execution was deferred at the first only for ten days, at the instance of the ambassadors of France and Scotland: that some further delay has ensued and may perhaps ensue, but that any mediation shall prevail is unlikely, so that there is no reasoning to be made of her life, it being universally believed that she should be dead already.

Secondly, hereupon to understand how the young Prince of Scotland stands affected and disposed, both in general and the Catholic cause, and in particular towards his mother, and whether there be any hope that under this colour he should take our quarrel in hand and make himself head of the Catholic party of both realms; or otherwise to understand how the Catholic party in that country is disposed, what heads they have of the nobility and others to draw the multitude what strength to run them either in any resolute enterprise to be undertaken for our principal deliverance, which known, somewhat may be shortly advised upon for that purpose by good assistance.

Thirdly and lastly, to learn exactly and sincerely the truth of an overture made lately by the Master of Gray, as we understand, to our friends in France, whereby, pretending himself to be discontented with them of England, he offers hereafter to employ and apply all his credit with the King his master for the advancement of the Catholic cause, and to be wholly at the disposition and direction of the Duke of Guise and his adherents, having sent over into France, as we are advertised from them, a special man to that end. Whereof, as they have no small doubt, so can we not but be very jealous, considering his inwardness and intelligence with Secretary Walsingham and Archibald Douglas, now ambassador here, the two master workmen of all mischievous practices within this island.

And therefore we think we have cause to suspect that it is some plot laid between them by agreement, for better discovery of Catholic designs in that country, that he should play this part and so by this pestilent drift, our courses being known, to break and disappoint all plots that shall be laid within that realm against the tyranny of heresy, growing daily more and more, whereupon we desire to be informed from them thoroughly what reckoning every way is to be made of the man. And therein you must endeavour to have the judgment of such as be best able to look into these courses, it being a matter of great moment, as whereupon, if his overtures were sound, much good for the weal of Christendom might be wrought, as on the other side, if the foundation laid upon him proved false, a suitable ruin were to be expected of the whole cause.

These be the points in general, the particular discourse whereof is referred to your discretion. But for that which concerns the young Prince of Scotland, you must not forget to let them understand in Scotland what is conceived here among the Protestants, that the said Prince is without all question firm in his religion, and that the Catholics be in great doubt that there will never any good come of him, and that the older he waxes the worse he is like to be, and that it is feared here that as he could not without notorious shame and dishonour seem to abandon his mother quite, so he has made a show of entreating and working for her, but in truth for his reputation only, being glad his mother is out of the way, whom he greatly feared. And the heretics are content he should do that he does for a fashon, in the meantime resting assured of him to be at England's devotion by the means of Angus, Mar, Archibald Douglas, Gray, and such others, waged for that purpose. If they notwithstanding affirm the contrary, which God grant to be true, it were well you examined the grounds thereof to the end a good trial be made before anything be built thereon.

Otherwise mistrusting or despairing of the King it would be carefully considered whereupon their hopes may stand, and you may tell them what the most part of the English Catholics pretend by the Pope and the King of Spain's aid to take the crown off this Queen's head and place it by their authority upon some Catholic nobleman wishing them to advise whether it will not be expedient for them to do the like, at least way, to resolve of some course for interruption of the reign of heresy otherwise by the fall of the Queen of Scotland like to be established there for ever and aye.

Inform yourself for this purpose of all states and provinces of Scotland, namely, all the noblemen. Enquire particularly which you may set down, their alliances, ability of mind and body, disposition and inclination in religion, faction or otherwise, their power and wealth, as also the disposition of the boroughs and common people in the north, west, etc., what numbers of able men and how many armed they can assemble. To conclude, what comfort and advice any way you may return with to us here.

2¹/8 pp. In Thomas Phelippes' hand. Indorsed: "Instrucions from M. C."

240. Mr. Archibald Douglas to Mr. William Davison. [Jan. 15.]

"Sir, our ambassadouris because thay ar not mayde off remains verray ill dewoted, the one for pryde, the uther for mater, and the thrid for folye, vill do the vorst officis thay can when thay shall com home. It is to be suspected that whosoewir shalbe send be her majestie in that cuntrey efter thayr cumming home shalbe mayde be thayr moyen ungracious. I leawe it thayrfore to her majesteis consideration whether to deale favorablye wyth tham heir, or to send sum fitt personnage in that cuntrey to confirm the King in gude assurance befor thayr returning."

"Tomorrow if thay shal haif audience I think they shal crave to be mayde acquaynted wyth the process against the Queen mother be our soverayn and to the hoile procedingis against hir. As ever the mater shalbe used, thay haif no commission to leawe materris in ill termes, but I think thay shall travell, so far as thay can, to bring thayr dealing presente to produce the vorse effectis thay can heireftir. And so I tak leave this xv of Januar. Yowr honoris alvayis to be commandit. A. Douglas."

¾ p. Holograph, also address: "To the ry^t honorable William Davisone, Secretayr to her Majestie and of the Prevy Consale."

241. Mr. Archibald Douglas to Mr. William Davison. [Jan. 22.]

"Sir, this day the Master of Gray hath prayede me that her majestie may be mayde acquaynted that he wold it mycht be her hyenes pleasser publictly to gyve such ansser to thayr petitionis as shalbe most agreable to her majesteis pleasser."

"Thayreftir he is myndid in pryvate maner to humblye pray her majestie that it may be her favorable pleasser to send sum grave personnage and of contenance towartis the King his maister for openning of her majesteis mynd whatsoever onto him. In this mater he wold be glayde to be satisfied and the rather because I think he wold be contented that his colleague shuld onderstand that he is not altogether discredited at her majesteis hand."

"This kynd of dealing, so far as I can persave, can wyrk no great ill effectis, bot alwayis I most leawe the mater to her majesteis moyr grave consideration, which I belewe shall not think it expedient that ane man of gud desserving shuld perish wytheowt sum gretar cause than as zit is knawin against him. And so I tak my leawe. This xxii of Januar. Your honouris alwayes to be commandit, A. Douglas."

¾ p. Holograph, also address. Indorsed.

242. [ ] to [Monsieur Bellièvre]. [Jan.]

I think that this new cause (fn. 1) will not in the end come to any great thing. But, yesterday evening, one named Felton was taken; his father was put to death for having brought the pope's bull, and they think that he has been persuaded by him.

Her majesty hears that the lord Richard [sic] Melvin, one of the ambassadors of Scotland, has been to you, and says that, perhaps, his commission was to you and not to her. Also, eight of the men of Sir Amias Paulet have arrived in London to seek the court and Pacquier, two of his men to help him to do his accounts, who will, I think, depart in two or three days. I have spoken with some of them, and they say that the Queen [of Scots] is gay and in good health, and undaunted. They say that her ordinary is delivered to her cooks, and no other person touches it, for the command of her majesty is that she be well and honourably treated without any fraud.

Also there is news that the King of Spain is come to Lisbon and is preparing his army. There is some controversy between the Earl of Leicester and Sir Francis Walsingham concerning the will of his son-in-law, and hard words have passed.

In another hand: If you please you will burn the present memorial. The arrival of the King at Lisbon is confirmed by the Portuguese.

1 p. French. Copy. Indorsed.

Copy of the same. [With No. 230.]

243. Henry III. to Monsieur Courcelles. [Jan. 22.]

Your despatch of the last of December was delivered to me a few days ago, wherein I have seen the resolution that has been taken by the King of Scotland my good nephew to despatch ambassadors to the Queen of England with good and ample instructions to employ themselves on his behalf in saving the life of the Queen of Scotland his mother; whereof I had before had advice, but not in such detail of the manner wherein things have passed. Whereupon I can say nought but that I perceive a great testimony of the goodwill of my said nephew towards his mother, for which I praise him greatly, and recognise that in time of need he shows her that he is of a good nature: praying you to encourage him on all occasions in this laudable intention, and to set before his eyes that he could not by any other generous act which he might do render his memory more commendable to posterity than by persevering in rendering all the assistance and help which shall be possible to him to the afflictions of his said mother, without wearying thereof in any wise whatsoever. Otherwise he would be much blamed for all the ill which may happen to her, and would do great prejudice to her reputation, which ought to be dearer than any other thing; and that, moreover, his own private interest is at stake.

As to the state of the affairs of my kingdom, I will tell you that I am yet awaiting what the Queen my lady mother may conclude for the pacification of the troubles of my kingdom, and do not know what I may expect, those of the new opinion having hitherto shown themselves far enough from satisfying my will. Nevertheless, time, and the necessity in which they stand, may make them at last recognise what is reasonable and what they owe to their king. Paris. 1 February 1587. (fn. 2) Signed: Henry; and Brulart.

1 p. French. Addressed. Indorsed.

Cott. Calig., D. I., fol. 138.

Copy of the same.

244. James VI. to Elizabeth. Elizabeth. [Jan. 26. 1586–7.] Lansd. 982, fol. 80b.

"What thinge, madame, can greatlier touch me in honour, that is both a kinge and a sonne, then that my nearest neighbour, being in straitest friendshippe with me, should rigourously putte to death a free sovereigne prince and my naturall mother, alike in estate and sexe to her that so uses her, albeit subjecte I grante to a harder fortune." "Holyrood. 26 Jan. 1586."

⅓ p. Extract.

245. James VI. to Elizabeth. [Jan. 26.] Cott. Calig., C. IX., fol. 192.

"Madame and dearest sister, if ye coulde have knouin quhat divers thochtis have agitat my mynde since my directing of Williame Keith unto you for the sollisting of this matter quhairto nature and honoure so greatly and unfeynedly bindis and obleissis me, if I say ye kneu quhat dyveris thochtis I have bene in and quhat just greif I hadd veying the thing itself if so it shoulde proceide, as Godd forbidd, quhat eventis micht follou thairupon, quhat number of straitis I volde be drevin unto and amongst the rest hou it micht perrell my reputation amongst my subjectis if thaise thingis I yett say againe vayre knouin unto you, then I vot but ye wold so farr pittie my cace as it volde easely mak you at the first to solve youre ouin best intoit. I doubt greatlie in quhat facon to vritt in this purpois for ye have allreaddie takin sa evill with my playnness as I feare if I shall persist in that course ye shall rather be exasperattit to passions in reading the vordis then by the plainness thairof be persuadit to consider richtlie the simpill treuth. Yett justlie prefferring the deutie of ane honest freind to the suddaine passionis of one quho hou soone thay be past can vyslier vey the reasons then I cann sett thaime doune, I have resolvid in feu vordis and plaine, to gif you my freindly and best advyce, appealing to youre rypest judgement to discerne thairupon. Quhat thing, madame, can greatlier touche me in honoure, that both is a King and a sonne, then that my nearest neihboure being in straittest freindshippe with me shall rigouruslie putt to death a free soveraigne prince and my naturall mother, alyke in estaite and sex to hir that so uses her, albeit subject I grant to a harder fortoune, and touching hir nearlie in proximitie of bloode? Quhat lau of Godd can permitt that justice shall strikke upon thaime quhom he hes appointid supreame dispensatouris of the same, under Him, quhom He hath callid Goddis, and thairfore subjectid to the censoure of none in earth, quhose anointing by Godd can not be defylid be man unrevenged by the authoure thairof, quho being supreme and immediatt lieutenant of Godd in heaven cannot thairfore be judgit by thair equallis in earth?"

"Quhat monstruouse thinge is it that souveraigne princes thaime selfis shoulde be the exemple giveris of thaire ouen sacred diademes' prophaining? Then quhat shoulde move you to this forme of proceiding—supponin the vorst quhiche in goode faith I looke not for at youre handis—honoure or profeitt? Honoure vaire it to you to spaire quhen it is least lookid for, honoure vaire it to you—quhiche is not onlie my freindlie advyce but my earnist suite—to take me and all other princes in Europe eternally beholdin unto you in granting this my so reasonable request, and not—appardon I pray you my free speaking—to putt princes to straittis of honoure quhair throuch youre generall reputatione and the universall—allmost—mislyking of you may daingerouslie perrell both in honour and utillitie youre persoune and estate."

"Ye knou, madame, vell aneuch hou small difference Cicero concludis to be betuixt utile and honestum, in his discourse thairof, and quhiche of thaime oucht to be framed to the other, and nou madame, to concluide, I pray you so to vey thir feu argumentis that as I ever presumed of youre nature, so the quhole vorlde may praise youre subjectis for thaire deutifull caire for youre preservation and youre self for youre princelie pittie, tho doing quhairof onlie belangis unto you, the performing quhairof onlie apparteynis unto you, and the praise thairof onlie will ever be youris. Respect then, my goode sister this my first so long contineuid and so earnist request, dispatching my ambassadouris vith suche a confortable ansoure as may become youre persone to give, and as my loving and honest hairt unto you meritis to resave. But in caice any do vaunt thaime selfis to know further of my mynde in this matter then my ambassadouris do, quho indeid are fullie aquented thairvith, I pray you not to takk me to be a cameleon, but by the contraire, thaime to be maliciouse impostouris as suirlie thay are. And thus praying you hairtlie to excuse my to ruide and longsum lettir, I comitt you, madame, and dearest sister to the blessid protection of the most Hie, quho mott give you grace so to resolve in this maitter as may be most honorabill for you, and most acceptable to Him. From my palless of Holyrudhouse." Signed: "Youre most loving and affectionat brother and cousin, James R."

3 pp. Holograph, also address: "À Madame ma très chere sæur et cousine la royne d'Angleterre."

Cott. Calig., C. IX., fol. 190.

Copy of the same.

246. Monsieur Pasquier to Thomas Phelippes. [Jan. 28.] C. P., vol. XXI.

I have indeed seen by the letter that Sir Amyas Paulet writes hither what the Queen my mistress requires. But if it does not please my lord the ambassador to give a clearer knowledge of that account than is borne by the writing which I have seen, it is not in my power to make it more complete than I did by my first to Monsieur Nau, so that if her majesty finds fault therewith, as certainly she has very great occasion to do, seeing the difference there is between the two sums, the fault should be imputed to Monsieur Cordaillot and not to me, who can only answer for that which has passed through my hands in doing my office, during which, although I sent many notes, I nevertheless only received accounts of four hundred and seven crowns; nearly three hundred whereof having been employed for her majesty herself, I was reimbursed for the rest by her officers, and that was employed as appears by the account which I rendered thereof last month. There have since been other stuffs received in the months of June, July and August, as well for her said majesty as for divers of her servants, whereof having never seen the price, I was not able to keep any account, nor to reimburse a single penny, as it is very reasonable that I should do, rather than remain charged therewith. And hence it is necessary that Monsieur Cordaillot represent the price of every one, if he wish to have it allowed, all that I can do in this respect being to testify whether what he sets down in the said accounts has been received there. For the rest, he may well have employed in the year that he says the sum which he alleges, but the better part thereof must have been disbursed by him before I entered into office, during which I would almost dare to affirm that he has not advanced five hundred and fifty crowns on her account, even including that wherewith he may have assisted me in my trouble (which is not above ten pounds), as will be verified by his papers and mine. This is all that I can say on this head. Saturday 28 January 1587. Signed: Pasquier. P.S. Do me the kindness, if you please, to look among the papers which you have of her Majesty, whether the account that I left at Charteley may be there, and to send it to Mr. Paulet to show to her Majesty.

1½ pp. French. Addressed. Indorsed.

247. Monsieur de L'Aubespine to Monsieur de Courcelles. [Jan. 28.]

My lords of Gray, Melvin and Keith are returning hence to seek the King their master. I think that by this you will know what they have negotiated here for the matter of the Queen of Scotland, wherein I can tell you that they have all three done their duty very well, according to the command of the King their master, as I have heard from them, and by common report of the town, for, for the last three weeks I have been, as it were, a prisoner, for they have raised up against me two men who say that I have dealt with them to kill the Queen; and he who says it is the young Staford, a man of the quality that you know, with one named Moude, who also belongs to Staford the ambassador.

Thereupon they took one of my men, named Des Trappes, who had, they say, communicated with the said Moude, and drag him to prison in the Tower, without my knowing what he had said or deposed or having means of speaking to him.

Moreover, I can have no audience of the Queen, who has sent Vuade to the King to complain of me and to demand justice. And in the meanwhile the passages have been closed for a fortnight, without my having been permitted to write to the King to advertise him of this calumny, which has been expressly prepared to ruin the Queen of Scotland, to hinder my speaking to the Queen, who was incensed by the words of Monsieur de Bellièvre, who was not yet at Canterbury when Des Trappes was taken at Rochester, going to seek the said Sieur de Bellièvre to cross the Channel with him; and, nevertheless, they hindered me from being able to advertise the said Sieur de Bellièvre of this matter, before whom they could have verified the whole.

Those gentlemen the ambassadors know well the truth of the matter, and who is the author thereof, a thing to which they have promised me to bear witness so soon as they shall arrive in Scotland.

I await news from France to-day or to-morrow, deeming that the King will wish to hear me upon this matter, which I have related to these gentlemen as the truth befell: but you know well enough the artifices of this country: it is God who will judge thereof. London. 7 February 1587.

1 p. French. Addressed. Indorsed.

248. Mr. Archibald Douglas to Walsingham. [Jan. 29.]

"Sir, be ressone of sum accident I am all this day constrenit to keipe my lodging, and thairfor be lettir am forcit to trouble zour honour vythe that which be speach I wald uthir vays haif deliverit."

"Pleis zour honour be informit that of layte I tuk such hardresse as that hir majeste be lettir mycht onderstand such mater as in apperance vas lyk to follow upon the contentis of ane lettir derected be the Queen mother to the King of Scotland to her said sone if the trew meaning thairof suld be rychtely collected and onderstand to the parteis interessit, and that the samin tendit to no uther end bot that her majeste and all uther Princis mycht be movit to think that her intention vas as it var to proclayme her saide son, and all that ar dealaris in his effairis, oppen leyarris and dowble dealarris, whiche culd not faile to produce these effectis—if the saidis parteis deserit to leif wythe credit—that thay vald seik thayr justification before her majeste and such as thay shuld think mycht consave this opinion of thaym."

"And if her majeste shuld think it expedient to send this letter in Scotland according as vas desserit I offerit myself redye to lat the saidis parteis onderstand both her intention and thayr deutye if so mycht be agreable to her majesteis gud pleasser, which I was determinat to obey in all tym to cumin, and never heireftir to meddle in ony mater that mycht concern the said Queen mother oneles it war be hir majesteis knawledge or derection, whiche wythe all sincerite I vald perform at leist so far as mycht lye in my powar."

"This beand the sum of that which I tuk boldnes to lay oppen befor her majeste be lettir, I am constrenit be the ylik hardresse to adde this farre of my opinion to your honour, which I pray vytt all humilite may be knawed onto her majeste, that I think the letter forsaid can not be veile performeit oneles the principale or copy shalbe send onto sum of thaym, which of the tuo presently I most leif to vysar consideration. Bot in my simple opinion the seurast vay shalbe that first I may send the copy of the said lettir to the Maister of Gray vytt declaration of her intention and meaning towartis thaym, vytt adwise also how inconveniencis may be awoydit, vhich beand first opennit be him to the King his soverayne the principale lettir beand send eftir apperis to haif the bettir and moir seur effect."

"I am most hartely sorye that evir I presumit to trouble hir majeste vyt the reding of so ill favorit hand vrite, vherin I most crave zour honouris helpe that this my falt may be pardonnit, as it hes plesit her majeste to do unto me most graciously in gretar offensis. And so leving to trowble zour honour vytt longar lettir I humblye tak my leif, this xxix of Januar. Youris honouris most humble to command vytt service, A. Douglas."

1⅓ pp. Holograph, also address: "To the ry^t hono^ble Sir Frances Valsinghame, principale Secretair to her majeste and one off her Prevy Consaile." Indorsed.

Cott. Calig., C. IX., fol. 184.

Copy of the same.

249. The Policy and Justice of the Proposed Execution of Mary. [Jan.] S.P. Dom. Eliz., vol. 45, p. 106.

"The question is, whether it were behoovefull for her majestie to putt the Scot: Quene to death or to keepe her in prison."

1. Her quality and sex of like calling to her majesty, from which may be drawn arguments of commiseration and compassion.

2. How this kind of proceeding might be subject to slander.

3. What note it might be to her majesty's renown both for the present and time to come, that the histories might report after so long and strait imprisonment, from which every creature living naturally seeks and is allowed to free itself, in the end to deprive her of life.

4. How other Princes may be interested, and how far touched and moved in respect of her calling, affinity and alliance with them.

5. The Scottish King to be considered, not only how he may be hereby affected in respect of nature and honour and other interest, but whether it may not be supposed that he, by removing of her now a degree nearer unto his hope, is not like to be as much or more redoubted and suspected hereafter than the mother, whereunto the taking away of her shall minister unto him both opportunity, matter and pretence to work upon.

6. It may be said that the papists and evil affected of this realm, that now living in some hope are more easily contained in some good terms by the taking away of her, seeing their expectation frustrated and estate desperate, may take upon them some sudden resolution that might be of great danger.

7. Divers other respects may be thought on, whereby it may seem expedient to preserve her life after she shall be condemned and pronounced unprofitable to succeed her majesty, whereby all hope being taken from her she shall persuade herself that her own life depends only on her majesty's welfare, and perhaps shall be as safe in durance from working any michief as if she were not at all, whereby she may be forthcoming to any good purpose that there may be an Oliver for a Rouland.

These allegations may well be answered thus:—First for the quality and sex of the lady. She having most wickedly sought the unjust deprivation and destruction of the Queen's most excellent majesty, of a like sex and quality, why should our sovereign be moved with any compassion to regard that "in her being of justice, which she most cruelly respected not in her majesty with a murdering mind?" What compassion is to be had of her who has transgressed the bounds of that modesty and meekness that her sex and quality prescribes, especially she having sought by the murder of a most sovereign Queen the destruction of the principal of the nobility and all well-affected subjects, subversion of the state and suppression of religion. Indeed mercy and the rules of charity are most royal to be exercised, but not to be claimed by them.

Is it not mercy to take away by justice a deprived and titulary Queen, for the necessary preservation of a sacred Queen, to preserve the lives of so many thousands, to preserve the realm from miserable shipwreck, to preserve our faith and religion?

If nature permits a particular man for the safeguard of his own life to offend another, if the law acquit him that in his own defence slays another, shall any difficulty be alleged in executing her that so heinously has gone about to procure the murdering of the Lord's anointed, a lady, a Queen, a virgin? Yea, the fact is not so foul in itself as the ground they build upon is most pernicious, which though it be avoided yet those principal dangers remain, and cannot be taken away but by her deserved death.

He that does not let and hinder one that offers violence to another is judged accessary and is in as great a fault as he that commits the outrage. Of what quality and decree then shall be the offence to dispense with the trespass of this woman and save her whose preservation imports the destruction of her majesty, of us, of the whole realm and of religion? Questionless, if the profession of our faith be dear to us, if the prosperity of her majesty be precious to us, if the love of our country be of any account with us, if the welfare of our posterity any whit move us, if all these things that are nearest and dearest to men have any force in us. All these desire and wish a speedy execution.

If it then be most necessary and just for her majesty to take herein the course that stands best with her security and our safeguard, what scruple should be moved how it may be thought of in time to come?

When this flood of mischief should happen—which God give her majesty a mind to prevent—all which her life of necessity and consequence must bring, then should just occasion be given to that age and all others, to say we wanted wisdom and grace. That day was never so fair that had so foul an evening!

What shall stories record but that her majesty's eyes, so clear to discover these hidden treasons, were suddenly sealed to see what was to be done to meet with them, and to make our misery more heavy, to let us foreknow it and not be able to shun it, yea, to deface all the happiness of her former government which should end in so miserable a confusion, to make us buy so dearly our good time with the loss of our lives, the vessel of our country perishing with the good pilot, consequently bringing all slander to her majesty, as though her funeral should be celebrated with the ruin of religion, the State, nobility and best subjects of the realm.

If you put in balance her unhappy life, with the counterpoise of these mischiefs, who but an unsound spirit would think it should overweigh? Therefore let the gall of our happiness be cut off, that there be no let in the course of this most prosperous government, to be assured by nothing more than the death of the disturber of the same.

What shall we make doubt how other Princes stand affected herein? Look into their doings and thereby gather their opinions. Shall their pity be extended to the guilty, and not regard the innocent? She is a lady, she is her majesty, she is a Queen, all this our sovereign. What she is or has been I forbear for respect to say. What our gracious sovereign is long may we enjoy. God forbid therefore that her majesty's life, preservation and welfare should not be tendered with execution and punishment of whatsoever, how many soever, of whatsoever calling they may be that seek the abridgement, destruction and hurt of the same.

Shall you hereby give just occasion of discontent to any Prince? Shall you yield matter, occasion or opportunity to them to offend her majesty and the realm? Shall you whet the tusks of their malice? Nay, you shall take from them the greatest means they can have to annoy her majesty.

If you consider them particularly, the Pope needs no provocation, neither can he have more will or devise more means than he has to annoy her majesty, which all end in this lady. The King of Spain can ill find fault with so just proceedings, having made away his own son, how or wherefore no man is able to say, unless it were that he seemed too forward to expect that patience which nature laid upon him. The King, Don Antonio, here in the realm can witness how he has sought his life, and already has so sufficiently declared his affection as we need rather to take away all those means whereby he may take advantage, than to put the case how he may take anything her majesty shall think fit to do for her own safety.

Was anything ever devised abroad or at home to the trouble of her majesty's estate, but this gentlewoman was the only way, means and cause? Were it not then more than time to remove that eyesore?

As for the French King, such good offices have passed between her majesty and him that he considers how necessary it is for them both to entertain the good amity between them, and already her faction grows so great and insolent that it shall not be prejudicial to him. They want that countenance they hoped hereafter in her, which no doubt should have brought the King greater trouble and danger than ever he felt.

And in whose behalf—this woman being gone—should any of these Princes attempt aught against her majesty? They have no cause for revenge, for if they consider the quality of her offence they shall find all Princes so interested in the same that it behoves them for the example and their own security to see this act most severely punished. For the Scottish King? That carries no policy. He may not in modesty and in nature set aside the duties of a child. So are there other bonds of duty to weigh with him, in respect of his father, the quality of her offence, her unnatural proceeding against him, doing what she could to deprive him in respect of the constant favours he has received of her majesty. And in his own respect he will be driven more and more to depend on her majesty's favour and to show that he will not participate in that cruel design of his mother. He may be sorry for her fall, but he cannot but abhor the fact.

He cannot in any understanding persuade himself to be assisted against her majesty by any Prince to his own advancement, for whatsoever might seem to move him thereunto, far greater shall lead them to leave him. And even in that he is come a degree nearer to his hope, he shall find their assistance further off. Besides, her offence has so blemished her chiefest pretence that it behoves him to behave himself so that his offices may efface her bad deserts, wherein her example must be to him a warning; which not thoroughly punished in her might otherwise embolden him. Moreover she has set that distrust between him and those that are likeliest to give him furtherance in such actions as he should be very evilly advised to trust to them. So in all discourse of reason he shall be driven more entirely to depend on her majesty's favour, and stand upon his good "abearinge."

To be short, let the question be propounded whether her life or death gives more occasion to her majesty's enemies to displease, offend and annoy her majesty, and any indifferent man will resolve.

The person of this lady may perhaps be safely kept under restraint, but the royal person of her majesty shall not by that means be safe at liberty. As long as life is in her there is hope: so long as they live in hope, we live in fear. So long as you afford her hope there will be practices, and as the Italian proverb is, "It that hath time doth escape." It is the only thing all criminals demand.

It will be said either you cannot by justice, or dare not, take her away. So means of her delivery and advancement will be sought by more mischievous, sudden and desperate attempts, wherein they shall consider, as they think on the errors committed in the former designs, to conceive and weave others more artificially, desperately and wickedly.

If therefore her eyelids were quite shut up, the day these men harp after should go down in a black cloud whence all hope of its arising again should be taken away. They would be advised to bear themselves with less boldness, and others shall not be so apt to be seduced and "nuzled" with ambition, hope, preferment, revenge and all those respects that miscarried the most part. In such sort, I see no sound reason to induce this perilous preservation of so dangerous a person. Seeing by proof that all evil humours have recourse to that issue or distil from that head, there is no way to divert the effect of them but in shutting up and take the same away.

If, on the other side, you gather together arguments to persuade the necessity of this execution, you shall find there is more danger in the delay than doubt in the matter.

Consider her inclination and disposition both towards her majesty and generally. I will take no pleasure to discover the veil of her secrets, nor do I wish that which is too apparent to be concealed or cloaked. Therefore I may well note in her imperfections an engraven malice, revenge, aspiring mind, which nothing can appease and satisfy but her majesty's life, a life wherein consists that sequel that never on the welfare of any yet depended.

If the person of that woman, restrained and afflicted with the unsoundness and so many diseases as it is hard to say whether the body or the soul are more infected, so as there is as little cause in her as may be to hope for any long life, can conceive such ambition and mischief; and as this Pope says, because he is sure he cannot live long, he bestirs himself apace to do more in short space than others could do in many years. This lady is bound to her majesty for her life, her life has been as many ways most graciously preserved by her majesty as she has gone about most wickedly to conspire against her highness. And even at this present when she made most sound protestation to assure her majesty of her sincerity, when of her own offer she would yield that further pledge of her fidelity to subscribe to the association devised for the preservation of her majesty's person, even at that instant she hatched these uncouth treasons, breaking all bonds of honour, faith, humanity and Christianity.

What shall I then say? Shall we likewise violate the oaths taken by us, to incur withal that infamous note to be objected to our profession and country which we impute worthily to some other nation that of late dispensed with their solemn vows? We are doubly bound to prosecute her, first for the offence committed by her, then in that she being one of the associates in slander of the rest has not only discovered from the rest foreswornly, but herself most treacherously has contrived and conspired her majesty's death. Should she then be spared to bring an infamous slander upon all the most noble personages, gentlemen and others that yielded that honourable testimony to her majesty of their devotion towards her preservation?

That all those that have done her majesty most faithful service in the discovery and bolting out of these treasons should live in perpetual fear, that all her majesty's best affected subjects may live in extreme perplexity, to think that when all the means that could be thought of or devised for her majesty's safety have been taken and offered, and now when we find whence the peril comes, and may assure the same, it shall be neglected, to her majesty's more imminent peril and evident danger and our undoubted ruin! What may you or can you hereafter think of or devise by any Act of Parliament or other ordinance, that these men will account of? What can be said, but that ipsa salus servare non potest hanc rempublicam?

It is in a manner to confess she has right or reason on her side, and to insinuate guiltiness in ourselves, wherein they will in a short time play, in their discourses. This course shall not so much daunt us as give scope to her and her ministers—seeing our want of courage, will or resolution—to make parties, intimidations, new means and practices in such sort as hereafter, when it would be wished she were taken away, it shall not be so easy or sure.

Considering therefore in truth all circumstances, nothing shall be found more sure expedient and of necessity than with all expedition to cut off all further practices and prevent these most devilish devices. What can be more just than to prevent the most wicked purposes that ever were invented? And how can they be prevented but by this execution? Yea the execution consists only in celerity. This creature opposes herself against God, she seeks the destruction of her majesty, she goes about the destruction of all the principal of the nobility, her majesty's servants, and best subjects, she seeks the overthrow of the estate and whole realm. All these things should be executed with that blood and tyranny after the manner of modern models.

What argument can be brought to dispense with or defer an evil that threatens such mischief. Whatsoever show it may have to be strewed over with some savour of reason, it proceeds from a corrupt and unsound heart. It is but time they seek to gain, which brings advice, device, accidents, casualties, shifts, resolution and alteration—one matter breeds another.

Let not her majesty be persuaded with the inevitable peril of her own dear life to hazard any longer the ending her happy government in so miserable a confusion and desolation, which shall be no less imputed to her negligence than to their malice. The Church, whereof her majesty is a defender, mother, nurse, craves it at her hands. The whole realm challenges it, all the well-affected with all humility, instance and earnestness expostulate it. Yea, necessity itself inforces her majesty to it, in whose hands it lies now alone to save or cast away herself and us. God grant her highness may take that resolution that may be to His glory, her preservation and our safety.

If you look into the examples of other Princes of this realm, her majesty's predecessors, how they have carried themselves towards their competitors or those that were dangerous to them, may not the history of Henry the First towards his eldest brother Robert Curtois [sic]; Edward the Third, or rather his mother, towards Edward the Second, called of Carnarvon; Henry the Fourth towards King Richard the Second; Edward the Fourth towards Henry the Sixth, and of Prince Edward son to Henry the Sixth. Especially Henry the Seventh, the Solomon of our Kings, yielded to the taking away of the Earl of Warwick, son to George, Duke of Clarence, second brother to Edward the Fourth, though an innocent child, because Ferdinando King of Aragon would not agree otherwise to the marriage of his daughter to Prince Arthur.

9 pp. In the hand of Burghley's clerk. No indorsement.

250. The Safety of Religion, Elizabeth, and England. [Jan.] [1586–7.] Cott. Calig., C. IX., fol. 652.

"What meanes may be devised for the contynuance and safetie of religion, the Queen's majestie and the State of this realme, if the Scottish Queen be suffred to lyve."

Objection. The great favour showed to her in remitting her offence and sparing her life will alter her former disposition and draw her to bear a hearty love and affection to her majesty.

Reply. Her majesty has heretofore protected her life and honour, being justly pursued by her own subjects, and has given her life to her after she was justly condemned for her sundry treasonable practices against her majesty, by the consent of both the houses of parliament in the 14th year of her reign. Notwithstanding, she has continued her traitorous malice, and therefore [has] no hope to win her by these means.

Objection. She will solemnly vow and swear that she will not hereafter attempt anything to the hurt of her majesty's royal person.

Reply. She has already sundry times falsified her word, her writing and her oath, and she holds it for a firm principle of religion Non est fides servanda cum hereticis, and as heretics she esteems her majesty and all her true subjects. Therefore by this means there can be no assurance of her majesty's safety.

Objection. She may be kept in straiter imprisonment, and so be restrained from doing or practising hurt.

Reply. She has been heretofore sufficiently guarded, but that will not serve. There can be no guard against craft, corruption, malice and treason. Her favourers who are all popish traitors, will never cease to practise her enlargement, whereof they have no means nor hope but by her majesty's death. Therefore they will still shoot at that mark.

Objection. She and her allies will put in hostages for assurance of her majesty's safety.

Reply. All the hostages in the world cannot countervail to us the life of our most gracious sovereign. And the hostages would be delivered by the same means as the Scottish Queen will be enlarged, which their continual practice is to compass by the destruction of her majesty. That being performed—which God forbid—who shall then keep the hostages?

Objection. Other foreign Princes, her allies, will give assurance by their bonds, or in the word of a Prince, for her majesty's safety.

Reply. This will be kept as it was in France, with the admiral and the other lords there of the religion. And if her majesty's life be taken away, who shall sue the bonds, or charge them with breach of promise?

Objection. She may be banished, and so we shall be delivered of this imminent and inward mischief.

Reply. So the traitorous papists shall have their desire, and a present head set up to direct their proceedings—which they have long sought for.

Objection. She will cause the pope to revoke the excommunication against her majesty, and so the ground of all the practices against her highness will be taken away, and thereby she will hereafter continue in safety.

Reply. This can serve but as a mask to disguise their practices for a time, until they can compass their traitorous purpose, even as Pope Gregory XIII. dispensed with the bull of excommunication quoad subditus, until he should otherwise dispose of it. There are many notable examples in the histories of all ages, what other Princes, as well Christian as profane, have in their wisdoms and civil policy done in like cases, which may serve as good precedents to direct and inform her majesty in this action. Besides, in the Holy Scriptures, sundry severe and fearful examples are left to us how God in his justice took grievous revenge and punishment of such Princes as did negligently or "securdlie" pass over with impunity such horrible crimes and offences. Therefore in these cases human policy can provide no sufficient safety, for it is a fearful thing to fall into the hands of the living God.

It is also most manifest by the words and writing of the Scottish Queen herself and her accomplices, that her majesty, our religion and State cannot continue in safety so long as that lady lives.

In her letter to Babington she writes that she shall be always ready and most willing to employ her life herein, and all that she has or may ever look for in this world. In the same letter she writes also, "if the mishap falls out that you might not come to me—being set in the Tower of London or in any other strength with greater guard—yet notwithstanding leave not, for God's sake, to proceed in the rest of the enterprise, for I shall die at any time most contented, understanding of your delivery forth from that servitude wherein you are held as slaves."

In open speech at Fotheringay, she wished to spend her life to procure ease and relief to the distressed and afflicted Catholcs. Now, since she vows and offers to spend her life in these practices, what hope of safety can her majesty have while she lives?

Babington in his letter to the Scottish Queen writes thus:—"These things are to be advised upon in this great and honourable action, upon the issue of which depend not only the life of your most excellent majesty, but also the honour and welfare of our country, far less our lives, most dear to us, and the last hope ever to recover the faith of our forefathers." By this it appears that so long as she lives this hope continues, and when she is taken away their last hope fails.

Babington says in his examination that immediately assurance came either of the Queen's majesty's death, or of the strangers' arrival, he proposed to have proclaimed the Scottish Queen and made no doubt of desired success. So it appears his hope of success was by proclaiming her, which matter of hope remaining, her majesty cannot be in safety.

3 pp. Indorsed.

251. Discourse touching the Execution of Mary. [Jan.] C.P., vol. XXI.

"The daungerowse alteratyon lykely to insue bothe in England and Scotelande in case the executyon of the Scottish Queen be stayed."

The alteration in England.

Such as are worldly affected that have been used as instruments as well in the later proceeding against the said Queen as at other times will seek to make their own peace, to her majesty's danger. The best affected that have heretofore showed themselves careful of her majesty's safety, seeing their care frustrated, will give over and provide for their own safety by retiring themselves out of the realm.

The number of papists, atheists, and malcontents will marvellously increase in respect of the hope they will conceive that the said Scottish Queen shall come to the Crown as a thing fatal. The Jesuits and seminaries and their confederates that build only the hope of alteration of religion upon her person, doubting in respect of the infirmity of her body that a more strait keeping of her will hasten her death, will use the greater expedition for the prevention thereof, in putting in execution such practices as may shorten her majesty's days.

The alteration in Scotland.

The number of the evil affected both to the religion and amity of this Crown will increase. Such as now stand well affected both in religion and in the amity will be enforced for their own particular safety to change their course.

The King himself, when the well-affected shall be removed from him and he shall see the number of the ill-affected increased in his realm, whereby he need not doubt any English party, it is to be looked for will be carried—through the persuasions of the illaffected at home and the encouragement he shall receive from the Catholic Princes abroad—to attempt somewhat both for the liberty of his mother, as also for the pursuing of his pretended title.

And lastly, it is also to be looked for that, besides the provocation of his own subjects at home and the Catholic Princes abroad, he will be greatly provoked to attempt somewhat by the ill-affected of this realm, especially when he shall see the number of them increased.

A consideration of the perils that may grow by the executing of the said Queen.

Forasmuch as both the King of Scots, the King of Spain and their favourers pretend to have some present interest to this Crown, it may be doubted that somewhat may be by them attempted after her death, to the peril of her majesty's person. It is therefore to be considered whether the perils likely to grow that way are of like danger as those that may ensue by the preservation of the said Queen.

First, the matter being considered in generality, it will appear very manifestly that, by the conservation of her, the perils that may grow either by the King of Spain or the King of Scots will be redoubled for the causes ensuing:—

1. For that she is already a Catholic, and so stablished in the opinions of the Catholics of this realm.

2. For that she has already by her practice and long continuance here won a great party within the realm, which number will greatly increase when they shall see her preserved fatally, contrary to all reason.

3. The Catholic Princes in respect of the opinion of the zeal of her religion will, according to their promise, concur and join with the King her son both in the seeking of her liberty and putting him in possession of this Crown.

4. And whereas it may be objected that they will not attempt anything, in respect of the peril that may grow unto her, it may be answered that there is no likelihood that there will fall out any impediment that way; firstly, for that she herself encourages them thereto, praying them to have no regard to her peril, but to the advancement of the common cause; secondly, for that it is to be doubted that, being kept more straitly than heretofore she had been, she cannot long continue, and therefore that her friends will rather attempt some desperate remedy than suffer her to perish without attempting anything; and lastly, they will hope, and not without cause, that when the wise men of England shall see her party increased within the realm, and a general combination without the realm for her delivery, they will make "dayntie" to advise any violence to be attempted against her.

Now, touching the perils that are to ensue either by the King of Scots or the King of Spain, by a particular consideration of them it will appear they are nothing equal with the peril that is likely to grow from her. And first, if the perils be considered that may ensue by the King of Scots, it will appear that there is no cause to doubt of any danger to ensue from him so long as he continues to be a Protestant, his own weakness being sufficiently known. The danger that is like to grow is by the change of his religion.

5½ pp. Draft. Corrections in Walsingham's hand. Indorsed:

"A project of a dis-coors towching the Scot. Q."

Copy of the first part of the same.

Cott. Calig., C. IX., fol. 671. Ib., fol. 702.

Copy of the second part of the same.

252. Letters to Mary. [Jan.] C.P., vol. XXI.

Letters to the Queen of Scotland from divers persons.

1. A letter from Thomas Throgmorton to the Queen of Scotland, 10th May, 1583, touching the apprehension of Morgan, one of her servants in France, procured by letters from the Queen of England. 2. Bernardino de Mendoza, July 25, in Spanish. 3. Extract of letters written to the Queen of Scots and Nau by Mauvissière and others. 4. The Countess of Lennox, a private letter. 5. From a Jesuit by the name of Martelli, 1584. French. 6. From a Jesuit by the name of Jeronimus Martelli, 1584. French. 7. From a Jesuit by the name of Martelli to the Queen of Scots' secretary, 1584. 8. Fontenay to the Queen of Scots and Nau, D. Allen, Mr. Denis to the Queen of Scots. Not deciphered. 9. Fontenay to the Queen of Scots, 1584. French. 10. Fontenay to the Queen of Scots, 25th August, 1584, in cipher. 11. La Rue to the Queen of Scots, 24th August 1584. 12. Anthony Standen, 8th May 1584. 13. Standen, 24th October, 1584. In cipher. 14. Fontenay, 24th November 1584. French. 15. From [ ] to the Scottish Queen. 16. Charles Paget, 14th January, 1584. His conference with the Spanish ambassador, who dislikes much of the proceedings of the King of Scotland for taking the supermacy of the Church, and other things contrary to the Romish religion. A device for the Queen's escape, etc. 17. Don Bernardino de Mendoza, 4th April, 1584. Spanish. 18. Morgan, 9th April, 1585. In cipher. 19. Thomas Morgan, 23rd April, 1585. In cipher. 20. Charles Paget, 7th May, 1585. In cipher. 21. Charles Paget, 7th May, 1585. He laments for the dissension between the Queen and the King her son; he advises that some trusty person might be sent to him to dissuade him from such courses as he intends. 22. Fontenay, 1585. French. 23. Thomas Morgan, 8th May, 1585. In cipher. 24. Liggons, 10th May, 1585. His request to the Prince of Parma for the delivery of 12000 crowns, for the Queen of Scots, with the Prince's protestation of his readiness for advancement of her affairs. 25. Liggons, 25th May, 1585. The many abuses offered by the Queen of England to the King of Spain, but especially that of the Low Countries, for which he hopes that the King of Spain will never rest till he have revenge. 26. Letters from Morgan, 15th December, 1585. 27. Thomas Morgan, 16th July 1585. The Earl of Leicester intends to send presents to the King of Scotland. He hears that Blount shall be employed in the service wherefore he charges him. 28. The Bishop of Glasgow, 28th July, 1585. 29. From Paget and Morgan, 28th July, 1585. 30. Charles Paget, 28th July. 31. Paget and Morgan, 20th July, 1585. 32. Gabriel Dennis, 24th October, 1585. 33. Articles of letters from Morgan and others extracted by Curll, 24th January, 1585. 34. Morgan to the Scottish Queen, 20th February 1585. 35. Morgan, 15th January, 1585. 36. Morgan, 25th February, 1585. 37. Bishop of Glasgow, March, 1585. 38. Morgan, 8th April, 1585. 39. The French amabassador, April, 1585. 40. Charles Paget. 41. Thomas Morgan, 4th July, 1585. 42. Thomas Morgan, 1585. Poley to the Queen of Scots. 43. Sir Francis Englefield to Nau, Charles Paget to the Queen of Scots, 29th May, 1586. 44. Lord Paget and Liggons to the Queen of Scots, 4th May, 1586. 45. Morgan, 9th May, 1586. 46. Don Bernardino de Mendoza to the Queen of Scots, 29th May, 1586. 47. Bishop of Ross, 25th July, 1586. [Crossed out:—48. The Queen of Scots to Morgan, 2 July 1585.] 49. Don Bernardino, 5th July 1585. 50. Don Bernardino, 5th July, 1586. 51. The French ambassador, 6th July, 1586. 52. Morgan, 9th July, 1585. 53. Nau to Babington, 13th July 1586. [Crossed out:—54. The Duke of Florence to the King of Scots, 28th July, 1586.] 55. Lord Claud Hamilton to the Scottish Queen. 56. Courcelles, 30th August, 1586. 57. Bishop of Ross, 8th August, 1586. 58. Bishop of Ross to the Queen of Scots, 8th August, 1586. 59. Fontenay to the Queen of Scots. 60. The French ambassador, 15th August, 1586. 61. The French ambassador, 15th August, 1586 [sic]. 62. Lord Claud, 20th August, 1586. 63. Charles Paget, 5th October, 1586. 64. Charles Paget, 1st October, 1586. 65. Fontenay, 7th October, 1586. 66. Don Bernardino, 10th February, 1586. 67. Morgan, 28 January, 1586.

3 pp. In the hand of Burghley's clerk. Indorsed.

253. [ ] to Walsingham. [Jan.] Harl. MSS. 292, fol. 46.

I have forborne to write many things that I have dealt with in the Scottish designs, leaving those discourses to him whom you have chosen to receive and deliver, only now I seek a direction from yourself.

This last night Restalrig [Lesterrick] had great talk with me about certain persons who he saith are apprehended for a new conspiracy, some French, some English, whereof two are closely kept and examined at Mr Vice-Chamberlain's house in Holborn. Of the manner of whose proceeding he much misliketh, holding for a principle that as long as they practise in pluralities they shall "scandal" the cause, miss the mark, and wreck themselves. "For"—saith he— "the man that must do the deed ought to be so single and resolute as not to let his left hand know when his right hand striketh." He telleth me that he greatly doubteth the Scottish Queen was put to death on Wednesday last, which opinion I confirmed. In conclusion he required me to venture a journey as near Fothringhey as possibly I could, to learn the truth thereof; "for"—quoth he—"were that once known assuredly we would take another way and the Council of England should first smart." They think all is safe, if by policy they may strengthen the King of Navarre, on the one side, and the King of Portugal on the other. But mark the end. These are Lesterrick's speeches. The man is wonderful glad of my acquaintance, promising to conduct me through all the principal capitals of Scotland. He is desirous to bring me to the Master of Gray, whom secretly to me he confesseth to be a papist. I have deferred answer for my going to Fotheringay until to-morrow night, that in so doing I might the better know your pleasure for the whole course. Signed in cipher.

Postscript—I beseech you remember the old man imprisoned for venison; he is sick and like to die.

1 p. Indorsed.