Elizabeth I: volume 126, October 1586

October 1586

Oct. 1.

44. Petition of Catherine Carye, widow, to Burghley, for payment of a remain due to her husband, Peter Carye, who was slain by the Scots at the taking of the Castle of Dunluce, whereof he was constable. p. 1.

Oct. 2.

45. Note of Irish suitors for debts. p. 1.

Oct. 3.

46. Note of suitors for Irish debts. p. 1.

Oct. 3.

47. Note of money due and paid to Irish suitors. p. 1.

Oct. 3.

48. Abstract of munition in Ireland, and of the supplies now required. p. 1.

Oct. (3 ?).

49. Another copy. p. 1.

Oct. 3.

50. Petition of Stephen Segar to Burghley, touching payment of 130l. for the repairing and building of the castle at Blackwater. p. 1.

Oct. 3.

51. Another petition of the same S. Segar. p. 1.

Oct. 5. Youghal.

52. Thomas Norreys, Wallop, Jesse Smythes, Ch. Calthorpe, Roger Wilbraham, Lancelot Alford, and James Golde, commissioners for survey of the attainted lands in Munster, to Lord Burghley, Sir Christopher Hatton, Sir Walter Mildmay, and Sir Francis Walsyngham. Upon receipt of your Honours' letters and Her Majesty's commissions for the meting and bounding into seigniories of Her Majesty's escheated and attainted lands, within this province, which came unto our hands the second of the last month, we prepared ourselves, with as much speed as conveniently we might, to repair into these parts, and accordingly met at Dungarvan the 21st of the same, where we remained eight days, in meting the one half of the lands we are informed to be assigned to Sir Chr. Hatton, and from thence departed to Lismore and Youghal, at both which places we have stayed these eight days more in meting and bounding such lands as we hear Sir Walter Rawley is to have, which hath been exceeding difficult and painful, by reason that the lands having been long waste are generally overgrown with deep grass, and in most places with heath, brambles, and furze, whereby and by the extremity of rain and foul weather, that hitherto we have found, we have been greatly hindered in our proceeding. And therefore and for the avoiding of Her Majesty's charge, so much as in us lieth, the days waxing very short, and winter now so near approaching, and for that we find all the gentlemen undertakers, and their associates, that came hither to be again departed into England, we have thought meet to surcease from further dealing therein until the spring, minding to return, and to leave Mr. Robbyns and another meter with him to proceed in meting so well as they may during the winter time, and Mr. Thomas Wiseman, with the books of survey, to aid and instruct them, and to perfect the bounds of the lands, who, the commissions being left with us the vice-president, Capt. Thomas Norreys and Justice Smythes, shall have our aid and assistance, as they shall need the same. And at the spring when the undertakers shall be returned, and the season meeter for our purpose, we do then mind, to meet in the province again, and so to proceed to the full execution of Her Majesty's said commissions upon receipt of Her Majesty's articles and your Honour's directions. In the meantime we are to let your Honours understand, that whereas Her Majesty was intituled to sundry ploughlands, by office found at the time of the last being here in commission of me the treasurer, Sir Valentine Browne, and the rest, it now appeareth unto us in bounding the same, we are and shall he driven to lose divers parcels thereof, by reason of sundry claims of jointures and other titles that are challenged in the said lands. But now by new inquiries that everywhere, as we go, we do make, we do find divers other parcels that formerly were not found, and doubt not but as we shall further proceed we shall find more. [Indorsed, Entred.] pp. 2.

Oct. 6. Roscommon.

53. Sir R. Byngham to Burghley. Having now thoroughly ended the service in the county of Mayo against the Burkes, as also having overthrown and utterly slain the Scots, their auxiliaries, who in their quarrel invaded this province, with an intention to inhabit the same. I have, as in duty I stand bound, sent your Honour the large and true discourse thereof, in perusing whereof your Lordship shall easily find how hardly I have been dealt withal, and yet notwithstanding all the devices of mine enemies all things have fallen out well in Her Majesty's service, to the benefit of the State. It was long before I could get the small supply which the Lord Deputy sent me; if they had come sooner to me the service would have been sooner exploited; my Lord Deputy, notwithstanding the service is done and thoroughly determined before he came nigh to the province, yet he is repaired to Galway, but to what end I know not; I pray God his coming encourage not some of the bad affected Irishry to begin a new broil; that it will much spoil the province I am well assured, for both his horsemen and footmen must feed on the country, contrary to the composition. I would all things were done to a good end, the country favoured and the service followed without affection to private gain or emulation of well-doing. I think my Lord Deputy intended not to have sent the supply to me till he had come himself. I levied 300 of footmen within the province, yet the charges thereof and also of divers horsemen in like sort is defrayed without any charge to Her Majesty or the country, other than with the goods and preys of the rebels taken, and on their expenses. And so was also the winning of the castle Ne Calley and divers others, as also that great strong castle of Mahon O'Brien's without any charge to Her Majesty. How the revenues and casualties of the province are issued I will make known to your Honour by a just and true book which I will send shortly. Incloses,

53. I. A discourse of the services done by Sir Richard Byngham in the county of Mayo, within the province of Connaught, for the quieting of the said country, the suppression of such of the Burkes as revolted there, and the overthrow of the Scots who lately invaded the same province, in July, August, and September 1586.

In September 1585, at a sessions holden at Donnemoney, in the county of Mayo, by me and mine associates, commissioners within this province, Sir Nicholas White, Master of the Rolls, then present, and employed with us for the perfecting of the last composition, the said county stood generally on good and quiet terms, without any tokens of alteration, and the most of the gentlemen and freeholders of that shire resorted thither very willingly, nevertheless when they perceived that the names and superiorities of their chief lords, and especially of M'William, should, by validity of the said composition, cease and extinguish, it somewhat disliked divers of them, who not long before expostulated the same. At this time, amongst all others, it seemed that Thomas Roe Burke, one of the chief gentlemen of that sept, held himself discontented, either for that or else because his kinsmen, Moyler Burke and Tibbot Reagh, were kept in durance, upon good presumptions that they laboured the drawing of Scots into this province. For this Thomas Roe Burke, during our abode at Donnemoney, kept himself within a strong castle of his own standing in an island on Lough Mask within sight of the place where we were, refusing to come at us, notwithstanding we had sent for him divers times, by which I suspected that if I did not warily prevent it, some stirs might haply arise in those parts, for the Burkes they had ever been very bad persons and such as very hardly contained themselves two years together within the bounds of due obedience. And herewithal I saw that if some two or three of the most dangerous men of that name might be cut off, or else be taken and kept in hold, the country would stand on the "more faster" assurance of quiet, wherefore upon my return to Roscommon I devised for the safety of the said country. And knowing the said Thomas Roe to be a sure pledge for all his sept, I dealt with the sheriff for his apprehension, he not long after sent his sub-sheriff to put the same in execution, who was resisted and hurt by the said Thomas, and by reason thereof killed the said Thomas Roe. This man thus slain was nothing missed, nor much lamented,—no not even of his own kindred,—only it misliked most Francis Barkley, provost marshal of this province, and Theobald Dillon, the collector of Her Majesty's composition rents; for these men had gotten in those parts horses and hackneys and great store of land of many the lewd and illdisposed persons there, upon conditions to maintain them in all their causes, which also upon like conditions they were daily in hope to augment and increase. And the better to win credit with the ill-qualitied and to bring their purposes to pass, they repaired from one to another or sent to them, signifying that they would repair to Dublin and procure all their pardons, which, as they said, would easily be obtained, and the rather, in their opinion, for that the Lord Deputy loved not me but would do anything to cross and disgrace me. But in the meantime they willed them in any case not to come to any officer but to be upon their keeping, and take heed whom they trusted. Hereupon the sons of Edmund Burke of Castle Barry with Edmund Keecraghe Burke, Riccard Burke the Devil's Hook's son, Moyler Oge Burke, Walter M'David Bane, Cahir M'Carvell and divers others gathered themselves together and associating unto them divers idle persons, entered into a castle in Lough Mask and manned the same, and also the said Thomas Roe's castle, which after the death of the said Thomas was in the possession of his brother Richard Burke, otherwise called the "paile of Ireland," keeping the said castle in rebellious manner against Her Majesty, utterly refusing to come at me, or any Her Majesty's officers, according to their instructions aforesaid. About this time I lay at the siege of Cloon-oan in Thomond, a strong pile, manned and kept against Her Majesty by Mahon O'Brien, a most dangerous enemy to the State, a champion of the Pope's, and a great practiser with foreign power to invade this land. At this siege I had but one hundred men, by reason whereof I was driven to no small pain in watching, warding, and skirmishing with so few men, having also a little help of certain kerne of the country. Nevertheless within seven days I expugned the castle, slew the said Mahon O'Brien and his men, without the help of any great ordnance, and from thence marched to Castle Ne Callye aforesaid, within the which the traitorous Burkes had inclosed themselves. At my first coming I parleyed with them, advising them to remember the obedience which they owed unto Her Majesty, and to yield themselves unto Her Highness' mercy, and carry themselves within the course of dutiful subjection assuring themselves they should find that favour in all things, which others Her Majesty's subjects did. But they minding nothing less than to submit themselves, on any such conditions, said they would not do any hurt, but keep themselves there in safety, for they durst not trust Her Majesty's officers, alleging many frivolous and impertinent causes moving them to stand upon their guard, whereupon I besieged them in the said castle—a strong round fortress erected in the midst of a lough, upon a small compass of ground so scanted by the wall that scarce a landing place was left unto the same. The siege was all by water in boats, and could not be otherwise laid, insomuch that attempting to burn a boat or two of theirs that they had docked under the castle walls, to the end they might not escape away, and also that I might watch and ward them with few men, having but a small company there, and those sore wearied and bruised with stones, and galled with shot, at the siege of Cloon-oan, I was forced by reason of a sudden rising of a contrary weather, which much favoured them, to leave the attempt, with the loss of one of my boats and two or three of my men, and myself and others being in the same, hardly escaping by the help of other boats, and all by reason of the negligence of such as I put in trust with the other boats, which came not in to me in time, which boat they got; in which, and one other boat of their own, before I could return to charge them with a fresh supply from the land, they shipped themselves, and with great celerity escaped to the woods, fearing that at the next charge I would have won the castle. These traitors being thus escaped to the woods out of Castle Ne Callye, their accomplices also fled out of the other castle, both which and one strong pile-of Ferraugh M'Donnell's, I razed to the ground, for that they were not fit to be kept by the English, and very dangerous to be in the possession of the Irish. Riccarde Burke, alias the "paile of Ireland," a man of no small account among them all, repaired to me at my first coming to castle Ne Callye, being the chief of their confederacy, who thought under colour of seeming a subject to have betrayed me and all my company, but intelligence thereof being had, besides many apparent proofs, he was soon despatched by martial law, being indeed the most dangerous man in all the county of Mayo, especially for the drawing in of Scots, a thing which I ever doubted, and which they undoubtedly intended. After this I took order for the following of the Burkes to the woods and mountains, which were now grown to be some three or four score swords. I levied the forces of the country, and with them and mine own hundred footmen, I did so drive them from bush to bush and hill to hill that no news was to be had where any of them were, and the gentlemen of the country offered me that if I would draw mine own forces out of the country, they would undertake the service against them, and either kill them or banish them, and yet abate no penny of Her Majesty's composition rents for all that. So now when I had these bad Burkes at a great advantage, and in a hard distressed case, nevertheless, when they were thus at the lowest ebb, I received a special charge and commandment from the Lord Deputy to protect them, which thing, though much against my will, I did handle in the best sort I could, for to save the credit of the State, but the peace being such as the State offered it, and they sought it not, continued but a small time, although they had given in a certain simple pledge for the performance of the peace. For after that I had been a while at Dublin, the said Burkes revolted again the second time, and joined unto them the Joys, Clangibbons, and Clandonnells, which Joys, the more to manifest their bad intentions, murdered certain of the Sheriff's men in Sir Morrough Ne Doe O'Flaherty's country, to the number of fifteen or sixteen. The levying of men here for the service in the Low Countries did cause many idle men to repair to them, who had no zeal to the said service beyond the sea. Thus the Burkes, by reason of the protection aforesaid, having an interim of peace, and a pausing time to gather head again and increase their forces, finding the words of Barkley and Dillon to fall out to be true, viz., that the Lord Deputy would do anything to cross and disgrace me, in that I was forced to give them a protection, being unwilling so to do, whatever their first quarrel of revolt was; they being now strong, converted the same to a more higher degree, and leaving all petty quarrels and occasions of their entering into arms, sought to make a benefit of the occasions given them, and said they would have a M'William, or else they would go into Spain for one. Also they would have no sheriff within their country, nor be subject to answer at any assize or sessions. These points and terms they stood upon, which, unless they were granted, they would yield to no peace. At the beginning of their second revolt, for that I was willing to have drawn them to peace, if by any reasonable means I might have the same, without indignity to the State, I sent commissioners unto them, viz., the Archbishop of Tuam, the Lord Bermingham, Mr. Thomas Dillon, justice of this province, Mr. Comerford, attorney of the same, and Edward White, clerk of the Council, and others to parley with them, and to examine the cause of their insolent attempt, unto whom they answered in sort as aforesaid. And even during the time of the Commissioners being in the country, they letted not to burn and spoil. Nevertheless, a time of peace was given them for eight days by the said Commissioners, that in the meantime the Lord Deputy's pleasure might be further known. Yet, notwithstanding, the Commissioners were no sooner departed out of those parts, but presently they broke down divers castles, and burned many towns. And the more to make known their traitorous hearts and wicked purposes they proceeded against Her Majesty in most odious and undutiful speeches, saying, What have we to do with that Caliaghe [cailleac], how unwise were we, being so mighty a nation, to have been so long subject unto a woman! The Pope and the King of Spain shall have the rule of us, and none other. Yet all this, notwithstanding, I did forbear to raise forces and serve upon them, greatly to my disadvantage, for that I had so oftentimes received cautions and instructions from my Lord Deputy to that end, till I had resolution and direction from his Honour and the Council of their prosecution; but in the meantime the traitors grew stronger and stronger, and were now increased to the number of seven or eight hundred men, and had also sent Edmund Kecraghe Burke of Ardnary to practise with the Scots to come to their succours. And also they sent John Etleve, brother to Walter Kittagh Burke, and William Burke of Ardnary to practise with them, saying that then was the time to subdue Connaught, for Her Majesty had no soldiers in Ireland; they were all gone into Flanders. This fire kindled in such sort as now it was high time to take in hand the quenching thereof, nevertheless of myself I durst do nothing, for that I was absolutely forbidden by the Lord Deputy, and willed to do nothing without his Lordship's advice and direction, which I long looked for, and at the length, although somewhat late, received. The effect whereof was that his Lordship and the Council concurred in opinion with me, that the conditions which the Burkes craved were so unreasonable as neither subjects ought to demand them, nor the State might without great indignity yield unto them, and therefore willed me with such forces as I had or could levy to prosecute them, except I should find them to stand on more dutiful terms than before is said. Hereupon I presently levied such forces as I thought might suffice to answer the service, both effectually and speedily, for I find that the lingering war greatly chargeth Her Majesty, and not a little encourageth the enemy in this realm; first, therefore, having taken order for the assurance of the country behind me, I marched towards the county of Mayo the 12th of July last with my own garrison forces, being a hundred footmen and fifty horsemen, and came to Ballinrobe the 14th day, where I spent six or seven days as well in parleying with the Burkes as also in gathering together my whole forces. Hither came to me the Earl of Clanricarde, with thirty horsemen and 100 kerne, also many gentlemen of the country came to me, as the Lord Bermingham, Sir Hubert Burke, and divers others; hither also came in the supply of forces which I levied within the province, viz., a hundred under Captain Mordant, a hundred under William Mostyn the younger, and a hundred under Captain Merriman, besides divers companies of light kerne, to the number of six or seven hundred. So, as having employed the Earl of Clanricard, the Archbishop of Tuam, the Bishop of Kilmore, the Lord Bermingham, Justice Dillon, and divers others in parleying with the Burkes, and finding that no reasons might win them to peace, I executed certain of their pledges, for I find that sparing of their pledges hath done much hurt in Ireland, and then I marched to the Abbey of Ballintober the 21st of July, and from thence sent in my forces of footmen and kerne into the mountains and woods, to seek them in their fastness, myself, with the Earl of Clanricard and our horsemen kept the champagne and plain country, as well for the defence of Her Majesty's good subjects behind us, as also to keep in the enemy from escaping away from the forces sent into their fastness. The footmen within, and myself without, hunted them so from place to place, that within the space of three weeks we took from them the number of four or five thousand head of cattle, whereof I reserved towards the defraying of the extraordinary charges of the journey the number of a thousand; all the rest were bestowed on the companies and captains as booty, according to the manner accustomed, and employed in satisfying and paying the kerne, whom I shortly after discharged, being six or seven hundred men, of such entertainment as was then due unto them. Besides the depriving them of their cattle in sort aforesaid, we slew many of them, to the number of four score or five score of all sorts; the rest divided and scattered themselves, flying from one cave to another where they might best hide themselves, and sent unto me to crave mercy and pardon, offering to submit themselves with all humbleness. Hereupon, when they were thus broken, I discharged all my kerne and the horsemen of the country, and stayed my forces of horsemen and footmen aforesaid from the service for a space, as well to refresh them as to give the enemy leave to come in freely without fear, which done, they submitted themselves one after another in sort following:— First, Ustun or Eusten M'Donnell, chief of all the Galloglasses, came in, submitted himself, and laid in his son as pledge for him and his sept. Then shortly after, Edmund M'Riccard Yn Yeren Burke, one of the strongest amongst them, son to the last M'William, save one, came in, submitted himself, and gave in his son as pledge for him and his sept. After whom, William Burke, alias the Blind Abbot, the chief of all his name (when Edmund Burke of Castle Barry was dead), who claimed to be M'William, submitted himself to me very humbly, offering me one of his sons as pledge, but for that I liked not that son whom he offered me, but demanded his eldest son, whom I knew to be a good pledge, we agreed not, and he departed again from me; yet, within two days after, when he saw I would have sent my forces into his fastness again, he came unto me again, and brought me his eldest son as pledge. Moyler Oge Burke also submitted himself, and Riccard Burke, alias the Devil's Hook's son, being a man of great credit amongst them, who all put in good pledges to me. And truly, whosoever had seen these men when they submitted themselves would have said they had rather been ghosts than men, so pitifully looked they, pined away for want of food, and altogether "ghasted" with fear. The Burkes of Castle Barry persisted still in the action. Their father was the man whom they sought to make M'William till I executed him, which although he were old I did, for that he was a notable traitor, and the encourager of his sons to that action, as also to the end his sons should be delivered of that vain hope, and so the sooner forced to submit themselves. I caused him to be tried by the course of the common law, both because none should find fault with the manner of his death, and also because his lands (whereof he had store) might escheat to Her Majesty. After this also, the said Burkes offered to submit themselves so as they might enjoy their father's lands, but herein I referred them to the resolution of the Lord Deputy.

They would have given me their eldest brother's child as pledge, and so have submitted themselves, but I refused that child and demanded one of themselves, which they utterly refused and denied, whereby I well perceived they carried still a very bad intention. All their accomplices had now submitted themselves, and they also were upon the pinch to have done the like, when news came to me that two thousand Scots were come over the Erne towards Sligo, with Edmund Kecraghe and Shane Itleave to defend the quarrel of the Burkes, and to inhabit their country within the county of Mayo, which the said Burkes had given to them upon condition they should banish the English and defend them. This news hindered a thorough pacification in the county of Mayo, nevertheless having already reduced things to so good a state there, as before is said, I might with the more safety remove towards Sligo to front the Scots, I sent therefore the Earl of Clanricard and 30 or 40 horsemen, and two bands of footmen before me to Sligo to join with my brother George Byngham, sheriff of the said county, who had already levied certain shot, together with the forces of the country, for the necessary defence thereof. After this, having left order in the county of Mayo for the defence of the same, and the prosecuting of the few Burkes there in action, if they should haply stir, I hastened after the Earl myself, having with me a hundred footmen and 25 horsemen, for one hundred footmen I had also sent away before me. But having news that the Scots would that night spoil the Maugherie by Roscommon, I came by a great day's journey with my horsemen into the Maugherie, four miles wide of Roscommon, from whence (understanding contrarily that the Scots were at Sligo) I diverted and came the next day thither, being well near three score English miles, leaving my footmen to follow me. At the abbey of Boyle I met with Sir Thomas Le Strange and others, the risings out of the country, whom I had appointed to be there for the defence of those parts; I left them there still, and came to Sligo the 28th of August. At my coming thither the Scots lay still about the Erne, some on the one side, and some on the other, to the number, as I was advertised, of eighteen hundred or two thousand footmen and a hundred horsemen. For Sir Arthur O'Neill, and Hugh Maguire had aided them with certain forces. So their whole number was above two thousand (as it was said), besides women, boys, churls, and children, whereof they had many, and great store of carriages. My coming so soon to Sligo, and the news of the pacification of the county of Mayo, made them stay long about the Erne and Bundrowes, either expecting more forces to come to them, or some broils to be raised in the country behind me, which might cause me to divide my forces, being then 400 footmen, English and Irish, and about three score horsemen, besides the risings out of the country, which were about 100 horsemen and 200 kernes. A force far too weak to have encountered the Scots, except we might have gotten them in a champagne ground, into which like place of disadvantage they had no intention to come; for of my 400 footmen, 300 were Irish, and but newly trained for the most part. I wrote to the Lord Deputy to send me two bands of footmen and fifty horsemen, for that there was no trust in the Irish horsemen, which if they had come in any time, the Scots would never have come into the country at all. I lay at Sligo and at the foot of the Curlews, with my said forces fronting the Scots and keeping them from entering into the country, expecting still a supply from the Lord Deputy, the space of 14 or 15 days. The Scots drawing by little and little through O'Rourk's country, upon mountains, woods, and bogs towards the Curlews, intending to pass that way, encamping ever in such places of fastness as we could never come at them, without great disadvantage. And at length, although we kept the passages straitly upon them (which to watch well I was driven to divide my companies into two or three several places far distant), yet in an exceeding foul and tempestuous and dark night, they deceived us, for after we had watched for their coming till ten of the clock at night, hearing they had removed their camp and were either going away, or coming towards us over night, by reason of the abundance of rain which fell, and O'Conor Sligo's words, which assured us they were in camp for that night, we left to watch any longer, and bestowed ourselves into places of succour; shortly after which time they having as I think both good spies and good guides, stole towards the bridge of Collooney [Kuluonye], which to defend I had left 50 Irish horsemen, and my footmen hard by, and conveyed 300 or 400 of themselves over the bridge before the footmen came at them, who as soon as they came beat them from the bridge, and won it, the said Irish horsemen doing no service at all. The alarm being up, I being a mile from them at Knockmillen, being another passage, where it was supposed they would sooner pass there than at the bridge, came in with my horsemen, even as our footmen had gotten the bridge, which bridge we made account had been the only way that they might have passed there, but they contrarily, stole over a ford never before known to any of that country, not far from the bridge. The ground was ill for horsemen, yet I served upon them, and killed and drowned about forty or fifty of them. The most of my horsemen failed me, some by reason they were far absent, and some by reason they had no will to fight, which was the Irishry. But my own household men, the Earl of Clanricard, and two or three of his men, Sir Thomas Le Strange, and his household men, and Mr. Barkley, with some five others, served with me; they hurt and killed divers of our horses, and some of our men, with a shower of arrows, and gat up the mountains. And so we were constrained for that time to leave them. They being thus escaped I dismissed the Earl, Sir Thomas Le Strange, and all the risings out, for I found that the Irishry did me more hurt than good. And with the 400 footmen and the garrison horsemen, being about 50, I pursued the Scots the next day, and dogged them still, till the supply which my Lord Deputy sent me, being 200 footmen and 40 horsemen, came to me.

Now after the Scots had thus passed the bridge of Collooney onwards their way towards the county of Mayo, myself somewhat moved with the insufficiency and naughty dealing of the Irish forces, which we call risings out, I thought good for that I knew it would like them all, to discharge them, and send them home every man to his country. For they were to me a great trouble and very chargeable, and during their being in my company, I could keep no enterprise secret, as yet but mean men when they come to action, as appeared by that night, for at the charge they forsook us all. And after they were thus dismissed home, I removed with my own ordinary forces into the barony of Tireragh, which I did most chiefly to save the prey of that country which was very great, leaving the great mountains of Slewgau on my left hand, which before were on my right hand, and marched eight miles deep into the said barony, which barony is twenty miles long of plain ground, and some bog, all along the sea coast, and came to a town called Ardglass, where I encamped the second night. And having intelligence of mine espials that the enemy encamped on the other side of the mountain not far from an abbey called Banned, in a marvellous fast and strong ground, I took good guideship with me, and passed the same mountains with all such forces as I had, and came to lodge at a town that night called Occonrou [Achonry], a see town of the Bishop O'Hart's. At my being there, news was brought me that the enemy was marching up through Gallen towards the inner and civil countries, as that of my Lord Bermingham's and the country of Roscommon, whereupon I hasted me, and brought ourselves by a great day's march, to a castle called Moyigarie, which castle lies to answer the strait in the forefoot of them, which way they must pass to the places aforesaid. This I did to prevent the harm that might have come to the county of Roscommon and the civil places of the province, as also in hope to meet with some of the supply of forces sent me from my Lord Deputy, having three weeks before sent out my men for them. Being arrived at Moyigary, the Monday about three in the afternoon, news was brought me from my brother, by his subsheriff, that the Vice-president of Munster's hundred men, under their leader Lieutenant Hunt, and fifty of Sir William Stanley's was past the Curlews, whereupon I despatched my messengers to them, and they came in to me the same night. The morrow after, being Tuesday, I removed to Castlemore in the barony of Costello, a four miles from thence, a place as commodious to answer the service as the other was. Here came in to me the other fifty of Sir William Stanley's, under their leader Lieutenant Jaques, and fifty of Sir George Bowrchier's under their leader Lieutenant Day, and twenty-five horsemen of Sir H. Harrington's, and fifteen of Mr. Wyngfeld's. These were brought in by Captain Green O'Molloy, whom I had sent out a week before for that purpose; at this place we should have been somewhat distressed for want of beef, had not Captain Woodhouse supplied us, whom I had before sent out to seek for some in the plains. Here we lay, Tuesday night, and Wednesday, till it was noon, before our men could kill their beef and prepare it to refresh themselves with, and by the time it was 12 o'clock the espials came in, which we had sent out to discover the enemy, who brought us news that at their last remove from Cloncarne they took their way towards Ardnary in the barony of Tireragh, which stands upon the bank of the river of Moyne, there thinking to pass over into Tyrawly, which was the clean contrary way to the county of Roscommon. This being known, we dealt with our guides to bring us the nearest way and the secretest, and so marched towards the Abbey of Banada, all under the high woods through a pass that is called the Litter, and is within the barony of Costello. It was two hours in the night before we came to that Abbey of Banada, which is a place that stands two miles from the woods into the plains. Here our guide, who was Edmund M'Costello, (one that pretended to have been M'Costello, but that Theobald Dillon maintained another against him), found out a priest, who had that day broken from the Scots, who had him prisoner; he brought the said priest to myself, who assured me that they were all encamped at Ardnary, and were persuading and practising with the Burkes of Tyrawly to join with them, making proclamation that the province of Connaught was theirs, that I was returned to Roscommon, and that all my forces had abandoned me, and therefore such of the country as would come to them should be well accepted and have no harm. I dealt with this priest to guide me thither, who of himself durst not undertake it, but said that if I would send a couple of horsemen with him, he would bring me a couple of gentlemen who should do it, which were two of the O'Haras, and an hour after I came in I sent out the said priest and two horsemen with him, who came in to me again about an hour after midnight, and brought the two O'Haras with them; which O'Haras did presently send out two espials to discover the enemy more certainly, and about three of the clock in the morning we rose, which was as soon as the moon gave light, and marched towards a castle called Belclare, four miles from thence in the way to the enemy. Here came in of the espials to us, who brought us news that the Scots lay still encamped at Ardnary, which was 12 miles from the Abbey of Bannada, and eight miles from the said castle of Belclare. Here the night forsook us, and we forsook the high way and took through the mountains, with horsemen, footmen, and carriage, carrying all our whole forces as in a "heyrse" together, keeping the bottoms and lowest passages, as near as we might by circumferend ways, and with as great silence as was possible. This mountain was in breadth a four or five miles, which we passed with all our forces about 9 of the clock, and after we had marched a mile into the hard ground, and were not above two miles from the enemy, we made halt, to have all our forces and baggage to come in to us, and there gave order, and direction for the fight, leaving the footmen to follow me with a speedy march, and myself with the horsemen marched more speedier towards the enemy, and about 12 of the clock the same Thursday, being the 23d of September, we came within view of the enemy's camp, having sent out before half a dozen horsemen to view the ground, and the place where they encamped. Upon discovery of which horsemen the Scots issued out ranged themselves in order of battle, and marched towards us not thinking our footmen had been near, for they came with great silence; whereupon I charged their forward with my horsemen, beat them back into their battle, killed many of them, and drew them into a bog, and yet I still drew backwards by little and little to draw them to a better ground and caused my shot a horseback to light, and keep them play until my loose shot came in, and my whole battle of footmen, and then we all charged them together, and overthrew and discomfited their whole force. They fled before us to the river side, which was not far from us, where we slew and drowned them all, saving fourscore or thereabouts which stripped themselves and swam over the river into Tyrawly, leaving their weapons and apparel behind them. There were no more of the whole forces of Scots that escaped but these, and a hundred or fourscore which went the day before into Tyrawly for a prey, with certain of the Burkes. Such as escaped from us into Tyrawly were since slain in their return and flying towards the North, by my brother George Byngham, sheriff of the county of Sligo, and the gentlemen of those parts. And so also were divers of those who went to take the said prey. And their horsemen which were foraging for horsemeat whilst the battle was fought, and by means thereof escaped, are (as I hear say) slain many of them since, by Hugh Maguire and others of their old friends in their return to the Erne. The number of their fighting men slain and drowned that day, we estimated and numbered to be fourteen or fifteen hundred, besides boys, women, churls, and children, which could not be so few as so many more and upwards. And this day their chief leaders were slain, viz., James M'Donnell's sons, Donnell Gorme, and Alexander Carragh, and all the rest of their leaders and the chief Burkes which drew them in. On our side was not one man slain by the enemy, but divers hurt and galled. So this battle of Ardnary being ended, and the remain of the bad Burkes escaped and fled to the North (as I think), all the province, God be praised, stands on good and quiet terms, and on better assurance than heretofore.

Her Majesty shall not be at any extraordinary charges for any of these services, nor the country neither, saving such as have in some sort or other offended in this action. And yet at this overthrow I had none but such as were entertained soldiers, viz., mine own hundred under their leader, my brother John Byngham, a hundred under Captain Mordant, a hundred under Captain Merriman, a hundred under Captain Wm. Mostyn, which three bands I levied within the province; a hundred of Mr. Thomas Norreys's, vicepresident of Munster, a hundred of Sir William Stanley's, and fifty of Sir George Bawrchier's; being in name 650 and in account by pole about 500, besides 50 horsemen of the province, and 40 sent me by my Lord Deputy. This is a true discourse of all this my last journey and of the overthrow of the Scots, which although it be long to read, yet I hope it shall not be displeasant unto your Honor to understand (the good event thereof considered). I commend the good construction of these things to your honorable devotion. Indorsed, Services done in Connaught by Sir Richard Byngham. pp. 16.

Oct. 17.

54. John Lord Castle Connell to Secretary Davison. For the loan of 10l. or 12l. His sickness. p. 1.

Oct. 17. Cork.

55. James Golde to Burghley. In the letter signed by Sir Henry Wallop and by us in the commission for this county, directed from Youghal to your Honor and the rest of the Lords, the reasons were comprehended, which deferred our travail for bounding and assigning the seignories until the spring. Since the writing whereof Sir Henry Wallop returned to Dublin, and Mr. Vice-president Thomas Norreys, Mr. Justice Jesse Smythes, Mr. Wiseman, and I, came hither to inquire for Her Majesty, and to put things which hitherto have been doubtful into certainty, to the end Her Highness' demesnes being singled out from the country people's, the measurers may know what they ought to mete, and that we may not do wrong to any at our appointing of the said lordships. But truly I find Her Majesty's title to some things subject to traverses, petitions, and such remedies, which may hereafter breed discontentment, either in the undertakers or in the now inhabitant, unless in the meantime it be determined, whereof I thought it my duty to advertise your honourable good Lordship. When we shall have done here we intend to repair into the county of Limerick, and thence into Kerry, and the meters to follow as the weather will license their measuring. The cause of my long silence without writing to your Honour proceeded of lack of matter, because I was not of long time until now employed towards Her Highness's service. p. 1.

Oct. 18. Cork.

56. Vice-president Thomas Norreys to the Privy Council. I received of late a letter from the Lord Deputy, together with the copy of another inclosed from your Honors to his Lordship, which for that it concerned this province, and that the danger of the time doth also require it, I am the rather emboldened to presume in part to answer the same. It seemeth that your Honors have been of late advertised of some foreign preparations, and doubting lest it might tend to the disturbance of any of Her Majesty's dominions, have commanded wary heed to be taken throughout the whole realm, specially to those parts of this province that lie most open to invasion. At my last being at Dublin, as also by divers letters formerly sent to the Lord Deputy, I did at large advertise the estate of this province, and particularly set down such wants and inconveniences as it is chiefly subject unto, hoping by his Lordship's means to be relieved. But since nothing as yet hath been done for redress thereof, and that your Honors' letters do import the likelihood of some disquiet, I hold it my duty to make known unto your Honors the whole estate thereof.

There hath been of long time within this province only mine own band, with fifty of Sir William Stanley's, which having been drawn into Connaught by the Lord Deputy for the service there against the Scots, are now returned, and I understand by his Lordship that his purpose is to send hither two other bands, which compani[es] when they are together, how much they are able to prevail against the descent of foreign forces (if it should so happen) [I submit to your Lordships'] grave considerations. Victuals to maintain them within the province Her Majesty hath not any at all. Such powder as was remaining at Cork and Waterford, whereof there was some reasonable store, either by long keeping or the slender care of such as should have preserved it, is grown altogether unserviceable; and of other munition or furniture there is not any at all. It may be thought necessary that general musters be taken throughout the whole country, and all men commanded to have in a readiness weapons fit for them; but for that I fear lest it should breed in some of their minds an expectation of that they wish for, and also fearing lest according to their accustomed disloyalty they should rather join to disturb the good quiet they now live in, than frame themselves to withstand any invasion, I have hitherto forborne to take that course with them. There is near unto the haven of Kinsale a neck of land by nature very strong, and easy to be fortified for defence of that place, as by your Honours' letters it seemeth you have already been informed, but being at this time destitute of all things fit for such a purpose, and for that there are all along the coast divers other places lying open, which cannot without long time and great charge be defended. Under your Honours' reformation I hold it the speediest and best means for defence of the country, that some convenient garrison may be here residing, which at all times, as occasion shall serve, may be ready to answer all places, for that, as it is not unknown to your Honours, small numbers at the first arrival shall be more able to prevail than great forces afterwards.

Within all the cities of this province Her Majesty hath not any fort or citadel, save only the Castle of Limerick, which now hath no ward at all maintained in it, more than a constable and a porter, and the place itself so greatly decayed, and the ordnance thereunto belonging so far out of order, as it serveth to little purpose. I cannot judge but well of the townsmen, for that their actions hitherto have not much deserved the contrary, but considering their most obstinate contrariety in religion, and the inward affection that they have always borne to the Spaniard, which as well by their several former actions as by the continual trade, and free intercourse that they have with them at this day may appear, I do think it somewhat dangerous that too much trust be reposed in them, especially if they may have it to allege for their excuse, that Her Majesty hath not here forces to defend them.

Certain suspected persons in this province, your Honors think fit should for a time be restrained of their liberty. Since I have had charge over them I have observed, that although they have severally, as occasion did lead them, made their repair unto me, yet could I never see that they would all together present themselves in any assembly of sessions or otherwise. If I should attach some of them it may be doubted how the rest will behave themselves, and to send for them all together, I fear it would drive them into a general "suspecte." I have by my letters entreated the Lord Deputy, upon some colourable occasion to send for some of them to Dublin, where being, his Lordship may easily make stay of them at his pleasure, and I the better light upon the rest here remaining. So soon as I shall receive his Honor's resolution therein I will proceed accordingly. The province resteth now in perfect quiet, neither troubled with any open outrages or privy stealths, which estate I doubt not but it shall be continued in to your Honor's good liking, unless by some extraordinary accident it happen to be disturbed.

Indorsed: From the Vice-president of Munster to the Lords.—Of the state of that province. To have his lacks supplied of men, munition, and victuals for the defence of that country against foreign invasion in case any should happen. Entred. pp. 2.

Oct. 18. Roscommon.

57. Sir Richard Byngham to the right worshipful my very loving friend Sir Henry Wallop, knight, Vice-Treasurer and Treasurer at Wars in Ireland. Sir, I have received your letter dated at Enniscorthy the 12th of this month, wherein you are desirous to understand from me the cause of my Lord Deputy's repair into this province (the service being here ended before he came near to the same). I assure you, Sir, the only cause hereof was, for aught that I can learn, an earnest desire that he had to hear complaints, and to gather matter against me, whereby he might have made me the author of the stirs and broils late commoted by the Burkes, for the which purpose the inferior ministers employed in this action, viz., Barkley, Theobald Dillon, Ricard Oge M'Jonyn, and such like, ceased not to solicit the country on all hands to come to Galway to exhibit their complaints against me. But as I was altogether free from that offence, so was I altogether left untouched with any such complaints, which, falling out contrary to my Lord Deputy's expectation, forced his Lordship to fall into an unquiet fever, whereof he lay sick certain days in Galway. His Lordship might have been satisfied in this matter at Dublin, and needed not to have come into Connaught for it, for he hath seen the articles exhibited by the Burkes when they were in the action, containing the cause of their grief, and the sum of their demands to be for a M'William. The same also appeareth in their submissions, and in the several petitions which they have exhibited to me; nevertheless you shall understand by the way that the counsel and cautions given them by Barkley and Dillon, was no small mean to lead them into the action, and to persist in the same, as by many and very sufficient examinations appeareth, which hereafter you shall see. If my Lord Deputy could have found any matter to his liking against me, and taken but a little hold on my coat, then I think he would have proceeded with the practice which in your letter you touch by the way, for he had here fit instruments for his purpose, Sir Lucas Dillon and Sir Nicholas White. [Daniel Neylan], the Bishop of Kildare, Sir Edward Moore, Captain Williams, and Captain Brabazon, also attended his Lordship. The cause why he altered his course after your departure from Dublin shall appear unto you by the copy of Justice Gardener's letters, which I do here inclosed send you (i.e. Wallop). I assure you, Sir, he hath not only done no good at all here in any matter and lost us a great time, wherein we might have settled all things in order after the service, but hath so charged the country with his horsemen and footmen, as the like was not used here for the time, these many years; they have so exacted in taking meat, drink, and money, as one man's charges here hath been a hundred marks in five or six days, and some others have been charged 30l., some 20l., some more and some less, so as such as had their money ready to have paid the composition rents are now behind with it, by reason his train have consumed the same. Also he hath taken up his beeves at nine shillings a beef, contrary to the composition; and yet for all he hath thus rent and torn the composition himself, he hath proclaimed in all places where he was that if I took up any beeves and paid not the country according to the composition, they should complain to him and he would see them to have remedy.

Sir, because it shall appear unto you what the whole charges of the last journey against the Burkes and the Scots came unto extraordinarily, I have sent you hereinclosed the note of it. All which I have defrayed and taken order to discharge, so as Her Majesty shall not be at one penny charge for those services, and yet the country shall not be burdened therewith, for the goods taken from rebels and their relievers shall satisfy it. Now when you have seen the services by me done without any charge to Her Majesty or burden to the country, (for I never in all the services cessed any man on the country), then I pray you compare with it the allowance my Lord Deputy and his attendants must have, and a thousand marks which it hath cost the country here in cessing his company, and then you shall see whether it would not have been better he had stayed still at Dublin. Well, Sir, I hope to see you myself shortly at Dublin, and therefore I leave other matters till then. I was crazed during my Lord Deputy's remain in the province, and therefore was forced to stay at Roscommon, and could not attend on his Lordship, so as Theobald Dillon is not yet answered to his complaints for his prey. It shall be better heard at Dublin at the indifferent table. I send you hereinclosed a discourse of all my last journey against the Burkes and Scots, the which shall acquaint you the better with all our doings here, wherein although you hear but 1,500 or 1,600 to be named which were slain, yet you shall understand that of boys, women, and children, there were slain and drowned well nigh as many more, and such as escaped were since by my brother George and the gentlemen of the country slain, so as in all were despatched above three thousand, for a great number that we knew not of have been found in the river and on the seashore since the overthrow. I am right heartily sorry that you are troubled with that bad disease the gout, and do hope you shall find ease and remedy for it. I hope also I shall meet you at Dublin about a month hence, or else I should be sorry to want so good a friend there. I wish you health, and so with my hearty commendations to yourself and my Lady Wallop I take leave. I have stayed your messenger somewhat long, because Sponder was at the Boyle, and he had some occasion of business to him, as he told me. [Original. pp. 2½.

Indorsed: Sir Richard Byngham, with the discourse of his service against the Burkes and Scots inclosed. N.B.—The discourse is wanting, but see one sent to Burghley in Oct. 6. Incloses,

57. I. Note of the extraordinary charges of the journey and services against the Burkes of the county of Mayo, and the Scots who invaded the province of Connaught in July, August, and September 1586, disbursed by Sir Richard Byngham, &c. Due unto the whole companies, viz., to Captain Mordant for himself at 4s. per diem, his lieutenant at 2s. per diem, three officers at 12d. le piece, per diem, for four score and twelve days, beginning the first day of July 1586, and ending the last of September 1586, 348l. 1s. 4d.; Captain Merriman, for himself and the like company, at the said rates and for the said time, 348l. 1s. 4d.; Captain Mostyn, for himself and the like company, at the said rates and for the said time, 348l. 1s. 4d.; John Newton, scoutmaster, for himself and seven horsemen, at 12d. le piece per diem for the said time, 36l. 16s.; Richard Betaugh, guide master, for himself and seven horsemen, at 12d. le piece per diem for the said time, 36l. 16s.; David Misset, carriage master, for himself, at 12d. sterling per diem for the said time, 4l. 12s. Sum total, 1,122l. 8s.

This sum of 1,122l. 8s. aforesaid, besides the payment of the entertainment of 700 kerne, or thereabouts, and divers other sums extraordinarily in this journey hath been borne and sustained, out of such booty and prey cattle as have been taken from the enemy, or else cut upon their countries. And yet Her Majesty's composition rents nothing abated, nor Her Highness herein anything at all charged.

The charges also of the winning of the castle of Cloon-oan, that strong pile, and the execution of that notable traitor Mahon O'Brien and his accomplices, together with the charges of the razing of Castle Ne Callye [Hag's Castle] and Thomas Roe's castle, and Ferriaghe M'Donnell's castle, hath been supported and borne by the country in such indifferent sort, as neither themselves are thereat aggrieved, nor Her Majesty put to any penny charge extraordinarily for those good services. p. 1.

Oct. 21.

58. A brief note of the number of men, calivers, bows, armour, and other artillery, within the city of Dublin, given to the Right Honorable the Lord Deputy, the 21st of October anno regni dominæ Reginæ nostræ Elizabethæ 28°. There are in the city and suburbs of Dublin the number of 1,200 men and upwards; whereof, there are 250 furnished with calivers, 300 with bows, 100 pikemen furnished with pikes, corselets, and coats of defence, 550 men furnished with halberds, head pieces, swords, and targets. There is in the city store, twelve hundred weight of powder. Great pieces, Item 6 slings of iron, 6 bases of iron, 1 Portingale base of brass, 5 rabonets of brass, 1 fauconet of brass. 1 double base of iron, 4 minions of brass. Indorsed: The forces of the city of Dublin. p 2/3.

Oct. 22. Dublin.

59. Lord Chancellor Archbishop Loftus to Burghley. Where Her Majesty at the suit of Sir Henry Wallop and myself, in the time of our joint government, as Justices of this realm, granted unto the Bishop of Rosscarbery, the Bishoprick of Cork and Cloyne in commendam, for his better stay in those parts, Rosscarbery of itself being of little value, and in so desolate and barbarous a place, as is not fit for an Englishman, especially one of his sort, to dwell in. And although Cork and Cloyne have not been worth 30l. a year unto him, saving the conveniency of his dwelling, in so civil a place as Cork, which he esteemeth most, and where he may do and doth, according to the measure of his gift, much good to the furtherance of religion; yet for that his commendam is at Her Majesty's will and pleasure in these words, donec per nos aliter prælatus fuerit, vel quousque nostra voluntas dictis Justiciariis nostris vel alio principali gubernatori sive gubernatoribus nostris ejusdem regni nostri Hiberniæ pro tempore existentibus ulterius in eadem causa significata fuerit, he feareth there is some will go about, by obtaining Her Majesty's letters to avoid his commendam. And therefore I thought it good, being acquainted with the honesty of the man, and certainly knowing it would be his undoing, humbly to beseech your Lordship to be a mean to Her Majesty that he may have his commendam renewed during his life, or that standing as it doth, your Lordship would have that care of him that it be granted to no other. Indorsed: Archbishop of Dublin, for the renewing of the Bishop of Rosscarbery's commendam of the Bishopricks of Cork and Cloyne. p. 1.

Oct. 24.

60. Petition of Joan Drinckell, wife of Edward Drynckell, to Burghley, for payment of 44l. 18s. 6d. due to her husband upon his entertainment as a pensioner in Ireland. p. 1.

Oct. 25.

61. Petition of John Cole to Lord Burghley for payment of 160l. due to Capt. Henry Duke. p. 1.

Oct. 25.

62. Petition of Thomas Richards to Lord Burghley for payment of 600l. remainder of 800l. due to his master, Sir William Collier. p. 1.

Oct. 25.

63. Petition of Stephen Borram, of Dublin, merchant, to Burghley, for payment of monies out of the new Privy Seal. p. 1.

Oct. 27. Dublin.

64. Lord Deputy Perrot to the Privy Council. We are given to understand, through the occasion of calling in of Her Majesty's debts, that one William Clerke, a brother-in-law to Serjeant Snagg, obtaining the office of Her Highness' clerk of First Fruits in this land, in time of the latter Government of Sir Henry Sydney, received great sums of money to Her Majesty's use, and departed from hence with Mr. Snagg without yielding any account of his receipts to Her Majesty during the time of his exercising of that office; of which matter we have thought it right to advertise your Lordships, that Clerke remaining, as he doth still in England, in Bedfordshire (as is said) with Mr. Snagg, your Honors, by calling him there before you, may please to take such order with him for finishing of his accounts, there or here, concerning his aforesaid receipts, as may best like your Lordships to give direction therein. p. 1/2.

Oct. 27.

65. Petition of John Lukar to Burghley, for payment of 178l. for rye taken up at Dublin and Waterford. p. 1.

Oct. 28. Hogsdon.

66. Sir Valentine Browne to Burghley. Knowing your Honour's great cares in hand for all our goods, which God the Almighty bless, I do forbear to solicit your Lordship's furtherance in the causes that myself and Sir William Herbert have, touching the delivery of the possession unto us of those lands we have for our portions undertaken to people and inhabit in Kerry and Desmond, and wherewith we stand charged not only to Her Majesty since Michaelmas last past, but to our great burthen with 50 or 60 English people sent thither upon Her Majesty's grant to us made, wherewith upon any convenient opportunity, we cannot but earnestly crave your accustomed good favours, for so it standeth us upon, having been more forward to give entrance to that action at our charges than any of the rest who have dealt in the same. Our possession can little avail us, if afterwards we should not obtain Her Highness' letters patent, which we are contented may be stayed till the surveys be ended, being the only ground-work of our plantation, whereunto our request shall open the passage to the encouragement of others, who by reason of the tract of time in the beginning are now with the winter grown more cold. I was a suitor for a debt owing to Mildred Hopwood, widow, in Ireland, whereupon I thank your Lordship there was an assignment made in July last of 137l. 19s. 2d. So as there yet remaineth due unto her 300l. as by a debenture thereof, from Mr. Robert Petre, appeareth, and therefore the poor gentlewoman's necessity so urging, I eftsoons on her behalf humbly beseech your Lordship to extend your like good consideration to appoint the payment of the rest of the said debenture at this time. p. 1/2.

Oct. 28.

67. The entertainments of Sir Richard Byngham, knight, Chief Commissioner of Connaught and Thomond, and the perquisites of his office, valued by the Lord Deputy at 1,941l. 12s. 4d., are here truly laid down, and amount nothing like to so high a sum.

My fee.—First, whereas his Lordship saith that I have 100l. per annum for my fee, I do confess that I have yearly for my said fee 100l.

Diet money.—Also where he saith I have 10s. per diem for the diet of myself and the Council, I confess I have so much, which is per annum, 182l. 10s.

Mine increase of 6s. 8d. per diem.—Also where he saith I have an increase of 6s. 8d. per diem, I confess that I have so much, but not by his means, for I had the same by order in England, amounting, per annum, to 121l. 13s. 4d. [Say his Lordship was a mean for this increase of 6s. 8d. per diem for me; it was a very small countervail to 25 horsemen and 50 footmen which he took from me.]

My 25 horsemen.—Whereas he saith I have 25 horsemen allowed to me, with the moiety of the officers of 50 horsemen, I confess the same. But where he saith they are all my own household servants, for that at the muster taken by Captain Williams, the muster master, at Roscommon, of my said horsemen, he found that there were not half, nor scarce the third part of them, my household men, I may well deny it, and yet I have household servants enough to furnish out almost two such bands, if they had been all my household servants, yet (all things well accounted) I should find it no great benefit to entertain them so. For accounting 5l. for a man's wages, then his livery, his diet, and lodging, and his horse and furniture, I am sure I should save nothing by it, at the year's end. As for the moiety of the officers of 50 horsemen, I give them the entertainments which serve in those rooms, and therefore I must strike out this, 547l. 10s. per annum, which my Lord saith I gain to myself, for it falls out to be—Nil.

My footmen.—Where he layeth down that I have the benefit of the wages of a captain of 100 footmen, at 4s. per diem, a petty captain at 2s., and six dead pays, at 8d. le piece per diem, in toto 10s. per diem, and 182l. 10s. per annum. It is not unknown to Captain Williams that he mustered a full 100 men and more, and he mustered the lieutenant and all other officers of that company, which officers have the due entertainments allowed them. The captain also, that now is my brother, John Byngham, hath the captain's pay of 4s. per diem. And before he came over, I gave it to Captain Mordant. But I had not the whole charge of 100 till the 1st of May 1585; Captain Williams had the one half, till by order out of England they were put over to me; yet were they not put over to me so soon as they should have been by that order, by four months; and then also before I had them, I was fain to pay Captain Williams a hundred marks for his good-will. Thus it appeareth I do benefit nothing by captain's or lieutenant's pay, nor yet by dead pays. Although I allow seven or eight gentlemen pays in the company. So as this 182l. 10s. per annum must fall out to be—Nil.

My further increase of 40l. per annum.—Whereas he saith I have 40l. per annum which was the Marshall's fee, and that Francis Barkley was contented to forego it when the 25 horsemen were annexed to his office, I confess that I have it. But I would I had given Francis Barkley twice 40l. per annum, that I had had the said 25 horsemen, as it was ordered in England, were it but only for the benefit of Her Majesty's service, of which company the state, and myself stand as it were robbed. But after the rate that Francis Barkley hireth his men, viz., for 10l. le piece per annum, and yet keepeth but 15 or 16 of his 25, I cannot blame him to forego 40l. a year, for by this means he gaineth and getteth above 200l. per annum. This 40l. also I had but in March last, yet let it be charged as parcel of mine entertainments,—40l.

The increase of my diet money.—Whereas he saith I have towards the amendment of my diet per diem, 3s. 4d.—per annum, 60l. 16s. 8d. I do confess I have so much And yet in respect thereof his Lordship tieth me to diet Francis Barkley, and two men to attend him, nevertheless, let it be parcel of mine allowance. For I will so reckon it, although it benefiteth little,—60l. 13s. 8d.

My allowance for fuel.—Whereas he saith I have 100l. per annum towards my fuel and carriage, I confess I have so indeed. And as his Lordship saith well, it is but towards my fuel and carriages, for so much more will scarce suffice me in the place where I now dwell. By the old composition I was to have labourers and garrons through the whole province in a far greater number than would suffice me for my fuel and carriages, all which by this last composition is clean taken away. So as now I am so far from having benefit by the said allowance of 100l. per annum, that I have rather hindrance 100l. per annum than any commodity at all. And therefore this 100l. must fall out to be—Nil.

The house and lands of Roscommon.—Whereas he saith that the castle, ward, lordship, and demesne of Roscommon is worth to me yearly more than I pay for it, by 140l. I will first lay down the rents and charges I pay and sustain for the same, and then the rents and commodities I receive out of the same. By comparing of which both together the truth shall appear. I pay yearly into the Exchequer for the lordship and the abbey, 23l. 9s. 4d. I pay yearly to young Malbie, 7l. I pay to my Lord Deputy over and above the said rents, 80l., 110l. 9s. 4d. I pay the entertainments of a constable at 2s. per diem, a porter at 12d. per diem, and 10 warders at 6d. le piece per diem, in toto per diem, 8s., per annum, 146l. So pay I, and bear I, yearly in all, 256l. 9s. 4d. I receive yearly out of 89 quarters of land belonging to the said house after 30s. the quarter, which is the rent due, 133l. I receive out of the parsonages belonging to the abbey 55 pecks of wheat and 59 pecks of beire, which after 4s. the peck amounteth to 22l. 10s.; and 92 pecks of oats, which amounteth to 4l. 12s. after 12d. the peck, and 240 yards of linnen cloth which, after 2d. the yard, amounteth to 40s., and out of the rents of the town about 20l. And so all that is remaining is 182l. 2s., which being abstracted from the sum of 256l. 9s. 4d., I pay yearly for my house rent, 74l. 7s. 4d. The customs and services of the said lordship are worth to me nothing, and therefore I gain by Roscommon—Nil.

The Abbey of Boyle.—Where he saith the Abbey of Boyle now is, and shortly will be, worth to me above the yearly rent, yearly 66l. 13s. 4d. you shall understand that to the said abbey belongeth 23 quarters of land, which I let to farm for 20s. a quarter. All the tithe of it is not worth to me above 3l. per annum. There are two granges in Sligo, which yield about 8l. per annum, and a grange or two in O'Rourk's country which yield nothing. And so the whole that I receive yearly is but 34l., and yet of that, indeed, I receive little more than one-half, for my servants and soldiers are tenants to it, who look to have it free. I pay yearly into the Exchequer for rent about 12l. I pay for the composition rent 11l. And I paid Mr. Usher for two years past over and above the said rents 20l., so have I paid yearly hitherto 33l.; so all things accounted, this is not yet worth anything to me, what it will be I know not, but I think it will be nothing worth this five years, and therefore it shall be cast out,—Nil. [The chiefest things of this, are granted to men of Athenry and Galway.]

The castle and lands of Ballimote.—Whereas he saith that the castle of Ballimote, with the barony of Corren, and 23 quarters of land, are worth above the rent, towards the maintenance of the ward, 100l. It appears by the word towards, that his Lordship intendeth 100l. is not sufficient to maintain the said ward, yet because it is laid down to be worth 100l. per annum (which with the composition rent that is paid, viz., 10s. out of every quarter of land), I answer and say that it falleth out to be a very dear rent, for no man that I know will give above 20s. for a quarter of it, and pay the composition rent. And so the 23 quarters shall yield but 23l., too small a sum to defray the charges of a ward there. Yet after I had to my no small charges won it, I did at my own charge maintain a constable and ward there a long time before the land was worth 20s. a quarter, and never had penny allowed me for the same. And such rents as are collected out of the barony of Corren, I am accountable for it, so that I have been a great loser by it, and therefore must say that this benefit of 100l. falls out to be less than nothing,—Nil.

The provisions for my house.—And whereas he saith that by his sufferance I have beef at 13s. 4d. le piece, porks at 2s. 6d., and muttons at 12d. le piece. And all other small acates at the rates of the prerogative, valued towards the finding of my house 300l. yearly. I think that all reasonable men who shall look into this, and shall know that all mine entertainments amount but 500l. per annum, will find the error so gross, that they will not expect the further confutation of it. For if it were so, that I should spend all my entertainments in beef, porks, muttons, and such like, and give but 6s. 8d. for a beef, 15d. for a pork, and 6d. for a mutton, yet the benefit could not be so great as he hath set it down, viz., 300l. per annum. But whereas his Lordship saith that I have these things so good cheap by his permission, as though it were a new favour, never granted to any here before, and as though I had some great benefit by it indeed. I must needs tell his Lordship that the governors of this province have heretofore had their provisions continually after the rates of the prerogative, when their beeves cost them but 9s. (after which rate his Lordship yet hath them). But I am forced by the composition to pay 13s. 4d. for a beef, whereas for my ready money I can buy at seasonable times for 12s. a beef in many places of the province. And as for porks and muttons, I cannot spend so many as I can weekly buy at Ballymote market for 2s. 6d. a pork and 12d. a mutton. Truly I have such a benefit by having beefs for 13s. 4d. a piece, that when they are brought into me as parcel of the composition rent, I pay and deliver them presently to such as serve here, in part of their entertainments, and am glad to be rid of them so. Oh then! What a great benefit and bargain I have of this. It is even—Nil.

Fines, amerciaments, escheats, and casualties.—Lastly. To close up all the rest. The fines of pardons, the amerciaments, forfeitures, escheats, and other casualties of this province, are brought in as unaccounted for. Whereunto I must answer, quid defertur non aufertur. Although they be not accounted for, they must be accounted for. And there have been none such received here, but they are set down under the hand of Gerald Comerford, Her Majesty's attorney of this province, and John Moore, clerk of the Crown, who gathered the same and paid it over to Mr. Marbury, one of Her Majesty's Council here, at whose hands I received the same and must be accountable for it. And therefore I can have no benefit by it, more than by receiving the revenue and composition rent, which commonly I receive with the one hand and pay out again with the other, to such as by the establishment are to receive the same. And lest that it might be thought to rest in me to bestow and give in reward any of the said fines and casualties, I am so far from having any such power, as I cannot bestow on any man about me, the meanest office of the province, nor anything at all which is in the Queen's gift, for all is too little for his Lordship and his men. The suitor is fed with fair words till the thing he demandeth be well known to be in his Lordship's disposing, and that it is worth something, and then he bestoweth it on some of his own men, yea sometimes when he hath passed his hand to the contrary before. So that such as I prefer in like suits are still made instruments to further his men; and I and mine beat the bushes, and he and his catch the birds. So far therefore am I from having benefit by the fines, amerciaments, and casualties, that I get thereby—Nil.

Summa totalis. The whole of mine yearly entertainments as before is laid down, amounteth to 505l.

Indorsed: A view of Sir Richard Byngham's entertainments the 28th of October 1586, whereby appeareth, though the Deputy pretendeth him to have 1,941l. by year, yet in truth, the same is but 505l. only, by year. pp. 6.

Oct. 29.

68. Petition of Edmund English (servant to Mr. Petre) to Burghley, for payment of 155l. 7s. 5d. due to Mr. Richard Zouche, a servitor in Ireland. p. 1.

Oct. 30. My house, near the Savoy.

69. [Burghley] to Mr. Petre, for payments to certain Irish suitors. p. 1.

Oct. 30.

70. Petition of John Davenaent to Burghley, for payment of 180l. 5s. for money and wares disbursed to servitors in Ireland. p. 1.

Oct. 31. Cork.

71. Geff. Fenton to Burghley. Since my repair into this province, which is now a month and more, and after conference had with the Vice-president touching some principal points for the present service, I thought it best to make a circuit along the sea-coasts, to search the havens and creeks and to lay espial upon every part for discovery, but chiefly to assure as much as I could, the people inhabiting the maritime parts, being for many respects to be doubted most. In the meanwhile, the Vice-president was to be occupied about the surveys and the services incident thereunto, the rather for that here is no other of the quorum but he, the Treasurer having left the country so soon as I entered, and Sir Valentine Browne remaining still in England.

I began my circuit at Waterford, and continued it till I came to Cape Clear, being not able to pass further for the ways which were impassable by land, and the weather very tempestuous by sea, and yet not so much as a pinnace to transport me. In this tract I found the principal gentlemen and captains of countries, possessed of an intelligence that a navy of Spanish ships, lately prepared in Biscay, were fallen down to the coast of Brittany, with intention to pass for Rochelle. And that the fugitives of Ireland, as well the priests as gentlemen, were drawn down to the sea-coasts in Spain, to be embarked for some attempt upon this land; and were enabled thereunto with money and men. Amongst whom, the better to continue the exploit, they told me that the Pope had lately created a new Earl of Desmond, and another Viscount of Baltinglas, the one a Geraldine, though in a remote degree, and the other a brother to the late Viscount, the Revolt: but I answered these points and left them fully satisfied. And withal not a little comforted that Her Majesty in so doubtful a time, had care of their safety, in sending one of purpose to be at hand with them in all events.

From Waterford to this place, is less danger for descent of strangers, than from this port westward [in margin by Burghley Capcler], and therefore I forbear to trouble your Lordship with describing the particular harbours in that tract, for that they are less doubtful than the others, both by their situation and fidelity of the people. But to begin with Kinsale; the place supposed by your Lordships, in your advertisement to the Lord Deputy, to be of most peril in that port, I think to be Rincorran, a castle of Sir Thomas Barry alias Barry Oge. It standeth upon the seaside, almost in the midway between the haven mouth and the town, but more apt to scour the harbour up to the town than to defend the mouth or entrance of the haven, for that it is somewhat too far off, and hath need of a bulwark to be made upon the westerly point, to serve that turn. A little without the town is a bulwark, aforetime begun by Sir Henry Sydney, and not as yet finished, which being perfected will suffice, together with the other to be placed upon the westerly point, to command the harbour and defend it. Many harms have been done of late to the town of Kinsale by pirates and men of war, by reason the haven is open without defence, and they fear, and in reason it is to be doubted, that if any descent of strangers be, it will fall there, the rather for the weakness of the haven, and that there is a town to receive them which is not able to make resistance. I conferred with the principal men of the town, what they would contribute to the building of a bulwark at the mouth of the haven, and finishing the other that is almost done, but they objected the poverty of the town, which I see is such as they can yield no other help than digging of stones, and to draw them to the place. If there could be spared 60l. or 80l. of the fines and issues of this province, I think it would suffice to perfect both the bulwark, and also raise a rampart or platform at one coigne of the said castle of Rincorran, which would flank both the haven mouth and all the harbour up to the town, and truly without this fortification there can be no surety made of the town and haven of Kinsale.

Castlehaven and Glandore, alias Dumhaven, are the next to this, and lie by west the Old Head of Kinsale, where I also was and viewed it at large. They lie one near another, being divided but by a small neck of land, which nevertheless doth not impeach them but that they may succour and relieve one another. Their entry or mouth is somewhat large, but yet a bulwark placed upon the easterly point of either of them may defend them and make it too hot for ships to enter. Their harbours within, but chiefly that of Castlehaven, are large, and draw great water, a good space up into the land, with castles of either side the shore to answer any turn either with or against Her Majesty, as they shall be possessed and employed. If the time continue doubtful for foreign invasion, it were to good purpose that these castles were taken for Her Majesty, till the danger be past, for that if they should fall into the hands of the enemy, I see not how they might be recovered by any service or attempt by land, the ways being inaccessible either for horse or great artillery, and almost for men to march on foot by reason of rocks and mountainous ground full of difficulties.

At Baltimore, which lieth under Cape Clear, the entry of the haven is somewhat "more narrower" than that of Castlehaven, and therefore more commodious to be fortified with one bulwark only at the easterly point, and though the harbour within be large and spacious, and ships being once entered may by a natural benefit of the place, pass through into the sea by another outleap, as the seamen term it, yet by reason of an abbey and castle upon the island of Inisherkan within the harbour, which may be made to flank from the one end of the harbour to the other with small charges, ships cannot ride there in safety though they escape the danger of the bulwark at the entry. The abbey within the island of Inisherkan is Her Majesty's, and the castle belongeth to one of the O'Driscols, kinsman and follower to Sir Finnin O'Driscol, by whom I learned it would not be hard for Her Majesty to have that castle, if it should be required for any necessity of service.

Next to this is Crook Haven, lying under the Mizenhead and hath by west it Beare Haven, but I could not pass thither for the impediments aforementioned, yet I sent a foot messenger for Sir Owen O'Sullivan to come to me at my return to Cork, which he did, and there I gave him some necessary instructions for his better government in this doubtful time. I perceive by him that both the Earl of Clancar and he are desirous to repair into England, and if they would not be troublesome to Her Majesty with suits, it were not amiss they were licensed, and lingered there for a time upon general hopes, till these foreign doubts were passed over, for assuredly they are men likely to give way to invasion, if they find the advantage of the time to serve thereunto.

I am driven to draw out this letter at more length than either I would, or is meet for your Lordship's ease to read it, yet I hope your Lordship will consider how much tediousness is to be borne withall in such declarations as this. I was accompanied in this journey with one Mr. Nicholas Comerford, alderman of Waterford, by whom I found very faithful assistance, both to discover the unsoundness of some gentlemen, and also to stay and assure them; if it would please your Lordship to take knowledge thereof, and bestow a letter of thanks of him, it would not a little encourage him to the like well-doing another time, besides, he is very desirous to depend on your Lordship, and is in truth the man of greatest account in that corporation. pp. 3.

Oct.

72. Names of such as are suitors for money out of the Privy Seal presently granted for Ireland. p. 1.

Oct.

73. Note of suitors to whom money is to be paid. p. 1.