Preface

PREFACE.

The period of which this Volume treats extends from October 1592 to June 1596. The previous Volume contained full accounts of the wreck of the Armada and of the miseries endured by the Spaniards and their allies. This Volume opens with a project for a rebellion on a grander scale than any which had previously raged in Ireland. It will be necessary to refer to portions of the previous Volume of this calendar, in order to see some of the earlier stages of the conspiracy.

The Spaniards, surprised and mortified at the overthrow of their invincible Armada, were making up their minds to wipe out the disgrace to the best of their ability. Sir Brian O'Rourke had been executed at Tyburn for the determined manner in which he had relieved the Spaniards, who had taken refuge in his country, and openly braved the Queen's officers. The King of Spain, hearing of this, and of the disasters that had happened to his forces, was preparing to bring all the resources of learning, counsel, prowess, enterprise, and wealth at his command to bear upon Ireland, in the hope of wrenching it from the powerful grasp of England's Queen.

Let us now consider the period when, for the second time, Sir William Fitzwilliams held the office of Lord Deputy. He managed the Earl of Tyrone much better than did his successor Sir William Russell, for he knew, not only the Earl, but also the valour and disposition of his own English colleagues, and the best way to treat them. As for Sir William Russell, his overbearing carriage towards Sir John Norreys and other eminent soldiers, gave to the Earl of Tyrone ample opportunities to secure a much firmer hold of confederates than could have been possible for him, under better and more united rule.

Among the notable actors here introduced is the Primate McGawran. He was a native of O'Rourke's country (see p. 464 of preceding Volume), had been entertained at the Court of Spain by the King and his ministers, and through their means advanced by the Pope to the Archbishopric of Armagh and the Primacy of all Ireland. When he returned to his own country, he was very active in promoting and cementing the intended rebellion with promises of forces out of Spain. He reconciled the petty differences between kinsmen and neighbours, but was ultimately killed in the Maghery with several rebels. We will now let each of the prominent contemporaries, who took part in these stirring events, tell his narrative in his own way.

On the 5th of February 1588–9 (see p. 119 of Vol. IV.), the Earl of Tyrone writes from Ballyscanlan to Secretary Walsingham, stating that, by the death of the Earl of Leicester, who had had a special care of his bringing up and well-doing, he is destitute of a friend to patronise his good actions. He therefore begs Walsingham to take Leicester's place, and asks that, as he lives (like all others in Ireland) continually subject to accusations and hard constructions of well-meaning services, he may from time to time be made acquainted with any bad reports of him, so that he may answer them. The Earl adds that he has matched a daughter of his to [Hugh Roe] a son of O'Donnell's, and prays for the liberation of Hugh from Dublin Castle, where he was lying as a pledge. Hugh soon secured his freedom in another way.

In a note of the measures to be considered for counteracting the stir that may ensue in Ulster through the recent escape of the three pledges from Dublin Castle (see p. 457 of Vol. IV.), it is stated that there is no readier way to cross Hugh Roe O'Donnell, if he attempt any alteration in Tyrconnell, than for the Lord Deputy to send presently into that country, from the State, a sheriff for Her Majesty, as was the custom in other times. The sheriff is to have instructions to countenance Hugh Duff O'Donnell, and Sir Hugh O'Donnell's eldest son by his first wife, these being opposed to O'Donnell's present wife and her children who are Scottish. Hugh Duff O'Donnell is represented as a man of action, and strong in the opinion of the country, because he is the eldest son, and by an Irish woman. It is thought that Hugh Roe O'Donnell will not fly into Scotland, through fear of meeting the fate of O'Rourke.

The note further states that, to "meet with" the doings of Henry O'Neill and his brethren, who, no doubt, will practice all they can to work disturbance, it were well to exact from O'Neill two of the best of the Donnelaghs as pledges. It is advertised that Walter Reagh has left his country, and gone with the Donnelaghs into the north, which savours of a further conspiracy. If the Lord Deputy take hold of Maurice McWalter, father to Walter Reagh, it may be a mean to stay the son from attempting anything against the State, or at least to divert him from the combination, and draw him home again. Besides, it will keep in awe Feagh McHugh O'Byrne, who is no doubt of the party, if any alteration be intended.

On June 2nd (see p. 518 of Vol. IV.), the Lord Deputy, writing from Kilmainham, informs Burghley of the escape of the three prisoners, and of the punishment of the officials in charge. O'Donnell was not long in showing his state of mind towards the government in Ireland. The Lord Deputy says:—"For Hugh Roe O'Donnell, he "has taken upon him the name of O'Donnell and govern"ment of the country, but by his father's consent and "giving up the same unto him; and a most simple man is "that father of his. This young man, to begin with, did "remove Captain Willis, appointed sheriff for that county, "and, after, made two or three incursions very rebelliously "with some Scots and others upon Sir Tirlough O'Neill, "O'Cahan, and others of Sir Tirlough's followers, but of "their goods carried few or none away with him, and "returned both with loss of horses, horsemen, and some "others of his company. He has sought to come to me by "protection, but in such sort as the Council and I "thought not meet to grant. And so lieth his country in "the uttermost remote parts of the north, as he is able to "do hurt to none but Sir Tirlough O'Neill, and those "under him, who, God willing, shall be so aided as the "other shall not be able to annoy him to any purpose."

A few days later, on the 13th of June (see p. 520 of Vol. IV.), the Lord Deputy and Council write to the Privy Council that, after consultation on the state of the several provinces of Ireland, and especially of Ulster, and in consideration of letters received from Hugh Roe O'Donnell, they had, for the purpose of drawing him to obedience, and for the quiet of the realm, granted him protection. They had sent two gentlemen to persuade and encourage him to repair to Dublin, and also that they might understand his forces and the state of his country. O'Donnell, however, did not come, but wrote many excuses, especially his want of money, and requested to be furnished with the loan of 800l. or 900l. from the State; and

On June 30 (see p. 532 of Vol. IV.), Sir Richard Bingham writes from Clonigashall to Burghley that the Burkes of the sept of Ulick have received great heartening from Hugh Roe O'Donnell and the Popish bishop, Neale O'Boyle, who arrived in Ulster three weeks before in a flyboat laden with salt. A fortnight later (see p. 543 of Vol. IV.), Sir Richard tells Burghley of an attempt made by these Burkes to rescue certain prisoners which lay in a small cabin without the castle of Clonigashall. The assailants were repulsed with the loss of eight men, and as many wounded. Sir Richard says:—"I hope by "Saturday next to bring things to a good conclusion "here, for that is the day which I have appointed the "Burkes to bring in their pledges, assuring myself to "establish a good obedience amongst the Burkes, though "all men know them to be the unconstantest and faithless "people within this realm. If I may be able to get into "Castle Barry before this summer be ended, as I hope I "shall, I do not doubt but the same shall so tame the "Burkes as their disobedience shall not hereafter so "much trouble the State; but they were procured to "these terms now by means of Hugh Roe O'Donnell and "those Popish bishops which are with him."

On July 24 (see p. 551 of Vol. IV.) the Lord Deputy, who had arrived at Dundalk, writes to Burghley as to employing the Earl of Tyrone to bring O'Donnell to that place, and desires to know Her Majesty's pleasure touching the latter.

Whatever measures were taken, the Lord Deputy tells the Privy Council on August 2 (see p. 564 of Vol. IV.):—"Yesternight late, Hugh Roe O'Donnell came to Dundalk, "and this day and to-morrow I trust the Council and I "shall make an end with him, if he means to conform "himself to the obedience and duty of a subject." O'Donnell did so far conform that, on August 8, the Lord Deputy wrote from Kilmainham to Burghley, notifying that on the 2nd of the month, in the church at Dundalk, O'Donnell had, before a great assembly, delivered his humble submission, making great show of sorrow for his misdemeanors committed, protesting hereafter to hold a more dutiful course of life, and had very willingly yielded himself to be sworn to perform the several parts of his submission and certain other articles. On September 16, the Lord Deputy tells Burghley that O'Donnell, on his return home from Dundalk, not only made proclamation that all strangers should depart his country, but also wrote letters to sundry of his bordering neighbours, exhorting them to live as became dutiful subjects. If any of them did otherwise, O'Donnell told them to look for no friendship at his hand, as he had sworn his duty and allegiance to Her Majesty and the State.

On September 25 (see p. 590 of Vol. IV.), Sir Richard Bingham, writing from Clonigashall to Burghley, gives an interesting account of the progress of affairs in Connaught. The Burkes, even after their traitorous attempt to rescue the prisoners in the previous June, still made show of a desire for peace. They refused, however, to yield to such reasonable conditions as the State required of them. being fed with a vain hope from Hugh Roe O'Donnell of foreign aid. Bingham says that the combination between the Burkes and O'Donnell greatly stirred up the former to stand upon terms. He had intercepted a bag full of Irish letters going to them from that leader; by which letters it appeared that O'Donnell had promised to come himself and join the Burkes. But when the promise was not kept, and Bingham was seen to be drawing nearer with a good force, the Burkes began to repent of what they had done, and by little and little came to "meetly good offers." Seeing their dilatoriness Bingham got his men in readiness, and with the assistance of the Earl of Clanricarde, Theobald Dillon, and others, began to march towards the mountains. The very first day he removed from the Gissaden towards the Burkes, the captains of their gallowglasses, the best of all the Clandonnells, came in to him, offering to stand to whatever conditions might be prescribed to them. They were accordingly received, and stayed some time with the English commander. Then the Burkes, seeing the Clandonnells had forsaken them, came in great haste to Bingham the same day, with similar offers of submission. These were accepted, and the march of the forces diverted to Burrishoole. In a few days, Tibbot Burke M'Richard En Erin came in to Bingham, and agreed to all things for the Burkes, O'Malleys, and Clangibbons, delivering in two pledges, until the others for the several septs were brought in, and the conditions performed in full. It seemed as if a hitch was going to occur in settling matters with the Burkes, for they wished the sept of the Joys to be included in their peace. The Joys dwelt in "the greatest fastness within all Ireland, for mountain, wood, and bog." Bingham would in no wise allow of their inclusion, and the Burkes gave way, promising men to serve against the Joys, if need arose. After settling terms with the Burkes, the English commander directed his march against the Joys, and arrived at a place called Ballynonon upon the side of Lough Mask. Thither the Joys came, and submitted themselves upon the same conditions as the Burkes, putting in three good pledges for continuance of their loyalty.

Early in 1593, Sir George Bingham sends his brother word (see. p. 71) of a council of seven bishops lately held in O'Donnell's country. James O'Crean brought the news The chief among the prelates was Bishop McGawran, whom the Pope had made Lord Primate of all Ireland. The council lasted for two or three days, and certain letters were written, which were to be despatched out of hand by Bishop O'Hely to the Pope and the King of Spain. O'Crean further learned from the Primate that the King of Spain went into France "by waggon," taking with him his daughter to be married to the Duke of Guise. The Primate himself went in the King's company, and said His Majesty had determined to send two armies in the ensuing summer, one to England and the other to Ireland. The army for Ireland was to come by Scotland, and land in the north. The only want was to have some great man in Ireland for their leader or general, and Hugh Roe O'Donnell was thought to be "the most fittest" for that purpose. The Primate also brought a warrant from the Pope for Brian Oge O'Rourke to be the legitimate heir to his father, and by virtue thereof to enjoy his father's country. The Primate landed at Drogheda, and stayed there two or three days. If privy wait were laid at that place, Sir George Bingham thought Bishop O'Hely might be apprehended, and all their practices found out. The Primate had proceeded to Maguire's country, and was "most relieved" there.

On January 12 (see p. 72), Richard Ailward, the Mayor of Waterford, communicated to the Lord Deputy some news from Spain that had been brought by Edward Leonard, a merchant of Waterford, lately arrived at Cork. The ship, in which Leonard went to Spain, was called the "Sunday," and it was captured near Cape Finisterre by four Spanish vessels. The merchant complained bitterly of the outrages inflicted upon him and his companions by the Spaniards. He told of the coming of the Spanish fleet of 36 sail to Ferrol, and of the pressing of the "Sunday" and other ships to serve therewith.

Further news from Spain came in the report made by George Rutherford and Thomas Golbrone. Sir William Stanley had had his pension from the King stopped, and had left Spain with Cahil O'Connor and others who had been pensioners. Certain Scottish ships had been allowed to traffic by the Spanish authorities.

The Lord Deputy and Council complain to Burghley on April 24 of their weak estate, both as regards men and money, for withstanding the fury of the Spaniards, and enclose information from Thomas Crylly, who had been at Bilboa in Biscay, confirming the reports of Spanish naval preparations against Ireland. Some 60 sail were collecting at Lisbon, ostensibly to receive the Marquis of Santa Cruz, and convey him and a number of soldiers to Flanders, but in reality to set out for Ireland. All Englishmen and Irishmen in the pay of the King of Spain were discharged of their places and entertainment, and all Scottish shipping was stayed.

At the close of April, the Lord Deputy and Council send intelligence to Burghley of a combination in Ulster against the State. They had written to the Earl of Tyrone to make his personal repair to Dublin. According to the information of Patrick McArt Moyle [McMahon], sheriff of the county of Monaghan, Bishop McGawran repaired to Maguire and afterwards to O'Donnell, and endeavoured to persuade them to forbear all obedience to the State, saying that before mid May next the forces of the Pope and the King of Spain would arrive to aid them against the Queen. Thereupon the Primate and O'Donnell sent their letters to the Earl of Tyrone, Cormack McBaron, and Brian McHugh Oge, and a day of meeting was appointed. On that day, in the presence of the Earl of Tyrone at Dungannon, Maguire took an oath to join with the Spanish forces. On a subsequent day, at Ballynascanlan, before the Earl of Tyrone, Cormack McBaron, Brian McHugh Oge, and seven others, took a similar oath to aid the Spanish navy, which the Primate affirmed to be more in number of ship masts than there were trees in a great wood in Maguire's country. The conspiracy was greatly countenanced by some of the best of the O'Neills. The common report throughout Tyrone, Fermanagh, Tyrconnell, and Monaghan was of the arrival of Spaniards, and the Primate McGawran was highly accounted of in those parts of Ireland. The names of the principal men absent from the sessions were, Brian McHugh Oge, and his brother, Rory McBrene's two sons, and Brian Ne Sawagh: the freeholders for the most part were all present. Information came from Sir Hugh Magennis to Sir Henry Bagenall that the Earl of Tyrone purposed to enter into action of rebellion against Her Majesty, if he could compass the agreement between himself and O'Neill [i.e., Tirlough Lynagh], and have the government of the whole country. O'Donnell and Maguire were to join with him. Sir Richard Bingham, in his letter of June 6 from Roscommon, told Burghley that "one McGawran who terms himself Primate" did much mischief riding on his chief horse with his staff and shirt of mail, and gave it as his opinion that all the temporising courses in the world would never make the rebels better subjects.

The Archbishop of Cashel, Milerus Magrath, in a letter of June 8 from his lodging in London, unfolds to Sir Robert Cecil his "present extremities," arising from the information he had given both the English and Irish authorities of the lamentable state of affairs in Ireland, and of some means to remedy the same. The Archbishop had in consequence been so hardly beset by the "general "unbridled multitude there, notorious Papists and reconciled to the Pope and King of Spain," very few of them escaping the whip of his censuring discoveries, that they had all joined hearts and hands together to overthrow him, and by slanderous suggestions had turned the Lord Deputy from lending a listening ear to his complaints. The Archbishop therefore appealed to "the uncorrupted "seat of justice, and sanctuary of all afflicted subjects, "Her Majesty and honourable Council," and prayed for a commission to be issued for the investigation of his causes. This being obtained, he would repair to his poor flock, and live quietly amongst them.

The Earl of Tyrone made show of much grief at being accused of disloyalty to the Queen. He wrote to the Privy Council, excusing himself, and expressing a desire to go to England. He also wrote to the Earl of Essex, and asked him to deliver his letter to Her Majesty, and to procure an answer.

The Lord Deputy, Sir William Fitzwilliams, who had served 23 years in Ireland, besides 12 in England, now prayed to be recalled.

On June 28 (see p. 110), Sir Richard Bingham wrote from Roscommon to the Privy Council that Maguire had shown himself "so insolent, and beyond all measure so "outrageous a traitor and notorious faithbreaker," that nothing could be alleged in his excuse. Maguire's forces attacked Bingham, but were repulsed, and their leader received such detriment and shame by the journey that he "made an Irish vow" to return and be revenged. Bingham hoped the Lord Deputy would not continue protecting Maguire.

This same month of June, the Primate McGawran, who had stirred up so much mischief, and given the State in Ireland such cause for anxiety, was slain in the Maghery, with seven or eight of the Maguires.

Although much information had been received concerning the "foreign conspiracy" in Ulster, the Lord Deputy and Council did not consider they had sufficient evidence to warrant them in proceeding against the Earl of Tyrone. They had accordingly given him warrant to make a pacification with Maguire. Captain Humfrey Willis had been prevented from executing the office of sheriff in Maguire's country, and some details of the state of affairs there are given in the examination of Morris O'Skanlon, who was there at the time. The soldiers were "too hard" for Maguire, until he received help from Cormack McBaron and others. After that, the soldiers had to take refuge in a church, where they were kept about six or seven days, until the Earl of Tyrone rescued them. O'Skanlon further mentioned the names of such as were leaders, and had entertainment in Maguire's country. Among the enclosures sent in the letter of June 30 from the Lord Deputy and Council to the Privy Council, was the translation of an Irish letter from Maguire to the Earl of Tyrone, in which complaint was made that "the Binghams" had done him much hurt continually. Maguire had, therefore, sent his forces to the west, and they had returned with great preys. They had burned Ballymote up to the door of the castle, held by Sir George Bingham. Maguire confessed to an expectation of further great trouble. Another enclosure in the same letter of the Council was a translation of an Irish letter from Maguire to Angus McDonnell, asking the latter to come to his aid with five or six hundred men. On July 1 (see p. 120), Sir Henry Bagenall wrote from the Newry to Burghley that the Earl of Tyrone was like enough to assume absolute command throughout Ulster, as his predecessors had done. The Earl was employed to appease Maguire, although thought to be no small instigator of him and the rest to the outrages they had committed.

On July 2, the Lord Deputy and Council send news to the Privy Council of the discovery of a fleet on the west coast of Ireland, and beg for supplies of men and money.

In September and October, the Earl of Tyrone was encamped close by the forces of the Marshal, Sir Henry Bagenall, and professed to be doing all he could against the enemies of the Queen. The Lord Deputy and Council, however, were dissatisfied with his actions, and gave expression to an opinion of his remissness in service. To this the Earl replied in a letter from Derrymollan on October 5, affirming that he had done all that lay in his power, and craving that a better opinion might thereafter be held of his endeavours. He also advised the State to take order for Hugh Roe O'Donnell's continuance in loyalty, and not to think that O'Donnell would be led by him. The Lord Deputy and Council wrote at the same time to O'Donnell, stating that they perceived how clear he stood from the actions of Maguire, and how confidently he had offered to serve against that traitor. It was reported, however, that some of the goods and creaghts of Maguire had passed over into O'Donnell's country for safety. The Council therefore desire O'Donnell to seize any such to Her Majesty's use and benefit, and promise him liberal recompense out of the said goods. About the middle of October, a decisive victory was gained at Beleek over Maguire by the Marshal and the Earl of Tyrone. The enemy were chased for five miles or more, and 340 of them slain. Some the Marshal killed with his own hands. The Earl was wounded with a dart through the right leg. In his account of the fighting, the Earl makes special mention of the bravery and good conduct of Henry Hovenden, Captain Lea, Michael Marshall (lieutenant of the Earl's footband), Dudley Loftus, son of the Lord Chancellor, and Lieutenant George Greame. The Lord Chancellor, who also received a full account of the action from the Earl, considered that the latter should have signified to him Her Majesty's "gracious acceptation of "his diligence and faithfulness, wherein, by the general "report of all, he hath not been inferior to any in this "service, which will be an exceeding comfort and "encouragement to him." Sir Philip Holles sent further details of the fighting, saying that Maguire had escaped to the woods, but hoping that the winter's service would make an end of the traitor. On November 5, the Earl of Tyrone wrote to the Privy Council full particulars of the victory, and, with reference to his spear wound through the right leg, gracefully states, "being glad, though my hurt was "sore, that, for a testimony of my loyalty and faithfulness to serve Her Majesty, it was my chance to have a "print in my body of this day's service, as I have had "many other before this time; not doubting that my "blood now lost in this and other services heretofore will "satisfy the Queen's Majesty, and confirm her good "opinion of me, and also your Lordships'."

At page 181 there are three secret notes added to a "Journal of Mr. Marshal's service against the traitor "Maguire," touching secret meetings between the Earl of Tyrone, O'Donnell, and Maguire.

At page 242 we have the conclusion between the Commissioners and the Earl of Tyrone, whereby the Earl promised that he would restrain O'Donnell from rebellion, or do his uttermost, and spend his life to suppress him.

On August 10, 1594, Sir Henry Duke and Sir Edward Herbert write from Cavan to the Lord Deputy, telling of their severe repulse when attempting the relief of Enniskillen. They are glad that any escaped alive, considering the immense multitude of the enemy. Sir Richard Bingham had newly come with two companies out of Dublin and 50 out of Drogheda. Sir William Russell, who had succeeded Sir William Fitzwilliams as Lord Deputy, writes to Burghley a week later, that the next matter requiring speedy regard is the Castle of Enniskillen, and that he has resolved to take his journey with all available forces for its relief. Whilst this matter was being debated, the Earl of Tyrone came to Dublin, without standing upon any terms for his security, offering all service to Her Majesty, and standing only upon his innocence. The Lord Deputy holds it fit neither to build upon him, nor to give him cause for suspicion, and means to keep him in good terms till he knows the Queen's pleasure. For the better perfecting of the relief of Enniskillen, and for other exigencies in Ireland, Sir William prays for a supply of men, munition, and money. The Earl of Ormond was left to keep the borders against Feagh McHugh O'Byrne and Walter Reagh. The Earl of Tyrone, who agreed to send his eldest son to Dublin for the purposes of learning, was not satisfied with his own reception in that town. He expressed to the Lord Deputy and Council his chagrin that the Marshal should have received the whole thanks for the service against Maguire, and wrote to the Privy Council that his fear of false accusations and corrupt practices had made him endeavour nothing else but the preservation of his life. He begged their Lordships to bring him to the wonted favour of the Queen. To Burghley he sent an autograph letter, excusing his absenting himself from the late Lord Deputy, on the ground that the latter sought to take his life.

Sir Richard Bingham informed Burghley (see p. 265), that the loss sustained by Sir Henry Duke in endeavouring to relieve Enniskillen had made the traitors very insolent. He said it would be most dishonourable to suffer so many of their countrymen as were in that place to have their throats cut. The siege of Enniskillen was the Earl of Tyrone's action, although he came in in person. Burghley himself wrote to the Earl that he misliked that he should suffer his forces to maintain open rebels. The Lord Deputy's journey to Enniskillen was long and difficult, as his troops were driven to cut through the waste mountains and bogs of O'Rourke's country; yet, notwithstanding all impediments, the castle was relieved on August 30, 12 days after the departure from Dublin. During the march spies had been employed both to discover the enemy and his doings, and also to give knowledge to the beleaguered garrison of the advance to relieve them. The besieged had been greatly discouraged by the defeat of Sir Henry Duke and Sir Edward Herbert, and the loss of all victuals conveyed by those officers. The garrison were so reduced that they lived upon horseflesh, dogs, cats, rats, and salt hides, and at the time when the Lord Deputy and his forces entered the castle, there was but one horse left alive, which was to have been slaughtered the next day and divided amongst the company. None of the spies referred to above returned, being, as was supposed, either cut off by the enemy, or detained by them; so that, until the relieving force was within a mile of the castle, it did not know whether it was held for the Queen or for the enemy. In the castle were found 40 persons of all sorts. These were reduced to 30, as this number was considered a sufficient ward, and the place was victualled for six months. A plentiful fishing of eels was, besides, to be had in the lough, under cover of the castle. As regarded building, the castle was only of ordinary strength, but by situation it was more formidable. It stood close upon the lough, which led to Beleek, and so to the river of Erne, and therefore was most meet to be kept for Her Majesty, to serve a turn to pierce further into the north, either to take Ballyshannon in Tyrconnell, and Beleek and Bondrowse on Connaught side, or to answer any attempt in Tyrone, if Her Majesty so liked at any time.

On August 29, the Earl of Tyrone wrote to the Lord Deputy of O'Donnell's willingness to make peace, and said that all his own followers and country people were resolutely sworn to act as O'Donnell did. Reply was sent that the Lord Deputy would meet the Earl at Cavan on the following Wednesday to confer on the matter. The Earl immediately wrote back, excusing his not coming to the Cavan, on the ground that Angus McDonnell was to land with a great number of Scots. O'Donnell demanded a general pardon, to include Brian Oge O'Rourke, Maguire, Brian McHugh Oge, and all who had been proclaimed.

The summer, Sir Richard Bingham thought, had been ill spent in parleying with the rebels, and in sending them protections. They had got their harvest, gathered loose knaves from the whole realm, and were now having the help of the long nights to further their rebellious attempts. The suspicions entertained by the Lord Deputy of the Earl of Tyrone's disloyalty were great, and even Sir Geffrey Fenton considered that the Earl would be very readily adopted by Spain as an instrument for accomplishing her long-plotted designs. Sir Henry Bagenall brought certain charges against Tyrone, but put them in general terms, stating that if he had specified matters more particularly, his witnesses would probably have been murdered. Sir Geffrey Fenton wrote to Burghley on December 5, that the Earl, by frivolous surmises of the danger of his life in obeying the summons of the Lord Deputy and Council, fully unmasked himself, and showed that he had other pretences. If Tyrone published himself as a Protector of the Catholic cause, he would shake all the four provinces. By degrees the Earl came more boldly out as an enemy of the Government, and in June 1595, we find him with his forces barring the return of Sir Henry Bagenall and his troops from the Newry to Dundalk. Late in the same month, Sir Geffrey Fenton sent Burghley word that the Earl was gathering all his forces, and had collected three months' victuals upon the country. He had been proclaimed at Dundalk and in the camp, and proclamations had been issued to all the corporate towns, so that the people might take full notice thereof. The Lord Deputy (see p. 335) openly called the Earl "the most ungrateful traitor that ever lived." In July, Cornelius, the titular Bishop of Killaloe, wrote from Lisbon to Tyrone:—"We have just learned with great satisfaction that you, the "Earl of Tyrone, have openly taken up arms, and joined "with the other chieftains of Ulster against the Queen, "and I have every confidence you will meet with success. "I have earnestly, but with great caution, persuaded the "King to send you a fleet, with which to oppose the "enemy, and subjugate the English government, and that "you may free yourself and all your people from the "oppressive yoke of the English for ever. Furthermore, "I find the King's mind most ready and willing to send "you assistance and that immediately. Wherefore you "must manfully and bravely and powerfully resist, "without making any peace or treaty with the enemies "of the faith, for King Philip has seen these letters, and "has requested me to write off to you that you should be "helped immediately, and be assured that I shall be with "you very shortly, so that you may crush the enemy and "regain your liberty. Resist, therefore, like a brave "nobleman and uncompromising warrior, and I promise "that instant succour shall not be wanting." In July, the Lord Deputy defeated the Earl of Tyrone near Armagh, and again near Newry. In Connaught Sir Richard Bingham was giving a good account of the rebels of that province. But the ablest soldier in the field was Sir John Norreys, to whom the Lord Deputy gave up, in the main, the conduct of warlike operations. The letters, both of Sir Richard Bingham and Sir John Norreys, are numerous in this volume, and are deserving of attentive perusal, as frank, soldier-like, accounts of the alternate fighting and parleying during the anxious months of 1595–6.

On September 27, 1595, the Earl of Tyrone, who had assumed not long before the name of O'Neill, wrote to King Philip that, if he would send aid, religion and the kingdom of Ireland should flourish. And on the same day he wrote to Don Carlos, "Heretics shall fail in Ireland within a year, like smoke in presence of the fire."

When, however, it suited his purpose, and chiefly to gain time for the arrival of Spanish men, munition, and money, the Earl made truces with the Irish government, and was fertile in excuses for prolonging them. The news of these "cessations" travelled to Spain, and was greatly exaggerated on the way. Sometimes King Philip got quite irritated with his protégé, and in a letter of Captain Charles Eggarton (see p. 536) we have it stated that the Spaniards threatened that their King would banish Tyrone, as well as the English, from Ireland, if the Earl would not join their forces when they came to the conquest of the country. But the Spanish fears were groundless. Tyrone and O'Donnell, with the aid of O'Rourke, the Burkes, the O'Kellies, the O'Connors, the McDermotts, and others in different parts of Ireland, kept the hands of the Irish government full, and the papers in this volume tell the story in detail. The rumours of Spanish landings thickened through the length and breadth of the land. Now and again messages would come from King Philip, to encourage the Irish waiting for his promised succour, and to strengthen their expectations of deliverance from English rule. Ireland was fast drifting into the great rebellion known as Tyrone's.

Many of the papers refer to the hard lot of the English soldier. The lack of money and victuals for the men was constantly very great, and much needless suffering was inflicted on them, partly through the parsimony of the home government, and partly through official corruption in Ireland. The Bishop of Chester, writing to Burghley (see p. 489) says that the proverb in Cheshire was, "Better be hanged at home than die like dogs in Ireland."

Attention may be called to a very interesting letter of Sir John Dowdall to Burghley (see pp. 484–488) giving his "Knowledge of the nature of the Irish nation," and describing at some length the career of the Earl of Tyrone.

It is here my pleasing duty to thank Mr. C. H. Woodruff for making the index to this volume.

H. C. Hamilton.

March 1890.