Preface

Preface

The period embraced in this volume begins with January 1586 and ends, in July 1588, with the departure of the Lord Deputy Perrot from Ireland, and with the first tidings of the arrival of the Armada off the Lizard. It is the history of the concluding portion of the government of Sir John Perrot, and very full are the details of his projects for establishing good order throughout the country. In his attempts to accomplish this, he became involved in severe quarrels with Archbishop Loftus and many of the most prominent English servitors, as Marshal Bagenall, Sir Richard Byngham, Sir Henry Wallop, Geffery Fenton, and Philip Williams. These papers give a full account of the petty jealousies and bitter enmities which he raised against himself, until his health gave way and there occurred a series of storms of temper and violent wresting of the powers which he possessed, with a view to discourage any who should dare to oppose him, and at length he began to think of entreating for a successor to be sent over. As early as the 4th of December 1586 (fn. 1) Fenton writes to Burghley to "descend" to the remedy of the evils produced by Perrot's arbitrary government, and suggests that admonition is of no further use, for unless Perrot is recalled many of the English members of the Council will be driven to leave their places, and retire into England during his continuance in office. Wallop also writes to Burghley, in a postscript to his letter of 13th December 1586, (fn. 2) "I know your Lordship cannot but be advertised by sundry means of the continual jarring and mislike that there is between the Lord Deputy and the Lord Chancellor Loftus, wherein I can commend neither of them, but so long as it shall continue it cannot but many ways hinder her Majesty's service, and here I see none that can appease it."

In Ulster, the great potentate O'Neill, viz., Turlough Lynagh, is now becoming old. On the 14th of January 1585, (fn. 3) Sir John Perrot had made an order for licensing Sir Arthur O'Neill [viz., Art Oge] to go to his father "in respect of the need he hath now in his old age of the service and attendance of his son." Turlough Lynagh's contentions with O'Donnell (fn. 4); and the Baron of Dungannon, afterwards Hugh Earl of Tyrone, gave a great deal of anxiety to the Governor. These quarrels resulted (fn. 5) in a division of the lands, between him and Hugh Earl of Tyrone, which only increased their mutual heartburnings. We have Sir Francis Walsyngham's opinion on the subject. (fn. 6) He wished the O'Hanlons, McCanns, Magennis, McMahons, and others to be set under the government of some well chosen person, and not to continue to be urraghs to O'Neill." These broils with Tyrone continued until the beginning of 1588, when Turlough's company gave the Earl an overthrow, which, the Lord Deputy observes, (fn. 7) "hath done as much good in the North as anything that has happened these nine years, for it hath abated the Earl's edge much;" and in June, on the arrival of the new Deputy, Sir William Fytzwylliams, the controversies between the Earl of Tyrone and O'Neill were debated before the Council.

At the same time Hugh O'Neill, Earl of Tyrone, was working his way up, and preparing his forces for the great rebellion which lasted to the end of Elizabeth's reign. He got a commission to govern his part of Ulster. (fn. 8) In March 1587 the Lord Deputy Perrot granted him license to repair to England to do his humble duty unto Her Most Excellent Majesty, and Sir Lucas Dillon (fn. 9); informed Burghley that the borders of the English Pale adjoining to the places where the Earl of Tyrone had charge had not in his memory been so free from spoil and incursions as in these late years. He adds of Tyrone that he is greatly followed, valiant, and, by reason of his bringing up and training, is of far better disposition than any of his ancestors, and more tractable and politic." When Tyrone reached London he petitioned the Queen to grant to him all such lands and livings as were granted to his grandfather, (fn. 10); and he wrote to Sir Edward Waterhous, in Ireland, to resolve the Lord Treasurer, Burghley, as to some doubts respecting the bounds of Tyrone, for the purpose of their being inserted in his patent. As to his privy seal and his patent, and the boundaries of Tyrone, a reference to the Index will show the success he obtained. Thus he kept steadily growing still greater. Ambrose Lacy complains of his government, religion, and Irish behaviour, and of his sending messengers into Scotland to call in Scots; (fn. 11) and Tyrone himself, writing from Dungannon to the Lord Deputy Perrot, complains that David Powes hath said at Dundalk, "that I will climb so high as I will break my neck." (fn. 12) In March 1588 (fn. 13) the Lord Deputy Perrot writes of him, "After I had proclaimed a general hosting and provided men, as though I would have done great things, yet unwilling to make wars, he came hither to Dublin unto me, and hath delivered in, two of his best pledges to keep the peace in Ulster, and toward Turlough O'Neill."

Sir Nicholas Bagenall writes to Burghley on the 9th of June 1586 (fn. 14) that O'Donnell's wife, Ineen Duv, is gone into Scotland with the intent to draw thence great companies of Scots.

On the 23rd of September 1586 (fn. 15); Captain Thomas Woodhouse writes to Fenton from Ardnary that "one of our soldiers' boys found a bag of letters after the battle, and O'Donnell's wife's letter was in it; it stated that she had landed in Lough Foyle with 1,600 Scots."

Here is a little sketch of a young Ulster chieftain's career; he was Hugh Mc E Callowe O'Donnell.

Sir Richard Byngham writes on the 12th of December 1586 (fn. 16); from Dublin to Burghley, "I understand that my Lord Deputy hath now sent over an Irish gentleman of O'Donnell's country, called Hugh McIcallye, to seek some consideration for the good service he did in drawing the soldiers upon Alexander McSorley, when the said Alexander and 12 or 13 Scots were slain."

On the 10th of December 1587 Tyrone informs Queen Elizabeth that O'Donnell is like to be overrun by Hugh McDegany, naming himself Hugh McCalough.

On the same day (fn. 17) Tyrone writes to Walsyngham, "that Hugh McEdegany, who was at court at my last being there, hath almost driven O'Donnell out of his country."

On the 4th of January 1588 (fn. 18) Tyrone writes to the Lord Deputy Perrot, "As for O'Donnell, he is almost driven out of his country, and the same made waste by Hugh McEdegany, having the aid of Turlough Lynagh's people and soldiers." Further on (fn. 19) Tyrone says, "I am greatly abused by Hugh McEdegany, in that he hath given very bad speeches both of my father and myself in the audience of the whole country."

On the 12th of May 1588 (fn. 20); Perrot writes, "I sent a pensioner called Taaffe with letters from me and the Council charging Turlough Lynagh O'Neill, the Earl of Tyrone, O'Donnell, and Hugh McEcallowe to desist, which if they did not we would prosecute the offenders with severity, whereupon all parties have promised to stay further revenge until their appearance before me or the new Governor, which I have appointed to be at Drogheda the 24th of this instant, May." In the inclosure to this letter, being the examination of John Benyon, one of Her Majesty's gentlemen pensioners, he says, "When we came to [Turlough Lynagh] O'Neill we found him and Hugh McEcallowe's forces together in great fury to see the wrongs done, and the Earl of Tyrone's camp so near him." And in his examination John Lynche, (fn. 21); one of Her Majesty's pursuivants, says, he departed to O'Neill with like letters, and gave him the like charge to keep the peace as he did to O'Donnell and Hugh McEcallogh, where he heard from the prisoners that the Earl of Tyrone's intent was to take Strabane and O'Neill himself, and then to go upon O'Cahan, and so to the Route. Again, about the 15th of May, Sir Richard Byngham writes to Burghley (fn. 22) that O'Donnell's wife, that is Ineen Duv, "hath of late caused Hugh Mac a Callye to be murdered. This is he that was with your Honours in England, and meant to be O'Donnell after the death of this man, viz., Sir Hugh, son of Manus."

It may here be noted that Alexander McSorley upon whom Hugh Mc E Callowe O'Donnell drew the soldiers, and whose head was sent by Captain John Price to Dublin to be set upon Dublin Castle, (fn. 23) was the son of Sorley Boy McDonnell, the brother of James, and was the first cousin of Ineen Duv, the daughter of James. Her son by O'Donnell was Hugh Roe O'Donnell. (fn. 24);

On the 25th of March 1588 Francis Stafford writes from Carrickfergus to Sir Henry Wallop, that Manus O'Cahan came to him and abode 14 days at Carrickfergus, and after long conference they got a good draught upon Ferdorough O'Cahan, and that upon the 16th of March, in the dark of the moon, three hours before day, Manus left Carrickfergus, and in his company 20 of Captain Warren's horsemen and his lieutenant, also Wallop's ensign, John Dolway by name, with 30 of Wallop's foot and 30 of Captain Henshaw's foot. They marched the 17th of March all day, and lay close all the night and the day of the 18th (Monday) until four o'clock in the afternoon, and then marched towards the Bann's side, and about 2 o'clock on Tuesday morning, a.m., the 19th, they came to Mount Sendall, where they found two cots waiting for them, the biggest not able to carry above four men. The night was very stormy, and the water dangerous, when Ensign Dolway and Captain Henshaw's sergeant and 30 soldiers passed over the water, and after them came Captain Warren's lieutenant and his company of 20 horsemen, swimming all their horses by the cots' sides with a great deal of trouble, and, all being safe over the Bann, resolutely brake away in all haste to the abbey of Moycosquin, where they arrived before Ferdorough O'Cahan had any intelligence. They found him and his gentlemen and horsemen fast asleep, and so beset the house and sounded the drum, crying in Irish, "Ferdorough, be not afraid," to which one answered in Irish, Indeed you have caught us nicely," after which the soldiers rushed in and slew them all, with the exception of two, who were saved alive. However, there was neither woman, child, nor churl killed, but O'Cahan's daughter, which was Ferdorough's wife, was taken in hand, and no hurt done unto her, neither spoiled; and she was redelivered to Manus O'Cahan, to be sent unto O'Cahan, and her husband Ferdorough's head was cut off by Ensign Dolway. The abbey of Moycosquin was 47 miles from Carrickfergus and three miles beyond the river Bann which they had crossed.

We see here that there was a marked difference made in dealing with the native rebels and with the subjects of sovereigns at peace with the English government, as the Spaniards at Smerwick and the Scots at Ardnary, who both invaded the English territory while Philip II. of Spain and King James of Scotland were at peace with Elizabeth. (fn. 25)

Even as early as 1586, June 9, (fn. 26); Sir N. Bagenall foretold to Perrot what would ensue from the composition and from placing the soldiers upon the chieftains of Ulster, and advertised him of the sundry conspiracies, as well for the destruction of the said soldiers as to shake off all English government.

With respect to the dissensions among the English, on 9th June 1586, (fn. 27); Dublin, Sir Nic. Bagenall writes to Burghley as to the injuries and disgraces which the Lord Deputy Perrot doth daily lay upon him; he goes on to say, "I thought it good to let you understand the true cause and ground from whence his displeasure hath proceeded. I have by all good offices endeavoured to further the advancement of Her Majesty's service under him; but for that I have sincerely, and according to the credit of my place, which I have long time possessed, freely advised his Lordship what in my conscience and by my long experience, I thought most convenient, both for the furtherance of Her service and the good of this Her poor people and country, his Lordship (Perrot) did enter into such rage and storm with me as I forbear to write. And this I assure you is the sole and only cause which hath stirred his Lordship to this great displeasure against me." And further says, (fn. 28) "howsoever it doth please his Lordship now to vilipend myself and annihilate my poor credit, yet this can all this state witness with me, that Turlough O'Neill and all the rest of the chieftains of Ulster by my labour came to his Lordship without word or safe conduct, whereas now neither Turlough Lynagh O'Neill, O'Rourke, Feagh McHugh O'Byrne, nor any other, would come at him without a most assured protection." This disposition to rage and storm seems to have increased considerably. On the 23rd of May 1587 Sir Nicholas White sends to Burghley a report of the broil that was between the Lord Deputy and Marshal Bagenall on the 15th of the same month.

About the 20th of December 1586 Sir Henry Bagenall wrote a description of the present state of Ulster, showing the divisions and commodities of the country, the names of the different nations, their several dependencies, strength, and government. It is calendared at length in the Carew MSS., (fn. 29); and is referred to in the preface to the Calendar of State Papers, Ireland, 1608 to 1610. (fn. 30) Let us therefore pass on to the all-absorbing work of the re-peopling of Munster.

In the former volumes was shown the fair and fertile state of Munster, and the beautiful and teeming banks of its rivers. Afterwards the wreck and waste of the war when the poet Spenser could hardly describe the terrible death and famine. And subsequently the ground overgrown with long grass and thorny shrubs.

In 1586 the "wasteness" still continued.

On the 29th of January 1586 (fn. 31); George Beverley, the victualler, writes to Perrot, "I have again thought it my duty to signify to your Lordship that Munster is destitute both of corn, beef, and all other victual for men and horses, by reason it remaineth still waste and unpeopled, and the little corn which they had planted by digging and other shifts in tillage, is destroyed by the late unseasonable harvest weather. Therefore neither with money nor without money dare I take upon me to furnish any such proportion as you require, but do account that for such forces as your Lordship shall advance towards Munster, there must be a proportion of corn, butter, and cheese provided, and sent from Bristol," and he adds, "I am of opinion that if Her Majesty shall not have occasion to employ the same, the scarcity in Munster is so great that it may be sold there for good gain."

At 1586, January 31, (fn. 32); the Lord Deputy Perrot writes to the Privy Council with reference to the threatened invasion: "This foreign preparation is likely to be bent against Munster, to seize the cities and towns which are very weak." If he shall go thither, there is not so much to be had in Munster as will serve for Perrot's own family, nor yet to feed his horses till grass do grow. Indeed, what by reason of the late wars, and this last bad season, there is not so much to be had as will maintain that one band of 100 men that is under Mr. Thomas Norreys, so that Perrot is enforced to shift them from town to town, where the people receive them with great grief. And at 1586, August 11, (fn. 33) Auditor Jenyson writes to Burghley:—"And Munster lying in effect waste, wherein little revenue will be levied till the same shall be reinhabited."

Again, on July the 13th, 1587, (fn. 34); Wallop says, "Even in these hard years, and dearth of corn and all other necessaries universally, only that province of Connaught hath yielded plenty of cattle and some corn."

Also Sir Ed. Phyton writing to Burghley from Kilmallock, on the 30th July, 1587, (fn. 35); says,—"A general claim is laid to the lands appointed for the undertakers. The country is generally wasted, but yet not a pile or castle in any place but what is full of the poorest creatures that ever I saw, so lean for want of food as wonderful, and yet so idle that they will not work, because they are descended either of kerne, horseman, or galloglas, all three the very subversion of this land." And Sir Richard Byngham says in one place, "I have already turned back many companies of kerne which came towards me from Munster."

In the end of 1587, (fn. 36) among the reasons collected to maintain the action of the undertakers for the peopling of Munster, the writer says, "Those Irish lords are in great poverty and want, and their people not sufficient for the tenth part of their countries, so as in effect all doth lie as it were waste."

Again, Sir William Herbert observes (fn. 37) of Munster, that "the hundredth part is not inhabited."

While the statesmen of England were directing the energy of the nation towards a general colonization in Munster, the reports of the magnitude of the Armada called off attention from Ireland to the urgent necessity of preparation to meet the power of Spain. It is very interesting to read the circumstances recorded in the news brought through Ireland of the various hindrances the Spanish armaments met with. In 1587 the enterprise was deferred till the next year through want of favourable wind. This was exceedingly advantageous to the English, who, now seeing the determination of King Philip and the extent of his resources, used every exertion to get themselves in readiness, so that when at last the Armada sailed it met with a vigorous resistance.

Let us now consider what was the actual progress made in the plantation. Under date 1586, June 17, (fn. 38); we have the plat of the attainted lands in Munster, and how the same were allotted to the undertakers, many of whose names are written in Burghley's hand.

Next we have the copy of the first grant by Queen Elizabeth of the escheated lands in Munster to the undertakers, 1586, June 27, (fn. 39); and the form (fn. 40) of the grant to be passed to the undertakers.

In 1586, June, (fn. 41) we have a note touching the seignories surveyed in the county of Cork. Again, the draft of a grant to the undertakers in Munster, 1587, April [26]. (fn. 42)

In 1587, September 11, (fn. 43) Mr. Solicitor General Roger Wilbraham, writes to the Lords Commissioners for Munster Causes,—"Being employed this summer in Munster commissions, I found most of the undertakers importunate to pass their letters patents, whereupon we were forced to estimate the land unmeasured by ploughlands and other good conjectures, and so to pass them, with a proviso that if upon measure it shall be found of greater quantity, then the patentee to pay rent rateably for that surplusage as for the rest."

The labours of the surveyors were arduous and unthankful. Arthur Robyns writes to Walsyngham on the 17th September 1587 (fn. 44); from Adare, relating his labour in the survey. He says great stones were thrown down from the top of a castle in Condon, which hurt him in the leg. In most places they will neither suffer him to have houseroom nor victual for money. He is ready to beg, and prays for a letter to Wallop that he may have his entertainment.

Then we have Francis Jobson's statement. On the 10th of October 1587 (fn. 45); he made a book of the parcels of land in Munster which he had measured from September 1586 to 10th October 1587, extending over six pages, and containing the name and acreage of every parcel. There is also, by the same Francis Jobson, a map (fn. 46) of the greater county of Limerick, Conyllo, Kenrey, Coshmay, Publybrian, Clanwilliam, Slevewilliam, and the small county of Limerick, with a survey of some of the escheated lands, noted by red lines.

On the 11th of September 1587 (fn. 47) Mr. Solicitor General, Roger Wilbraham, writes to the Lords Commissioners for Munster Causes,—"All the undertakers being departed we adjourned our commission for titles." Thus they had all returned home to England before the equinoctial gales set in.

Again, in June 1588, (fn. 48) Sir William Herbert says:— "Touching the inhabitation of this province's waste and desolate parts (through the attainder of sundry, accrued unto Her Majesty), and by reason of the calamities of the late wars void of people to manure and occupy the same, as it hath been with great reason thought meet to be performed by gentlemen of good ability and disposition out of England, that by their good example, direction, and industry, both true religion, sincere justice, and perfect civility might be here planted, and hence derived and propagated into the other parts of this realm, so the placing amongst this froward and undisciplined people inhabitants so much differing both in manners, language, and country from them, shall be unto them at the first (without doubt), and ever without care had, unpleasant and odious, which will easily be acknowledged by any that weigheth the nature of the action together with the disposition of this nation."

And on the 31st of July 1588 (fn. 49); the Lord Deputy Fytzwylliam writes to Walsyngham, "Munster men greatly expect the coming of the commissioners."

But while we dwell upon the progress of the English plantation in Munster, we must not overlook the fact that there were very many not in the least implicated in the rebellion of the FitzGeralds. Among the loyal Irish who did not take part in the rebellion, we may reckon the Earl of Ormond, the Lord of Cahir and the Butlers, the Earl of Thomond, and the O'Briens, McCarthy More, alias the Earl of Clancarr, McCarthy Reagh, the O'Sullivans, the O'Donoghues, McGillicuddy, the McNamaras, the two McMahons, O'Loughlin, the Knight of Kerry, the Baron of Lixnaw, O'Connor Kerry, McDonough, the O'Kennedies, the Lords Barry, the Lord Roche, the Lord Courcy, the Lord Poer, the Lord of Dunboyne, and Sir James FitzGarret, the Viscount Decies, Sir Comac McTeig McCarthy, O'Driscol, O'Callaghan, O'Keefe, McAwley, O'Mulrian, O'Dwyer, O'Mahon, and the following gentlemen and freeholders of the county of Limerick:— Moriertagh McBrien O'Gonaghe, Morough Keough of Balletarsenye, Brian Buoy, of Castlegard, the Archdeacon of Emly, Pedrus McFeragher, Teig McWilliam McBrian of Kyllnegonny, the sons of Melaghlen Reough, viz., William, John, and Donnell, Donnell McMahon of the Portanes, Donoho Gowe McBrien, of Knock Dalton, and very many others of the small county of Limerick, Coslea, and Pobblebrien.

After Desmond's death the survivors of the Munster rebellion escaped and fled into Connaught and Ulster, where they were not discoverable by the authorities.

And on the 18th of October 1586, (fn. 50) Vice-President Thomas Norreys writes to the Privy Council:—"The province resteth now in perfect quiet, neither troubled with any open outrages or privy stealths, which estate I doubt not but it shall be continued in."

But while the long delays occurred, and the land was running to weeds and producing deep grass, heath, brambles, and furze, (fn. 51); the followers of the Geraldines gained strength and courage to return from their distant retreats and prepare their plausible claims to much of the lands originally set down as escheated.

At 1587, September 11, (fn. 52); Roger Wilbraham writes to the Lords Commissioners for Munster Causes,—"At Cork, Kilmallock, and Clonmel, we spent five weeks in hearing the claims and titles to Her Majesty's land, found by office."

On the 7th of November 1586 (fn. 53) Fenton writes to Burghley from Kinsale:—"The people are most willing to have the attainted lands divided and measured, and therein many of them have been found sound and profitable instruments for Her Majesty, but it goeth hard with them, and not without murmur, to see the commission stretched to inquire of old concealments, such as have lien in their possession many years."

About the 30th of May 1586, (fn. 54); Sir Warhame St. Leger made a note of things to be enquired of in Ireland for Her Majesty's service. And this amongst others:— "There is also another matter of great importance to be enquired of, and that is concerning the Viscount Decies holding of the country called the Decies, in the county of Waterford. And if the Queen's Majesty have not granted unto him a patent of that country, then is Her Highness to be entitled thereunto by the attainder of the late Earl of Desmond, who showed in his lifetime to Sir Henry Sydney, then Lord Deputy of Ireland, and to Sir Warhame Sentleger, then Lord President of Munster, 'a faire Intaile of that Countrie' made to the said Earl and his heirs males of his body lawfully begotten. The which 'intaile' if it be forthcoming (as likelie it is) it will plainly show that country appertained to that Earl. And thereby by his attainder, the Queen's, as is the rest of his living."

On the 8th of October 1587 (fn. 55) Sir Edward Phyton writes to Walsyngham from Gawseworth, that he had come from Ireland by Holyhead, and speaking of Munster, says,—"Her Majesty truly by attainder hath much, and I think so much truly as is certified by the survey primâ facie; but when a man doth enter into the titles, he shall neither find want of deeds forged, nor pardons, nor any untrue suggestions against Her Majesty, so as we were enforced to forbear to intermeddle thoroughly in these causes until we knew farther of Her Majesty's good pleasure."

At 1587, September 11, (fn. 56); Mr. Solicitor General Roger Wilbraham observes in writing to the Lords Commissioners for Munster Causes,—"This is a most plentiful and cheap year of corn to allure the undertakers to bring over many tenants, and none of Her Majesty's lands under any castle but hath Irish tenants now inhabiting, five times so many Irish inhabiting in the county of Limerick as were within this two years, so as within two years more of plenty, there will be little room left for English, for the Irish tenants will take farms with harder conditions than any English can or will."

Sir William Herbert,e (fn. 57); considering the best means of resisting the foreign invasion says,—"And touching resistance here to be made against any forces landing in these parts, Her Highness is to trust either to the Irish forces, or to the English, or to both. To employ therein altogether the Irish seemeth inconvenient, both for that many of them may well be doubted, and for that their kind of armour and furniture, especially in these parts, is far inferior to those that they shall be encountered with. To trust altogether to English bands requireth great forces to be hither sent, and consequently great charge, to trust to both will lessen the charge but double the peril, unless they very well agree. The agreement that already is between them is but very bad, for besides that generally between the old soldiers here and these country people there is no good liking; those two bands of footmen that are in this province are grown into quarrel and dislike with sundry of these parts, as lately there hath been a fray between Mr. Vice-President's (fn. 58) band and the citizens of Cork, and continual jars daily increasing between Sir Edward Denny's band and the townsmen of Youghal, and these jars of discord, howsoever they be salved up for the time, leave scars of discontentment behind them unfit for this time."

On the 5th of October 1587 (fn. 59); Sir John Perrot writes to the Privy Council,—"I learn by my spies that the bad disposed of this land do daily expect the coming of the Spaniards," and details the bare state of the country to resist, notwithstanding all the letters which he has written for supplies.

Sir William Herbert says, (fn. 60);—"The strongest place in this province is Limerick; Her Majesty hath therein some munition, four demi-cannons, one culverin, and a demi-culverin, a minion, and a 'fawlkon' all out of reparations, lying upon the ground, the carriages broken and rotted. Moreover two or three hundred calivers all unserviceable, sundry sheayes of arrows, the feathers gone, through the moisture that hath spoiled them, and some other weapon all in evil case."

That Perrot's active valour and undaunted spirit was not wholly fruitless of good we may learn from Lord Trimleston's letter (fn. 61) to Burghley from Dublin. He says, —"Where heretofore the subjects were not able to be masters of their goods and chattels, by mean of stealths and spoils of the Irishry, now God be thanked their cattle lieth in the fields safe without fear, and all the Irishry as amenable and obedient to the Lord Deputy's direction as any Englishman in the Pale."

Indeed, he brought a new face upon the nation in a short time, and for Leinster there is not much to be said other than is described in Sir John Perrot's declaration of the 29th of June 1588, (fn. 62); that it "stands in reasonably good terms for quietness, save for stealths, robberies, and murders; the Mores increase and Feagh McHugh O'Byrne is upon his guard. The Fox, O'Doyn, and O'Molloy are all quiet; Edmund O'Reilly with open force has lately entered into the county of Longford and slain ten persons and lost himself five or six."

In the last volume we had a full account of the slaughter of the Spaniards and Italians at Smerwick. (fn. 63); Here we have a description of "that singular and notable exploit," (fn. 64) as Sir Henry Wallop terms it, the battle of Ardnary, fought between Sir Richard Byngham and the Scots under Donnell Gorme McDonnell and Alexander Carragh McDonnell. They entered the province of Connaught as Scots, and this is the answer they gave when the Governor, Sir Richard Byngham, probably about the 26th of August 1586, sent a letter to them to ask the cause of their coming into the province to disquiet Her Majesty's subjects; they state (fn. 65) that they are come over Lough Erne with a great number of men, [above 2,000] being drawn in by the Clanwilliams and the Clandonnells, who are their cousins, and that Shan entlevie, son to McWilliam, and Edmund Kykraghe, son to Davie Bane, are with them, to draw them to McWilliam's country, and they shall give them entertainment and the spoil of Connaught. And James's sons have no other shift but to take an enterprise upon themselves for such as will give them most, as all other soldiers in the world do use. And whosoever in Connaught shall forbid or let them thereof, they will not take it at their hands, except they be stronger than they, or of greater power. "This is sufficient, I, Donnell Gorme, I, Alexander Caragh."

The original Irish of this letter is preserved among the manuscripts of the Duke of Northumberland at Alnwick Castle, and is calendared in the Third Report of the Commission on Historical Manuscripts. (fn. 66)

On the 23rd of August 1586 (fn. 67); Wallop wrote to Walsyngham:— The action which Sir R. Byngham hath in hand is in as good forwardness as may be, yet will not my Lord Deputy be dissuaded from going thither, specially having yesterday received a letter from the Earl of Tyrone that the Scots are gone into Connaught.

And further on wrote:— All that are here of the English Council dissuade him what we may.

And:— The reasons that move his Lordship to go as I conceive are two: The first is to pull from Sir Richard Byngham, whom assuredly he hateth, the credit of the service; the second is his greedy desire to gain cows and to spare at home.

On the 30th of August 1586 (fn. 68) Sir R. Byngham wrote to the Chancellor Archbishop Loftus:—

I rode from Don Monye on Saturday towards the Mawghrye in great post, for that I heard the Scots were coming in there, but being come to those parts I had other news, wherefore I struck up wide of Roscommon four or five miles, and by a great journey came to Sligo, two days' journey being above seventy-two miles.

I am advertised that the Scots are at the Erne, about 1,500 of them, and that they surprised Sir Owen McTool upon the sudden, and took from him money, hackneys and shirts of mail, and 500 or 600 cows, which relieves the Scots well, and doth prejudice us much.

The Scots are building a fort upon the passage of the Erne. I have here a hundred or six score horsemen, four hundred footmen, four score kerne, and forty Irish shot. I have written to my Lord Deputy now that I think better for his Lordship to send forces into O'Reilly's country and the Annaly than to come or send hither, for there they shall defend those parts, amaze the enemy, and succour us if need be.

In the discourse which Sir R. Byngham sent to Burghley he narrates: (fn. 69);— After this, having left order in the county of Mayo for the defence of the same, and the prosecuting of the few Burkes there in action, if they should haply stir, I hastened after the Earl myself, having with me a hundred footmen and 25 horsemen, for one hundred footmen I had also sent away before me. But having news that the Scots would that night spoil the Maugherie by Roscommon, I came by a great day's journey with my horsemen into the Maugherie, four miles wide of Roscommon, from whence (understanding contrarily that the Scots were at Sligo) I diverted and came the next day thither, being well near three score English miles, leaving my footmen to follow me. At the abbey of Boyle I met with Sir Thomas Le Strange and others, the risings out of the country, whom I had appointed to be there for the defence of those parts; I left them there still, and came to Sligo the 28th of August. At my coming thither the Scots lay still about the Erne, some on the one side, and some on the other, to the number, as I was advertised, of eighteen hundred or two thousand footmen and a hundred horsemen. For Sir Arthur O'Neill, and Hugh Maguire had aided them with certain forces. So their whole number was above two thousand (as it was said), besides women, boys, churls, and children, whereof they had many and great store of carriages. My coming so soon to Sligo, and the news of the pacification of the county of Mayo, made them stay long about the Erne and Bundrowes, either expecting more forces to come to them, or some broils to be raised in the country behind me, which might cause me to divide my forces, being then 400 footmen, English and Irish, and about three score horsemen, besides the risings out of the country, which were about 100 horsemen and 200 kernes. A force far too weak to have encountered the Scots, except we might have gotten them in a champagne ground, into which like place of disadvantage they had no intention to come, for of my 400 footmen, 300 were Irish, and but newly trained for the most part. I wrote to the Lord Deputy to send me two bands of footmen and fifty horsemen, for that there was no trust in the Irish horsemen, which if they had come in any time, the Scots would never have come into the country at all. I lay at Sligo and at the foot of the Curlews with my said forces fronting the Scots and keeping them from entering into the country, expecting still a supply from the Lord Deputy, the space of 14 or 15 days. The Scots drawing by little and little through O'Rourk's country, upon mountains, woods, and bogs towards the Curlews, intending to pass that way, encamping ever in such places of fastness as we could never come at them without great disadvantage. And at length, although we kept the passages straitly upon them (which to watch well I was driven to divide my companies into two or three several places far distant), yet in an exceeding foul and tempestuous and dark night, they deceived us, for after we had watched for their coming till ten of the clock at night, hearing they had removed their camp and were either going away, or coming towards us over night, by reason of the abundance of rain which fell, and O'Connor Sligo's words, which assured us they were in camp for that night, we left to watch any longer, and bestowed ourselves into places of succour; shortly after which time they having as I think both good spies and good guides, stole towards the bridge of Collooney [Kuluonye], which to defend I had left 50 Irish horsemen, and my footmen hard by, and conveyed 300 or 400 of themselves over the bridge before the footmen came at them, who as soon as they came beat them from the bridge, and won it, the said Irish horsemen doing no service at all. The alarm being up, I being a mile from them at Knockmillen, being another passage, where it was supposed they would sooner pass there than at the bridge, came in with my horsemen, even as our footmen had gotten the bridge, which bridge we made account had been the only way that they might have passed there, but they contrarily, stole over a ford never before known to any of that country, not far from the bridge. The ground was ill for horsemen, yet I served upon them, and killed and drowned about forty or fifty of them. The most of my horsemen failed me, some by reason they were far absent, and some by reason they had no will to fight, which was the Irishry. But my own household men, the Earl of Clanricard, and two or three of his men, Sir Thomas Le Strange, and his household men, and Mr. Barkley, with some five others, served with me; they hurt and killed divers of our horses, and some of our men, with a shower of arrows, and gat up the mountains. And so we were constrained for that time to leave them. They being thus escaped I dismissed the Earl, Sir Thomas Le Strange, and all the risings out, for I found that the Irishry did me more hurt than good. And with the 400 footmen and the garrison horsemen, being about 50, I pursued the Scots the next day, and dogged them still, till the supply which my Lord Deputy sent me, being 200 footmen and 40 horsemen, came to me.

Now after the Scots had thus passed the bridge of Collooney onwards their way towards the county of Mayo, myself somewhat moved with the insufficiency and naughty dealing of the Irish forces, which we call risings out, I thought good for that I knew it would like them all, to discharge them, and send them home every man to his country. For they were to me a great trouble and very chargeable, and during their being in my company, I could keep no enterprize secret, as yet but mean men when they come to action, as appeared by that night, for at the charge they forsook us all. And after they were thus dismissed home, I removed with my own ordinary forces into the barony of Tireragh, which I did most chiefly to save the prey of that country which was very great, leaving the great mountains of Slewgau on my left hand, which before were on my right hand, and marched eight miles deep into the said barony, which barony is twenty miles long of plain ground, and some bog, all along the sea coast, and came to a town called Ardglass, where I encamped the second night. And having intelligence of mine espials that the enemy encamped on the other side of the mountain not far from an abbey called Banned, in a marvellous fast and strong ground, I took good guideship with me, and passed the same mountains with all such forces as I had, and came to lodge at a town that night called Occonrou [Achonry], a see town of the Bishop O'Hart's. At my being there, news was brought me that the enemy was marching up through Gallen towards the inner and civil countries, as that of my Lord Bermingham's and the country of Roscommon, whereupon I hasted me, and brought ourselves by a great day's march, to a castle called Moyigarie, which castle lies to answer the strait in the forefoot of them, which way they must pass to the places aforesaid. This I did to prevent the harm that might have come to the county of Roscommon and the civil places of the province, as also in hope to meet with some of the supply of forces sent me from my Lord Deputy, having three weeks before sent out my men for them. Being arrived at Moyigary, the Monday about three in the afternoon, news was brought me from by brother, by his subsheriff, that the Vice-president of Munster's hundred men, under their leader Lieutenant Hunt, and fifty of Sir William Stanley's was past the Curlews, whereupon I despatched my messengers to them, and they came in to me the same night. The morrow after, being Tuesday, I removed to Castlemore in the barony of Costello a four miles from thence, a place as commodious to answer the service as the other was. Here came in to me the other fifty of Sir William Stanley's, under their leader Lieutenant Jacques, and fifty of Sir George Bowrchier's under their leader Lieutenant Day, and twentyfive horsemen of Sir H. Harrington's, and fifteen of Mr. Wyngfeld's. These were brought in by Captain Green O'Molloy, whom I had sent out a week before for that purpose; at this place we should have been somewhat distressed for want of beef, had not Captain Woodhouse supplied us, whom I had before sent out to seek for some in the plains. Here we lay, Tuesday night, and Wednesday, till it was noon, before our men could kill their beef and prepare it to refresh themselves with, and by the time it was 12 o'clock the espials came in, which we had sent out to discover the enemy, who brought us news that at their last remove from Cloncarne they took their way towards Ardnary in the barony of Tireragh, which stands upon the bank of the river of Moyne.

On the 27th of September (fn. 70) the Chancellor Archbishop Loftus, Robert Gardener, Edward Brabazon, and Geff. Fenton, Privy Councillors, write to Burghley:—

Upon the late repair of the Scots into Connaught, and the Lord Deputy's pretending a vehement desire to draw thither in person for their expulsion, it was made a question in Council, partly by our urging, whether it were more convenient for Her Majesty's service, that his Lordship should undertake that journey or to remain at home, sending to the Governor there competent forces to answer that service. Upon the debating of this question in two or three several consultations, it was drawn at last to this issue and resolution, that for many weighty reasons alleged by us, gathered partly from the wavering disposition of the time and partly to avoid unnecessary charges [to] Her Majesty, it was agreed his Lordship should remain at home, and countenance Sir Richard Byngham with two bands of footmen and fifty horse, which was all the forces he required to end that war. This consultation was entered as an act in the Council Book, and subscribed by us and the Treasurer, who, if he were not now in Munster, would join with us in the report thereof. Nevertheless, his Lordship retaining still his first desire, and oftentimes afterwards renewing the same in Council, to the end to draw our consents, and lingering still the sending of the said bands to Sir Richard Byngham, as appeared from time to time by Sir Richard's letters. Resolved at last to make a journey into Connaught in person, both contrary to the former consultations made on Her Majesty's behalf, and without any apparent necessity of service, which, when we eftsoons stood against in Council, his Lordship answered that at least he would but make a progress journey into some parts of the Pale to pass away the time, or to Athlone at the farthest, whereunto some of us consented, being not able to stay him.

On the 28th of September (fn. 71); Fenton writes to Walsyngham that—

The Lord Deputy has drawn all the soldiers out of Munster, except twenty-five, and complains of a late hard dealing offered to some of the Council by the Lord Deputy in rifling their letters and retaining them almost twenty hours.

On the 29th (fn. 72) also Fenton wrote to Burghley from Dublin:—

The Lord Deputy by drawing so great a force with him from all parts to Athlone, hath left most places of charge within the realm and the Pale itself, disfurnished and open to danger, whereby any bad pretence of minds, badly inspired, may, with good opportunity be executed even upon this city and castle,—places which in other times of peril have been with great care provided for. Besides his Lordship assembling upon the sudden so great an army for so light a matter as to go seek the Scots in Connaught, whom he knew the Governor there held short for doing any harm, and would ere now have ended the work with them, if his Lordship had sent him forces, hath stirred the minds of the people to further jealousies than before, which assuredly in this unsound and doubtful time might have been forborn.

On the same day (fn. 73); Fenton wrote to Walsyngham:—

I have forborn in my former letters to write of the matters of Connaught, but chiefly of the late descending of the Scots and their insolent pretences, boasting proudly that they came to invade that country and inhabit it, for which purpose they were combined with the Burkes of Mayo, or M'William's country, and had many other confederates in other parts of the province. Sir Richard Byngham made head against them at the beginning, and with the forces he prepared in the province withstood their entry a long time, hoping that upon the coming of two bands of footmen and 50 horse, which he often wrote for hither, and in truth were overlong detained from him, he would either fight with them or drive them to retire with shame. In this sort he hath lien all this while very near them, rather defending their further incursions and striving to draw them to some place of advantage, than that he was in case to put it to a fight, but to his great disadvantage, for they were 1,500 or 1,600 at the least, and he not above 400 or 500 footmen and 100 horse at the most, and the greatest number Irish. At last about the 22nd of this month, the said two bands of footmen and 50 horse being come to him, having before discharged the risings out of the country, and dismissed them to their dwellings, he gave a very resolute charge upon the Scots, and so maintained it that he slew and drowned between 1,300 and 1,400 of them, not leaving of all sorts above 100 to carry news.

On the 23rd of September Byngham writes (fn. 74) from Ardnary to the Lord Deputy Perrot, describing his success:—

May it please your Honour, by my last letters to your Lordship from Ardglass, I advertised you that the Scots, having passed over the water of Collooney into Slievdhawe, were in the mountains, in O'Gara's country. After the writing whereof, I removed from thence to the castle of Moygharee, where the Vice-President's company, and some of Sir William Stanley's band came to me the 19th of this month, there I did understand the Scots were come to the nether part of M'Costello's country, and had an intent to pass through the same into the county of Ros[comm]on to take the prey of it, whereupon I removed from thence to Castlemore, in M'Costello's country, to cut betwixt them and home that way, and to be ready to encounter them. The 20th of September, Lieutenant Jacques came to me to this place with the rest of Sir William Stanley's band, Sir George Bourchier's fifty, with their officers, and the band of horsemen your Lordship sent me. There I had intelligence that the Scots were in Cowlcarny, in some place near the river of Moy. And to the end I might make short work with them, and not lie still with the forces, I marched to the Abbey of Bannada in the highway towards them, where my spial brought me certain word that they were at Killdermot or at Ardnary, persuading and practising with the Burkes of Tyrawly to join with them. Here they made proclamation that Connaught was their own, that I was gone to Roscommon, and that all my forces gave me over, and that therefore such of the country as would come unto them should be received and take no hurt. The 21st of September, about two of the clock after midnight, I removed from Bannada, and understanding by my spial that the Scots were at Ardnary, I took my way directly thither through the mountains, which I passed with all my company of horse and footmen, with our carriages, not without great difficulty and pains. And about ten of the clock on Thursday the 22nd of this month, in the morning, when we came in their view, I made towards them with the horsemen, and sent half a dozen to see the ground where they were, and to know how they stood. Hereupon the Scots issued out, and ranged themselves in order, and made toward us, whereupon we charged their "vowarde," and beat them into their "battaill," and killed many of them and drove them into a bog, and having some shot a horseback, kept them play until the loose shot and the main "battayle" of the footmen came in, and then we all charged them again, and overthrew and defeated their whole company; they fled before us to the river side, which was hard by, where we killed and drowned them all, saving about four score, who stripped themselves and swam over into Tyrawly [le]aving their weapon and garments behind them.

And adds:—
"They had no place to fly from us but to the river, and as soon as they came thither, our shot beat them from their footing, and the force of the stream carried them to the sea. A number of their bodies lie dead upon the rocks in the shallow places of the river, and many in the fields."

This is the certainty of this day's service and "now we need not to fear the Scots in Connaught any more."

In the same despatch Byngham says, (fn. 75) —"In this service I had none but such as were in Her Majesty's pay, for I turned home all the rising out, for that they did me no good at the meeting at Collooney, and I would I never had had any of them, for they were very troublesome unto me and put me to great charges. I think we are here five hundred men by the pole and fourscore horse."

In his discourse, Sir Richard Byngham says, (fn. 76);—"The number of their fighting men slain and drowned that day, we estimated and numbered to be fourteen or fifteen hundred, besides boys, women, churles, and children, which could not be so few as so many more and upwards."

Captain Thomas Woodhouse says, (fn. 77); he was never so weary of slaying men, "for as fast as he could he did but hough them and paunch them, sometimes on horseback and sometimes on foot," the time not permitting him to dispense the coup de grace to the victims, and when all was over they counted the victory at the half rate and reckoned but 900 slain, when it really turned out that the numbers of the foe were double. There is no reason to suppose that these Scots wanted in any of the qualities of their race, except, perhaps, that their generals were young. The English were weary with all night's painful marching through the mountains, and the Scots were in camp and quite ready for battle, drawing out their line with confidence.

On the 6th of October, Sir R. Byngham wrote to Burghley:— (fn. 78)

Having now thoroughly ended the service in the county of Mayo against the Burkes, as also having overthrown and utterly slain the Scots, their auxiliaries, who in their quarrel invaded this province, with an intention to inhabit the same, I have, as in duty I stand bound, sent your Honour the large and true discourse thereof, in perusing whereof your Lordship shall easily find how hardly I have been dealt withal, and yet notwithstanding all the devices of mine enemies all things have fallen out well in Her Majesty's service, to the benefit of the State. It was long before I could get the small supply which the Lord Deputy sent me; if they had come sooner to me the service would have been sooner exploited; my Lord Deputy, notwithstanding the service is done and thoroughly determined before he came nigh to the province, yet he is repaired to Galway, but to what end I know not; I pray God his coming encourage not some of the bad affected Irishry to begin a new broil; that it will much spoil the province I am well assured, for both his horsemen and footmen must feed on the country, contrary to the composition. I would all things were done to a good end, the country favoured and the service followed without affection to private gain or emulation of well-doing. I think my Lord Deputy intended not to have sent the supply to me till he had come himself. I levied 300 of footmen within the province, yet the charges thereof and also of divers horsemen in like sort is defrayed without any charge to Her Majesty or the country, other than with the goods and preys of the rebels taken and on their expenses. And so was also the winning of the castle Ne Calley and divers others, as also that great strong castle of Mahon O'Brien's without any charge to her Majesty. How the revenues and casualties of the province are issued I will make known to your Honour by a just and true book which I will send shortly.

On the 18th October, (fn. 79) Sir Richard Byngham wrote in answer to Sir Henry Wallop:— Sir, I have received your letter dated at Enniscorthy the 12th of this month, wherein you are desirous to understand from me the cause of my Lord Deputy's repair into this province (the service being here ended before he came near to the same). I assure you, Sir, the only cause hereof was, for aught that I can learn, an earnest desire that he had to hear complaints, and to gather matter against me, whereby he might have made me the author of the stirs and broils late commoted by the Burkes, for the which purpose the inferior ministers employed in this action, viz., Barkley, Theobald Dillon, Ricard Oge M'Jonyn, and such like, ceased not to solicit the country on all hands to come to Galway to exhibit their complaints against me. But as I was altogether free from that offence, so was I altogether left untouched with any such complaints, which, falling out contrary to my Lord Deputy's expectation, forced his Lordship to fall into an unquiet fever, whereof he lay sick certain days in Galway. His Lordship might have been satisfied in this matter at Dublin, and needed not to have come into Connaught for it, for he hath seen the articles exhibited by the Burkes when they were in the action, containing the cause of their grief, and the sum of their demands to be for a M'William.

On the 15th of November (fn. 80); Sir Henry Wallop wrote to Burghley, in answer to his of the 22nd of October:—

Whereas your Lordship writeth that my Lord Deputy findeth himself grieved with a direction sent hither by Mr. Secretary Fenton that in matters of government and state, he should use the advice of the councillors here and do nothing without the assent of the most of them, I marvel nothing at all thereat, when I consider his disposition and desire to be wholly absolute, which he continually expresseth. Albeit indeed the restraint he received was not otherwise than that he should be advised by the most of us in matters of charge, weight, and importance. But some minds think themselves yoked if they have their wills circumscribed within the limits of reason. For as for the imputing of his stay of going into Connaught to have been a hindrance to Her Majesty's service, the sequel of things, and the reasons which induced us to dissuade his Lordship from that journey, do sufficiently stop that surmise; I could, with all my heart, wish him free from that humour of doing all of himself. For it is dangerous for him, and the course that is set him, is most for his ease and safety, if he consider it well. And his repining and grieving thereat with blaming of us, doth urge us in discharge of our duties and in our own defence, to say that which otherwise we should not need to allege, howbeit (for my part) so long as Her Majesty shall please to use my littleworthy service here, I have proposed to myself a direct and plain way, by true and honest actions and counsels to discharge my fidelity and duty to Her Highness, to the best of my skill, respecting little any particular pleasing or mislike in balance therewith, which principally I say unto your Lordship, because myself was one of them that advised his Lordship's stay from that journey. For having consideration of the dangerousness of the time, both in respect of doubts of foreign invasion, and of the discovery of the great and important practises there, which might have stretched hither, of the increase of charge to Her Majesty, of the heavy burthen to the country that his Lordship's carriages in harvest time especially would be; of the forces of the enemy which Sir Richard Byngham had advertised us of, and that no example of any Deputy before could be produced that for any motion of Scots, had in person gone into that province, and yet they were sundry times overthrown there, as of late memory both by Sir Edward Fyton and by Sir Nicholas Malbie. My Lord Chancellor, Mr. Gardener, the Chief Justice of the King's Bench, Sir Robert Dillon, Chief Justice of the Common Pleas, Mr. Marshal, myself, Sir Edward Waterhous, Mr. Brabazon, and Mr. Secretary Fenton, were of opinion that his Lordship should not need to trouble himself and the country for that service. The rather for that Sir Richard Byngham both in his letters public and private (as one knowing best the state of the province which he governeth) did gravely seek to advise his Lordship's stay and the sending only of some forces. Upon debating whereof, it was first concluded, that besides the bands newly erected for that service, Mr. Vice-president's company being at Limerick and Sir William Stanley's being also in Munster, and meet therefore to be drawn into Connaught, should be directed thither to strengthen Sir Richard's forces. Nevertheless after upon new advertisements of the increase of the number of Scots, and another assembly of Council we determined that for a supply, half of Sir George Bowrchier's band, half of Sir Henry Bagenall's and half Wareham Sentleger's should be sent thither, by which companies, we nothing doubted but that service might have been very well performed, directions being sent in time for their repair thither, according to our resolution. But my Lord Deputy having still an unquenchable desire to go into the province all our determinations fell to be short. For the 9th of September, which day I was to take my journey towards Munster; for the accomplishing of the commissions directed to me and others concerning the bounding and meting the attainted lands in Munster; his Lordship assembled the Council eftsoons, and there, proposing again the necessity of his repair into Connaught to repress the Scots, both the Chief Justices being gone in their circuits and Mr. Marshal home into the North, it was agreed unto by my Lord Chancellor, Sir Lucas Dillon, Sir Nicholas White, and Sir Edward Waterhous, that it was expedient for his Lordship to go towards the Borders of the province as far as Athlone or Roscommon, to give the enemy occasion of fear at least, and to have with him the residue of Sir George Bowrchier's band and Mr. Sentleger's, yet myself, Mr. Brabazon, and Mr. Secretary, continuing in our former opinions for the reasons above mentioned, and of that mind still are both the Chief Justices and the Marshal. And having by most voices so prevailed, his Lordship did accordingly set forward his journey, to his own trouble and peril (as it fell out) by sickness, the great toil and charge of his company attending him, the burthen not only of the Borders of the Pale, in that he levied the forces of the county of Westmeath, but most especially of the province after the exploit done, which might have been very well forborne and spared, if it had pleased his Lordship rather to respect the good and faithful advice of such as were no way interested in the matter, other than for the service of Her Majesty than those other passions which he cannot, nor careth not to bridle before us; who in duty and conscience, have to make no comparison between the pleasing of him and the service of Her Highness, in which as well we, as he, are employed, though he worthily, and of Her Majesty's special trust, be chiefly placed to direct the whole.

On the 5th of December (fn. 81) Sir R. Byngham wrote to Burghley:—

I am hardly dealt withal by my Lord Deputy in many things, especially in bad speeches and uncourteous terms, such as for modesty's sake I omit to write here.

On the 15th of December (fn. 82); Sir R. Byngham, complained in his letter to the Privy Council, of the many reproaches cast on him by the Lord Deputy, as tending to disable him from doing that service to Her Majesty which he might.

On the 17th of January (fn. 83); Sir R. Byngham wrote that Burghley's comfortable letters of December 4th had revived him from his great grief and sorrow.

We have also a plat of the counties of Sligo and Mayo with the confines of other countries, and the place where the Scots made their entry on the 24th of August with their line of march, and proceedings noted till the day of their overthrow, September the 22nd. (fn. 84)

No one can find fault with the manly reply of these young Scots, but at the same time it must be admitted that they left no choice to the Governor of Connaught. Dr. O'Donovan, in a note to his admirable edition of the Four Masters, year 1586, page 1850, says, "It is curious to remark how treacherous all his [Byngham's] attacks have been;" but when we refer to the full narrative of his proceedings, and come to consider the delays which Perrot put to the despatch of the bands which he had promised to send, it appears evident that it was rather necessity than treachery which determined his conduct, and when we read the account of the behaviour of the Irish risings out at Collooney, (fn. 85) we cannot wonder that Byngham wrote, "I found that the Irishry did me more hurt than good," and sent his disaffected auxiliaries home while he tarried till he obtained the English bands from the Pale.

It is, before all things, requisite that people should know they have not been overreached by treachery; brave men will always acknowledge that, although they and their adversaries did each their best, the conflict ended in favour of one side or the other, and if they find themselves placed by circumstances on the losing side, either by inferior arms, want of ammunition, unfavourable weather, or shortness of numbers, none are more ready than the brave to make the best of misfortune.

On the 29th of September 1586, (fn. 86); Fenton writes to Walsyngham:—"Touching the gentleman under whose virtue and conduct this overthrow of the Scots was done, I doubt not but your Honour will prefer his commendation and credit according to his desert, and in this point I must say for him that he hath need both of comfort and countenance from thence, having reaped here the contrary, even almost to the overthrowing of his mind, which is the measure that is also yielded to others of us here with more and more indignities."

There was much unfriendliness between Perrot and Byngham. Both have been very much maligned, but Perrot has excited a great deal of sympathy, his grating stone (fn. 87); and other infirmities may have helped considerably to irritate his mind and make him objectionable to other leading characters, and he, doubtless, assumed a too arbitrary power.

At the same time he seems to have persecuted Byngham without either cause or object, and to have followed up his persecution in a very objectionable manner. Without question Byngham may have had his faults, but all the charges brought against him seem most untenable. He certainly slaughtered the Scots at Ardnary, but they were the subjects of a Sovereign at peace with Queen Elizabeth.

That Byngham was a hard plodding English reformer is evident from the passage at p. 199, line 12. Now and then some [one] would cast out a word and say that this new Governour would shortly make their churl their master." After this we need not wonder that he had many enemies, although both this and the next document (fn. 88) show what consideration the higher people of the province held him in.

Much has been written on the subject of Lacustrine habitations, (fn. 89); their use and the date at which they may have been in existence. We will here contemplate a few circumstances respecting the capture and razing of one or two of them in Lough Mask.

Sir Richard Byngham in his discourse (fn. 90); says:— "At this time, amongst all others, it seemed that Thomas Roe Burke, one of the chief gentlemen, held himself discontented, for this Thomas Roe Burke, during our abode at Donnemoney, kept himself within a strong castle of his own, standing in an island on Lough Mask, within sight of the place where we were, refusing to come at us, notwithstanding we had sent for him divers times. Knowing the said Thomas Roe (fn. 91) to be a sure pledge for all his sept, I dealt with the sheriff for his apprehension; he not long after sent his sub-sheriff to put the same in execution, who was resisted and hurt by the said Thomas, and by reason thereof killed the said Thomas Roe.

"Hereupon the sons of Edmund Burke of Castle Barry with Edmund Keecraghe Burke and divers others gathered themselves together and entered into a castle in Lough Mask and manned the same, and also the said Thomas Roe's castle, which after the death of the said Thomas was in the possession of his brother Richard Burke, otherwise called the "paile of Ireland," keeping the said castle in rebellious manner and utterly refusing to come at me. About this time I lay at the siege of Cloon-oan in Thomond, kept against Her Majesty by Mahon O'Brien.

"Within seven days I expugned the castle, slew Mahon O'Brien and his men, and from thence marched to Castle Ne Callye, within which the traitorous Burkes had enclosed themselves. At my first coming I parleyed with them, advising them to remember the obedience which they owed unto Her Majesty. But they, minding (fn. 92); nothing less than to submit, said they would not do any hurt but keep themselves there in safety, whereupon I besieged them in the said castle—a strong round fortress erected in the midst of Lough Mask, upon a small compass of ground so scanted by the wall that scarce a landing place was left unto the same. The siege was all by water, in boats, and could not be otherwise laid, but I was forced by reason of contrary weather, which much favoured them, to leave the attempt, with the loss of one of my boats and two or three of my men, and myself and others being in the same, hardly escaping. They got my boat and one other boat of their own, and before I could return to charge them with a fresh supply from the land, they shipped themselves, and with great celerity escaped to the woods, fearing, that at the next charge I should have won the castle. These traitors being thus escaped to the woods out of Castle Ne Callye, their accomplices also fled out of the other castle, both which and one strong pile of Ferraugh McDonnell's, I razed to the ground, for that they were not fit to be kept by the English, and very dangerous to be in the possession of the Irish."

Amongst the documents calendared in this volume is a very remarkable memorial of matters of Ireland. (fn. 93) It is a chronicle of Irish affairs kept by Lord Burghley for 55 years, from the very commencement of his political career in 1531 till July 1586, when his frequent sickness and failing vigour compelled him to relinquish the long continued task.

The Armada could not get to England either in 1586 or 1587 on account of the adverse winds which prevailed during all the period of summer.

The question may be asked what has the business of the long preparation and despatch of the Spanish Armada to do with the state of Ireland and its history. It may be answered that it shows that Ireland, although distant from the continent of Europe, has always had, as well as England, an important place in all European questions, and has been affected by the ambitions and disputes of other countries, which at first sight would appear to have little relation to it, so here the whole energy of the English Government and people was absorbed in preparations to withstand the immense armament that was coming, and could not go on with the colonization of Munster, which consequently almost collapsed.

Here is a little sentence from Perrot's letter to the Privy Council of the 31st of January 1585–6: (fn. 94) —"And herein I would wish your Lordships to consider the winds and weather, how untowardly they have framed this year (i.e., last year, 1585, for this was written before March) for as some have 'lien' at Chester nine weeks to come over hither, so hath there been no passage hence these six weeks."

On the 2nd of November 1586 (fn. 95); James Horre of Waterford and another captain who came in a bark of Conquete bound to Drogheda state in their examinations, that 300 sail of Spaniards started for Ireland under the command of a son of the Duke of Alva, and afterwards were withdrawn back again into Spain, and that the King caused them to be stayed and their men discharged for this time.

On the 27th of April 1587 Drake writes to Walsyngham, (fn. 96);—"I assure your Honor the like preparation was never heard of, nor known, as the King of Spain hath and daily maketh to invade England." "His provisions of bread and wines are so great as will suffice 40,000 men a whole year."

We learn from George Woode's news of the 21st of August 1587, (fn. 97) that Sir Francis Drake's ordnance carried a longer range than the Spanish, and the Marquis of Santa Cruz by sea did send seven gallies to relieve the fort of Cascaes, notwithstanding never a one of the gallies did pursue Sir Francis Drake, nor durst not, because he did overreach them with his shot.

On the eve of his departure Perrot was enabled to send the intelligence, (fn. 98) that the great Spanish Admiral the Marquis de Santa Cruz is dead.

His death was a great disappointment to the King and to the officers serving in the Armada, which he had been appointed to command, for he was esteemed a good and brave officer.

In the middle of April Sir Francis Drake destroyed a new ship of 1,200 tons burthen belonging to the Marquis de Santa Cruz, and a ship of 250 tons laden with wines for the King's provision, together with 31 ships more, which bred such a chagrin in the heart of the Marquis that he never enjoyed a good day after, but shortly died of extreme grief and sorrow. (fn. 99);

Although Perrot's official connection with Ireland ceased on the 2nd of July, when he left Dublin and sailed for his Castle of Carew in Pembrokeshire, it may not be without some interest to note a few circumstances relating to him after that event.

When the charge of high treason was preferred against him, he was at first confined in the Lord Treasurer Burghley's house. He wrote to Burghley from the Strand, relating his service during his government in Ireland, as the suppression of tanistry, and causing the land to descend according to the course of the common law, instead of the decrees of the Brehon laws, and prayed his Lordship to be a mean to Her Majesty to cast Her gracious eyes upon his afflicted mind, who never offended her in word or deed.5 (fn. 100);

From Lord Burghley's house he was sent to the Tower; his impeachment was abetted by the Chancellor, Archbishop Loftus, whom he had disobliged by endeavouring to appropriate the revenues of St. Patrick's Church (fn. 101) to the new intended University of Trinity College, Dublin.

In minutes for a letter, dated March 12, 1591, (fn. 102); occurs the following notice:—"Sir John Perrott, Sir Thomas Williams, Sir Nicholas White, and Philip Williams are sent to the Tower; some accuse them deeply, others ascribe it to the Lord Chancellor [Hatton], Sir John's adversary."

A special commission tried him in 1592, and he was found guilty and sent back to the Tower. His will is dated the 3rd of May 1592.

On the 3rd of May 1592, (fn. 103); the Earl of Essex requests Burghley to write something that he may show the Queen in favour of Sir John Perrot, as Her Majesty is earnestly pressed to have sentence pronounced against him; and on the 27th of May (fn. 104) Sir Thomas Perrot wrote to Burghley, begging him to prevail with the Queen to stay judgment against his father.

He was respited by the Queen, who was well persuaded of the injustice done to him; he subsequently fell ill and died a natural death in September of the same year, at the age of 65.

In conclusion, I have to thank those many friends whose continued interest in this Calendar has much cheered me in the arduous task.

Hans C. Hamilton.

19th September 1877.