Elizabeth I: volume 205, May 1599

May 1599

May 4. Dublin.

50. Sir George Carey to the Privy Council. Received on the 2nd instant, their Lordships' letters of the 24th April, wherein they require him to certify his receipts, issues, and what remains of the treasure. His receipts have been in all, 50,601l. 18s. "My receipts of this kingdom due for the half year ended at our Lady day last past, are yet very small, not above threescore pounds. They have accustomed not to pay in all their rents but in Trinity term, which I suppose in these troublesome times will not be great. The perquisites and casualties of this kingdom are very small, as matters are now handled, which I forbear in particular to write of, until I be better informed, but well I am assured it is not well." The composition money for Leinster is 2,100l. per annum, but the Queen is said to be indebted yet more to the country for the [dieting of the] soldiers. " Touching Her Majesty's part of the booties and preys taken from the enemy, there is not yet any expedition made against the enemy. My Lord is now going on a journey; God prosper him therein." The payments to the army. Sir Henry Wallop did not by a great deal satisfy its pay, until Essex's coming to the kingdom. His Lordship and the Council gave Carey order to repay 1,300l., which had been borrowed of the Mayor of Dublin and others in Sir Henry Wallop's time, since the first of March, to supply some, part of the necessary pay of the army. Has sent 8,000l. to Waterford, to pay the soldiers there, and is now sending some portion to Connaught, Kilkenny, Carrickfergus, and Newry. A further portion he must send with Essex, now in his journey. Cannot yet tell what treasure remains, but thinks that after May 23 it will be a small portion, seeing that out of what he has received (the revenue of Ireland being yet so little), the old officers, pensioners, and others contained in the old establishment, and Her Majesty's Officers of Justice and their ministers of the Courts (amounting to 20,000l. per annum) must be paid, Whatever remains, shall be expended in Her Majesty's service, according to the establishment and instructions he received. Prays for their Lordships' favour, until the army be thoroughly settled, and then he will keep better correspondency with them than he can possibly do now. If they presently gave order for a new supply of money for two months, because the passages by sea are uncertain, it would breed great contentment and furtherance to the service. Otherwise, if the soldiers, for want of their weekly lendings, should be again cessed on the country, it will breed much murmuring.—Dublin, 1599, May 4. Signed. Seal. pp. 2.

May 7. Dublin.

51. Sir Geffrey Fenton to Sir Robert Cecil. "I most humbly thank your Honour for your advice given me in your last letter of the first of the last month, which I received but yesterday. And as it bringeth no small grief to me to be hardly thought of for my former inwardness with Sir John Norreys, having had a joint employment with him in Her Majesty's service, as your Honour knoweth, so I humbly leave to your Honour to think,how much it doth further grieve me, that my faithful dealing and concurring with him, in some weighty affairs committed to his trust and mine, should be a ground to a nobleman of so great honour and virtue as is my Lord Lieutenant, either to suspect me, or hold his Lordship's favour from me, being a servitor to Her Majesty, that have carried myself always free from faction, and void of particular inwardness with any man, other than such as was meet for me to use in the true discharge of Her Highness' service committed to me. This, I hope, will bear me out against all hard constructions, and in the end acquit me in his Lordship's opinion, howsoever it may have been carried heretofore to my hindrance by some contrary insinuations. And, according your Honour's advice, I will follow his Lordship with all fidelity and duty, both toward his Lordship in particular, and for Her Majesty's service, and will humbly lay myself down to be measured and weighed by him, as he shall find me to proceed honestly in both; although I am not ignorant how hard it may be for me to clear a suspicion so long continued, if his Lordship out of his own honourable mind do it not. Wherein I have reason to hope well, for that hitherunto I have found nothing but honourable and good usage in his Lordship, with a mind rather affected to countenance faithful servitors in their callings than to discourage them by his disfavour. And for my part, if I should not follow his Lordship with a true heart, now that he is come to the government here, I should contradict myself, having still wished that God would put into Her Majesty's heart to send him hither, as a nobleman best qualified to go through with the recovery of this kingdom; and to that end I have been bold, as your Honour knoweth, to write my advice thither, so far as was meet for one of my sort."—Dublin, 1599, May 7. Signed. Endorsed, Received by Mr. Darrell the 18th at Greenwich. p. 1.

May 8.

52. The Privy Council to the Earl of Essex. Have received his two despatches, sent since his arrival, by Sir Thomas Gerrard and Essex's servant, Mr. Wiseman. Are glad at his safe passage over. Acknowledge the " exact and orderly certificates " of the strength of the rebels; also, his further "collections" of the general defection of Ireland. Although, its reduction, cannot he otherwise effected than by putting the axe to the root of the tree, yet they very well approve the opinions of the Council, shewing Essex the difficulties for any present action in the north, until the time of the year affords better commodity for the army, when it is there, and has been accommodated with all necessaries. Her Majesty allows his distribution of the forces, and also his resolve for the present to pass into Leinster. Her great difficulty in providing for the army he took with him. " To go further, we cannot without warrant, and warrant we can neither procure, neither, to tell your Lordship plainly, do find it yet convenient to urge Her Majesty, for any thing we yet discover." Doubt not to have satisfied Essex in some particular points by their last despatch, which had not come to his hands when he wrote.

Understand that he found the army 19,000 in list, and that he has reduced it to 16,000, whereby it seems he wants no men. Now he requires 2,000 more to be sent over with expedition. Consider that his meaning is, not to put the Queen to any further charge, but to make the demand provisionally, because he suspects delays. Now the supplies were appointed for every three months' end. This time will not be expired until three months after the 28th of April, when Essex will have 16,000 men in full. If the 2,000 are sent sooner, Her Majesty's charges will be increased, and she is unwilling to pass beyond them. Cannot send the men, until they hear whether Essex cannot supply some part, either with voluntaries, or with such of the English as have been expelled from their habitations by the rebels. Have written to his Lordship what they heard thereof by divers from Munster; and are loath to put England at this time to any sudden trouble, of which they may ease it, seeing its necessary causes are burdensome enough. As to the request for shipping to transport 4,000 foot and 100 horse to Lough Foyle, think his Lordship cannot be so unprovided with barks in Ireland, as to be driven to fetch all shipping from England for such a service. If shipping were sent sooner than it were used, which must depend upon his Lordship proceeding to settle a plantation at Lough Foyle, it were so much charge cast away, after they entered into wages. Great sums have been spent in the transporting of the army Essex carried with him, especially the horses. Thus if his Lordship found some proportion of shipping in Ireland, they might then provide the rest from England. Until, therefore, they can hear from him of his success in Leinster, and of further cause that the 2,000 men should be in any extraordinary haste drawn to the seaside, or how he intends to provide about the matter of Lough Foyle (the forces for which must come out of his 16.000 foot and 1,300 horse), they can take no other order than they have already certified. Expect his answer for their better knowledge.

For the money, they give present order for such a sum as was agreed on; and for the victual, will move Her Majesty to send him enough for 2,000 men more at least; although, considering the liberty given to all men to transport victual to Ireland, thev would have thought, if Essex had had money, that this new augmentation might have been forborne. Their trust in his knowledge of that which is fit to be done. Ask for particulars of places, &c;, to which these " increases " must be sent. Think Mr. Darrell might bring the instructions to them.

"For the matter of carriage horses, we must be plain with your Lordship, that Her Majesty as yet will not be content to be put to any new charge for that (sic); which we conceive to be the rather because these new demands do come so suddenly upon your arrival, and before your Lordship could with any possibility advertise of any service done on the traitors; but for this particular, if it be so necessary, and cannot there be otherwise supplied, we will then move Her Majesty that they may be provided, and the charge borne by the checks.

"For your other letter to us, signed only by yourself, we must needs confess that you have made a very judicial observation of all the particulars therein contained, for which as we are sorry to find that you have so good cause to observe it, so would we be as sorry that, by any of our defaults, the same should be made known to any, But to Her Majesty and ourselves. And therefore we have so used it, as it is not subject to the eye or ear of any here, that are not sworn to be secret of this and all things that may so much concern Her Majesty's service."

With regard to Sir Christopher Blount, Her Majesty has read the letters of Essex and of the Council, but has not taken the desired resolution; "so as we conceived it rather to be a thing fixed in Her Majesty's mind, because she had denied it to yourself, than that she doth not very well approve the gentleman's sufficiency to do her service." [Postscript.] Since the writing of this letter, Her Majesty has appointed that Sir Christopher Blount be present in Council, when any causes are debated, in which he is to be employed, as is the case with many gentlemen and persons of good qualify in England on like occasions. Copy, certified by W. Waad. Endorsed, 1599, May 8. pp. 4½.

May 8.

53. Another copy of the preceding.—1599, May 8. Entry Book, No. 204, fos. 158 b.-160. pp. 4.

May. 9. Dublin.

54. The Earl of Essex and the Council to the Privy Council. "As, by our former letters, sent by Henry Tracy, your Lordships might perceive that your Lordships' of the 17th of April to me, the Lieutenant, was imparted to all Her Majesty's Council here present at that time, and that we thought ourselves bound to answer one point without delay, though the other parts required further time and many conferences; so now, our number being increased by the arrival of three of us, who then subscribed not, and those three having since been made acquainted with what came from your Lordships, and what hath been already returned, we have all thought good to tender to your Lordships this our humble answer to the whole and several parts of your Lordships' letter. And first, as your Lordships do very truly set forth, and we do very humbly acknowledge, Her Majesty's chargeable, magnificent, and royal preparations, and transportations of men, munition, apparel, money, and victuals, for the recovery of this distressed kingdom; for the expediting whereof your Lordships also do profess and express you own careful, painful, and faithful endeavours; so we humbly crave leave to protest, before God and His angels, that, to our knowledge, we have misspent neither time nor means, but have studied and striven to take the shortest way to the happiest issue, and have asked that with private grief which we cannot want without public calamity. And therefore we hope Her Majesty and your Lordships will acquit us, and excuse our miserable destiny to be employed at such a time, and in such a country, where a prosecution can neither be deferred without dishonour and loss, nor undertaken without hazard and charge, nor perfected without time and difficulty.

"But to leave all preface, and to handle the same points, and in the same order to which your Lordships do lead us. First, for men, it is true that Her Majesty granted the full number of foot for the making up of the list of 16,000, that I, the Lieutenant, demanded, so that, though at my first coming I found many sick and unserviceable, and withal here that Sir Arthur Savage's regiment in Connaught begins to fall down, yet I complain not of present want; but, as now our going to service will diminish our numbers, and the purposed journey to the north requires that we should go in strength, so must we assure your Lordships that, against the midst of June, it will be necessary to have a reinforcement. But here your Lordships move a question whether they might not be supplied, either with such voluntaries as I, the Lieutenant, brought over, or [with] such Englishmen as were, in Munster and other places, driven from their dwellings by the incursions of the rebels. By neither of which we can look for any help; for the voluntaries are either some few men of quality, that serve on horseback, and will never supply the places of ordinary men; or else, such of our at tendants, as cannot be anywhere enrolled. And as for these cowardly forsakers of their dwellings, and losers of their strong castles, in Munster and Leinster, without striking a blow, if we had them all, we are of opinion that as many arms were lost as were put into their hands, and as many countries lost as they should be set to guard. But they are fled, and not here; and therefore no supply [is] to be thought on for Her Majesty's army, unless it come out of England. And those also that do come are to bring arms, for here in service the arms decay faster than the men, and the store that was brought over is already so much diminished, that to any new levy it will afford but little help.

"The second point is munition, which your Lordships say, and we acknowledge, was as largely supplied as was desired; and of the principal natures, as powder, match, and lead, we hope we shall have no want this good while; but of swords there was such a general want, that those which were brought over were almost all issued; and, except your Lordships do command the like proportion of 3,000 to be sent again, we fear we shall find the disadvantage of such a want, the rebels being only to be beaten by that weapon, to which they do so willingly come. Also, if it would please your Lordships to move Her Majesty to send over 3 [00] or 400 of the long targets made by Captain Hayes, I, the Lieutenant, do assure your Lordships that in the passing of woods and passes, which in this country will be our champs de bataille, they would be of great use and advantage, and save many men's lives; for they, being seconded by a few shot, would force any passage, and make it good, and defend and cover the shot that should attend upon them. If it please your Lordships to commit the care of providing and sending them to Mr. Treasurer of the Navy, he knows both the Captain and the arms, and will see them sent away."

As for apparel, although the new levies had new clothes, and a proportion was sent for the old companies, yet the best of them are no better provided than need requires, and the clothes which they have will be so fully worn by the time they receive their summer suits, that the supply will not come too soon. The quantity mentioned by their Lordships, viz., 12,000 suits, besides the new supplies, is as requisite as the season of sending it. Necessity for the sending of more treasure, to pay as well those that direct as those that are to be directed. The issuing of the last treasure that was sent began from the first of March, and supplies should come according to that computation. The confusion in which all things were till the army was reduced to order, caused an extraordinary charge to Her Majesty; so the yearly allowance of 5,000l. set down in the establishment for extraordinaries is too small, and, unless it be enlarged, the service will receive infinite maims. Will make no particular demand, till they have seen what the charge will be by the end of this Leinster journey, which Essex will begin to-morrow. Thank their Lordships for sending the proportion of victuals agreed on, and also for directing Mr. Darrell to them. Have fully informed him. The victuals must be for at least 12,000 men, most of whom must dwell in Ulster, "where nothing is to be had but cows, and the prey of them will not countervail the hunting for them." All the other quarters, where the war is to be made, are so spoiled, that they will yield little relief. Ask for biscuit, butter, cheese, and some beef, "but little or no fish, for it neither keepeth well, nor pleaseth the soldier, who by such victual hath so much to provoke his thirst and no provision to quench it." The places to which the victuals should be sent are, Carlingford and Carrickfergus on the one side, and Galway and Limerick on the other; the staple at Carlingford to serve for Armagh and the Blackwater, at Carrickfergus for Lough Foyle, at Limerick for Munster and Connaught, and at Galway for Ballyshannon. The proportions to be sent to these staples. Have discussed the rates at which the victuals shall be issued, and have decided that it shall not be "under 4d. a day, which, coming to 2s. 4d. in the week, leave the soldier 8d. a week to buy him drink, and pay for necessaries, which we are all of opinion is the barest allowance that he can live upon."

Have taken an order (of which they crave their Lordships' allowance), "to avoid an extraordinary charge to Her Majesty, and yet to provide for necessary men, that is, for the preachers of the army, and for engineers, gunners, carpenters, smiths, wheelers, and such like ministers of the, ordnance as have no allowance set down in the list, for which we allow two pays out of every foot company; so as Her Majesty is not further charged, but the army, in consideration of their souls' instruction, and the service advancement shall be lessened in number of heads. And as both religion and reason doth (sic) teach all men that such entertainments are necessary, so I, the Lieutenant, do undertake they shall be given to those that shall well deserve their wages."—Dublin, 1599, May 9. Signed. Endorsed, By Mr. Darrell, 18 of May, '99. Under this endorsement, Sir Robert Cecil has written:—"When we had written our letter of the 16th of May, this was not come, for yon see we received it not till the 18th of May." pp. 3.

May. 9. Dublin.

55. Sir George Carey to Sir Robert Cecil His inability to tell how much treasure he had issued, and what remained in his hands. Sir Robert will do very well to send away two months' pay more; for if there be want of money, many inconveniences will grow thereby. Either the soldiers must be cessed on the country, or else feed on the Queen's victuals, which ought to be preserved until Essex's journey into the north. At his Lordship's coming, the companies both of horse and foot were out of order, and so confused, that Essex had much ado to reduce them according to the proportion set down in the list. It is now done. Hopes that not only that but other matters, will be reduced to a better and more direct course than heretofore. Has acquainted Lord Buckhurst with "the confused order" he sees in the receipt of Her Majesty's revenues. Fears the 5,000l. will not suffice to pay the concordatums that are granted, as by the note enclosed Sir Robert may perceive.

"This day his Lordship began his journey with. 3,000 foot and 300 horse. He passeth through Leinster and some part of Munster. In this journey the Lord Lieutenant of the army doth meet his Lordship. Sir Conyers Clifford is appointed to be in Connaught with 3,000 foot and some horse. His Lordship is in a good assured hope that he will within this month assure these three provinces. And I assure myself his Lordship will be fought with, ere he pass this journey, for they are strong and resolved to fight, except there be false brethren among themselves, and that each doth suspect [the] other. He hath appointed Sir Arthur Chichester with 500 foot and a few horse to lie at Carrickfergus. Sir Edward Herbert is appointed with six companies to lie at Offally. Sir Warham Sentleger is to lie at Monastercum with 350 foot; Sir Henry Power, in the absence of my Lord, to command in the county of Kilkenny, with six companies of foot; Sir Henry Harrington and Sir Alexander Ratcliffe, with seven companies, in the Byrnes' country; Sir Samuel Bagenall at the Newry, with eight companies; my Lord Audley at Kells, with eight companies; Sir John Shelton at Ardee, with 350; my Lord Crumwell at Dundalk, with four companies." There are some horse appointed to each of these places. One company is left at Dublin. Essex has made two knights; Sir Thomas Mostyn, at his first coming, and Sir Thomas Tasborough, at his starting on this journey.—Dublin, 1599, May 9. Signed. Endorsed, Received by Mr. Darrell at Greenwich, the 18th. pp. 1½. Incloses,

55. I. "An abstract of such extraordinary concordatums as be passed sithence the 13th of April, 1599, by the Lord Lieutenant and Council." Among the entries are the following:—

"For the carriage of two packets to the Court, the one 27 Aprilis, the other 4 Maii, 1599 — 20l.

To the Surveyor of the Works, for repairs to be done at the Castle of Dublin—30l. 10s."

Unsigned. pp. 3.

May. 9. Dublin.

56. Sir George Bourchier to the Privy Council. Received their Lordships' letters of the 24th April on the 3rd instant. Their desire for a certificate from him every two months of the expense and stores of munition. Will do his best to send the same, or signify the impediments, if any shall happen. But, if their Lordships refer to the mass of artillery and munition, which arrived in Ireland about the 20th of March last, to attend the Lord Lieutenant, and of which six ships came to the haven of Dublin, he had authority, neither from their Lordships, nor from the Lords Justices, to receive it; nor had the masters of the ships any direction to land it, before the arrival of the Lord Lieutenant. It is not all unladen yet, so cannot make any certificate. As to the munition that went to other places, as Galway, Cork, and Carlingford, there is nothing thereof as yet disposed, nor has Essex given any direction concerning it. Does not know who is to have charge thereof.—Dublin, 1599, May 9. Signed. Seal. p. 1.

May 10. Dublin.

57. George Beverley to the Privy Council. Has received their letters of April 24, and will carefully observe their instructions. Mr. Marmaduke Darrell, being in Ireland, has been made fully acquainted with the state of the victualling. The difficulty of communication with the magazines in the several provinces; hence cannot but "estimatively" deliver the issues and remains of the victuals in them. The rates of the soldiers' victual. Encloses a paper (wanting), shewing them for the last twenty years. The rate is fully as much as the soldiers' wages will bear. The Commissary at Galway stands in need of salt, to be in part used for the keeping of the store of fish there, and has advertised the arrival of a bark laden therewith. Has written to him to make some provision, if the price of the salt is not too high. The cost of transport will thus be saved. The provision of salt made by the Mayor of Chester, and that which is provided in Dublin by himself, will be all contained within the eighty ways appointed by their Lordships.—Dublin, 1599, May 10. Signed. p. 1.

May 12. Galway.

58. Valentine Blake to Sir Conyers Clifford. It has pleased God to deliver him from the most cruel Spaniards. Arrived at Galway on the 10th instant in a French ship, having departed from the south of Spain on April 21. Gives Sir Conyers such news as he could learn.

The agents of the Irishry, Hugh Boy O'Davitt and Edmund Brymmecham, came to the Court of Spain in October last. Their request was for men, money, and munition. "They had all the best words that could be, which is but their ordinary compliments, and some dispatch of munition, and that was all. And yet, when the King went to Valencia to meet his Queen, they followed him, and there they were at Blake's departing. The Adelantado Major of Castille, chief of the King's armies by sea and land, came to St. Mary port fifteen days before Blake's arrival there, understanding of me latter's being there, bound for Ireland, and sent for him. During his great troubles, Blake "worked the means," so that Hugh O'Davitt spoke very favourably in his behalf to the said Adelantado, who had great conference with Blake about the Irishry and his determinations.

"First, he told me he would write with me to them, and two days after he told me it were dangerous to write, lest it should come to the enemies' hands at sea, and that best it was to inform me of it by word of mouth, whereby I might advertise those godly and virtuous Catholics of my country."He told his Excellency all should be performed. The latters word was, that O'Neill and O'Donnell should be "of good anyma," and keep up all the stirs and annoyance they could. His Excellency, kneeling on one knee and with tears in his eyes, protested before his Saviour that, within three months, he would be in London or else die. His only stay was the bringing his galleys, three score in number, "to a head." He had likewise some thirty very good ships "stayed and well fitted and daily making ready" in the river of Seville. The best ships that come out of France thither are stayed, and the French merchants affirm it is done with the consent of their King. The Spanish King, with his Queen, will be in Madrid by the end of May. "All the treasure came safe, which was eleven millions, but only the Captain [the Commander's ship] is missed, and had in her three millions.'' The plague continues still in Lisbon, and in other parts of Portugal.—Galway, 1599, May 12. Holograph. pp. 2.

May 13.

59. The Privy Council to the Earl of Essex. "Although this letter cometh to your Lordship from us by whose hands you find it to be signed, nevertheless the same is derived and taken from Her Majesty's express direction and commandment, who hath been pleased to deliver her mind to be signified unto your Lordship by us to this effect. That whereas your Lordship, before your departure, here made request unto Her Majesty, that the Earl of Rutland might have her gracious leave to go with your Lordship into Ireland, and the said Earl himself did likewise often times make his humble suit to Her Majesty for the same; whereunto in her wisdom it seemed inconvenient for many and important considerations to assent, and therefore did absolutely refuse to grant him leave expressly commanding him not to go: Forasmuch as she hath taken notice that the said Earl is passed over thither, and that he is now remaining with your Lordship: As Her Majesty taketh it for a great offence and contempt on his part, that he would adventure to go thither, knowing Her Majesty's will and pleasure to the contrary, so Her Majesty is pleased to conceive some dislike, and to think that your Lordship hath done amiss, in that you did either suffer the said Earl to come thither, or that you did not, upon his first arrival, take present order for his return. Her Majesty's pleasure therefore is, that your Lordship shall forthwith, upon the receipt of this our letter, send back the said Earl of Rutland into England. Which, commandment of Her Majesty being by us thus signified, there remaineth no more to be written, but that we wish your Lordship all honour and happiness."—1599, May 13. Entry Book, No. 204, fos. 160-160 b. Copy. p. 1.

May 14.

60. The Privy Council to the Earl of Essex. The Queen desires that he forbear to dispose of any of those things that belonged to the Earl of Kildare (of whom no news is heard), until he has advertised the state of such things as Kildare had, with Essex's opinion thereof, and shall thereupon receive signification of Her Majesty's pleasure.—1599, May 14. Entry Book, No. 204, fo. 160b. Copy. p. ½.

May 16. Greenwich.

61. The Privy Council to the Earl of Essex. Find from his hasty despatch by Mr. Tracy, that he is not satisfied with their letters of April 17, sent by Mr. Darrell. Doubt not that, upon further examination of them, he will see that they have no intention to shorten anything that ought to be performed by them. Yet, to prevent any perturbation of his mind, which ought to be held in all comfort and confidence, since he has so important an affair in hand, have thought good to reiterate how far they have proceeded, and do actually proceed, in expediting all provisions, accorded before Essex's going. Payments made in England to a great portion of the army that arrived in Ireland after March. Lendings supplied to the forces in Munster for March and a good part of April. The great quantity of Her Majesty's victual consumed by the forces about Dublin. For these reasons considered that there would be left at the close of May, a good part of the three months' treasure taken over by Essex. As for calling his Lordship's warrant in question, this was only with reference to payments due before the first of March, and left unpaid by Sir Henry Wallop. Concluded that such sums were to be paid as arrears by some other Privy Seal, to be procured upon particular certificate from the deputies of Sir Henry Wallop. Since their letters of the 17th of April, and before the departure of Mr. Wiseman, they had given order for the telling out of two months' lendings more for the whole army, which is all that Sir George Carey himself desires. "Whereof, we doubt not, when you shall be advertised, but you will find that we do, as becomes us in duty to Her Majesty, correspond in all things to the uttermost of our endeavours, as those that do wish you all honourable and happy success, and know how much it importeth that you may be seasonably provided for, to the intent some extraordinary service may be performed by these extraordinary charges, whereat Her Majesty is, and hath been, to send such a person, with such an army, of whose success all Europe is in expectation."—The Court at Greenwich, 1599, May 16. Entry Book, No. 204, fos. 161-162. Copy. pp. 2½.

May 16. [Greenwich.]

62. The Privy Council to Sir Thomas Norreys. A complaint has been preferred to them by John Jolles, merchant of London, to whom the charge of victualling a great part of Her Majesty's army in Ireland is committed, of divers intolerable violences and injuries, offered both by the Captains and other officers of bands serving in that province, to such servants and inferior factors, as are necessarily employed by him; also, that the officers deny their bills for the receipt of the victuals. Cannot but take knowledge thereof, as a matter tending very much to the prejudice of Her Majesty's service. Know not how to write to Essex in that behalf, as his Lordship is now far off. Require Sir Thomas to take such speedy order for a due reformation, that they may hear no more of the matter; otherwise they will impute some neglect to him, and the offenders shall be made to know that the Privy Council is too sensible to endure it—[The Court at Greenwich], 1599, May 16. Entry Book, No. 204, fo. 162. Copy. p. 1.

May 20. Kilkenny.

63. The Earl of Essex to the Privy Council. "By this journal which herewith I send, Her Majesty and your Lordships may judge how, since my coming from Dublin, I have spent my time. All that I hope for is] that; I shall approve myself to be no loiterer, but that I put myself to as much as I can any way suffice unto; and when God sends me greater ability, Her Majesty may promise herself greater service. All that.I can comment upon this plain narration which I send is, that this war is like to exercise both our faculties that do manage it, and Her Majesty's patience that must maintain it. For this people against whom we light hath able bodies, good use of the arms they carry, boldness enough to attempt, and quickness in apprehending any advantage they see offered them. Whereas our new and common sort of men have neither bodies, spirits, nor practice of arms, like the others. The advantage we have is more horse, which will command all champaigns; in our order, which these savages have not; and in the extraordinary courage and spirit of our men of quality. But, to meet with these our helps, the rebels fight in woods and bogs, where horse are utterly unserviceable; they use the advantage of lightness and swiftness in going off, when they find our order too strong for them to encounter; and, as for the last advantage, I protest to your Lordships it doth as much trouble me as help me. For my remembering how unequal a wager it is to adventure the lives of noblemen and gentlemen against rogues and naked beggars, makes me take more care to contain our best men than to use their courages against the rebels. And, had I not in the last day's fight tethered them, and assigned them, not only their places, but their very limits of going on, doubtless many of them would have been too far engaged. For I assure your Lordships, greater forwardness and contempt of danger could not be showed by any man, than was by the Lords and other principal men of quality in the army; which proves them to be such a treasure to Her Majesty as I must husband with all the care and industry I have.

"I have here met with the President of Minister, who, in conference with myself, with my Lord of Ormonde, and the rest of the Council here, hath persuaded us for a few days to look into his government, where the rebels are strong and proud, and where some places of good importance are newly fortified, which, if they were gotten, would greatly both weaken them, and advance Her Majesty's service. And himself professeth his own inability to attempt them, as having too strong a force to make head against him (sic), besides the strength of the places themselves. By this journey I hope to change the affairs in Munster and Leinster, that against my return to Dublin, finding means sent out of England for my northern journey, I may, with more strength and less distraction of mind, follow that main service. And so, hoping that Her Majesty and your Lordships will allow of my poor endeavours, which shall ever prœstare innocentiam si non meritum, I rest humbly at your good Lordships' commandment."—Kilkenny, May 20. Signed. Endorsed, 1599. By Sir Francis Darcy. Received at Greenwich, primo Junii. p. 1. Encloses,

63. I. "Journal of the Lord Lieutenant's journey into Leinster," from May 9 to May 18, 1599.

"On Wednesday, being the 9th of May, the Lord Lieutenant set forth from Dublin, accompanied with 160 English horse drawn out of several troops by squadrons, because the drawing out of whole troops would have weakened the companies before the northern journey ; whereas now they continue in their strength, such light horse only being taken out of every troop as might best live upon grass, and endure the travail. By the way he was met with three companies of Irish horse, which in all exceeded not the number of one hundred. He lodged that night at the Naas, whither, as to the general rendezvous, all the foot companies repaired the day before; and with them the Marshal, the Sergeant-Major, and the Quartermaster-General; who also, according to the Lord Lieutenant's directions, had advanced the vanguard two or three miles towards Athy. The reason of the Lord Lieutenant's stay at Dublin, after the army began to march, was want of carriages for the victuals and munitions. For, being resolved not only to furnish the army with those provisions, but also to leave good store of either kind at the fort of Maryborough, he was forced to send them at twice; so that his stay at Dublin did expedite all things, and his remove to the Naas, before the second carriages were gone, had been to small purpose. The tenth of this month he gave the rendezvous in a fair plain betwixt the town and the bridge of Killkullen, five miles from the Naas; leaving at the Naas two companies of foot to guard the one half of the victual and munition for the which he wanted carriage. And there the army (which consisted well near of 3,000 foot and 300 horse), being viewed, was sent to the villages round about Killkullen. The next day, being the 11th, the rendezvous was given the army to be at Killrush by 9 of the clock in the morning ; whence it marched till it came to a ford half a mile short of a moor; which ford was plashed, but so slenderly, that a way was quickly made. But the vanguard of the horse being past, and the Quartermaster and Scoutmaster advancing somewhat before to view a fit place to encamp in, short of Athy, some hundred of the rebels shewed themselves by a wood's side; where they entertained a light skirmish with such of our horse as attended the Quartermaster, whiles they were viewing the ground about Tallacoury, in which place that night we encamped. In our march we discovered the Earl of Ormonde, with his camp lodged in the way betwixt Carlow and Athy, about two miles from Tallacoury. His Lordship came forward with the horsemen, to speak with the Lord Lieutenant, and after their conference returned to his quarter. But the next morning he came with his whole troops, which consisted of 700 foot, and well near 200 Irish horse. His Lordship brought also with him the Viscount Mountgarrett and the Lord Cahir, who both, upon their knees, submitted themselves to Her Majesty's Lieutenant, and humbly craved Her Majesty's mercy, confessing their faults, and protesting they came voluntarily and simply, without conditions, to put themselves into Her Majesty's hands. Which the Lord Lieutenant having heard, his Lordship observing those forms which might best fit his commission and their present estate, laid before them the greatness of their fault, and the necessity of taking better hold of them than heretofore had been, considering they were so easily and 'causesly' [ ? causelessly] apt to start out; and thereupon he committed them to the Provost Marshal, in whose charge they yet remain. This being done early in the morning, the army straightway marched, and the vanguard possessed the houses on that side of Athy, which is to the southward of the Barrow; the battle taking a passage a' mile beneath, with a purpose to attempt the castle on both sides. But, as the ford was passed, James Fitz Piers delivered up both the castle and himself into Her Majesty's hands. The Lord Lieutenant presently put it into a ward, made up the bridge, which was broken down in two several places, and committed James Fitz Piers to the Provost, to accompany Mountgarrett and Cahir. That night the munitions with the victuals, and the rearguard of the army, were lodged in the Abbey of Athy and the houses adjoining to it; the greatest part of the army being passed over, and encamping on the other side of the river; in which quarter the army continued the 13th and 14th, that in the meantime the victual and munition left behind at the Naas might by convoy be brought to Athy, which accordingly was done; and the 14th day at night there was delivered to the whole army which went along with the Lord Lieutenant, victual for four days, which every man was to carry on his back. The like proportion also was made to 350 men, who were sent from the camp to Carlow, and for 750 others, who, under the conduct of Sir Edward Herbert, were despatched into Off ally; the rest (one hundred and fifty garrans being loaded with victual for the provision of the fort of Maryborough) was all left at Athy, where, and at Woodstock, which is another castle held by James Fitz Piers, standing on the same river, and within a musket shot of Athy, were left one hundred men in ward. The 15th, the army marched towards Stradbally, holding on their course through the passage of Blackford, a place of difficulty, where the rebels have ever used to fight Her Majesty's forces ; but now, notwithstanding they had entrenched it, and shewed themselves upon it, yet, seeing the order of our march, they rather chose to lose the labour of all their fortifications than to hazard a fight in that place. The 16th, the Lord Lieutenant, after a short march, directed the army to Ballyknockan, two miles wide of the fort of Maryborough, towards the mountains of Sleaghnegree, going himself with the convoy of victuals, attended on with 200 horse and 500 foot, which he carried to place in the fort. By the way he sent 50 of those horse and 300 foot to a castle of Terence O'Dempsey, chief of that name, where remained two or three prisoners, taken by the said Terence. Himself was commanded to go along with those troops, and to bring the prisoners, who were famous rebels." [marginal note:—"The Lord Lieutenant was offered 2,000l. sterling to have given them their lives"] "(one of them, called Captain Nugent, reckoned to be one of Tyrone's best Captains). [They] were delivered to Sir Francis Rush, Commander of the fort, to be executed, and their heads set on the gate. This direction being given, and the fort supplied with victual, with munition, and an increase of five hundred men for the garrison, the Lord Lieutenant proceeded to meet the army at Ballyknockan; where, the rebels shewing themselves in great multitudes both the same night and the next morning, question was made whether the army should go the next way towards Roseconnell, which was through a pass called Cashel, or march about by the mountain, to avoid the disadvantage of the pass. The resolution was, that the rebel should rather be sought than shunned, and that it was necessary to teach the world that Her Majesty's army could and would in all places make way for itself. Whereupon, first, the pass was viewed, being some quarter of a mile long, wooded on both sides, having on the one side an (sic) high hill, on the other a main bog; and at a ford at the furthest end of it, an entrenchment. The direction for the giving on was in this manner. First, one hundred men. were sent to enter the mouth of the pass, the first ranks being musqueteers, and after every three ranks of musqueteers two ranks of short weapons. With these were sent axes, pickaxes, spades, and shovels; and two bodies of three or four hundred foot a piece were sent to second those. On either side of the pass were placed divers wings of shot and short weapons to flank the passage. At the mouth of the pass, and at the entrenchment, there was no resistance, so that the trench was soon thrown down, and the passage made open. But, by the drawing nearer of the rebels on either side, it was conceived, as in deed it fell out, that their purpose was to give on when our carriages were in passing, and the pass so choked that our men could hardly fight in order. Whereupon, first, the wings which were on both sides were commanded to stand fast, and new wings provided out of every part of the army to second these. The vanguard of the foot being, besides the wings, divided into two bodies, the first was commanded to make a guard about the ford and in the strait of the pass, and the other to stand in battle in the midst of it, in a place of some breadth, leaving the highway free for passage; and the vanguard of the horse was commanded to pass through, to command the champaign beyond the pass. This being done, the carriages were appointed to march, which the rebels seeing, gave on upon both sides, and so continued a kind of fight all the while they were passing, which was some two hours. At last, when both our carriages and battle were passed, they charged our rearguard, and on the bog side and in the rear they came up to the sword with our wings. But every place was made good against them, and they glad to trust to their lightness and swiftness. In this fight there were two only of note slain, Captain Ralph Boswell, a voluntary, and one Gardiner, a lieutenant to Sir H. Dockwra. There were also but two of note hurt, Captain Folliott, and a gentleman serving in the Lord Lieutenant's company, who had been lieutenant of a company before. And three of these four were justly punished for their disorderly and disobedient going in beyond the place assigned them, and upon infinite disadvantage. Of common soldiers were slain three or four, and some six or seven hurt. But the rebels' loss was far greater; and, to add to this forenoon's good success, in the evening the Quartermaster, going before to make the quarter at Roseconnell, finds some threescore of the rebels, himself being accompanied only with eight horse, and the rest of the troop assigned him being somewhat behind. He first retired, and afterwards turning again, he charged them, and put them to a retreat, which being chiefly pursued by Captain Thomas Williams and one Ed. Bushell, a gentleman that serves the Lord Lieutenant, their leader, called Donnell Knagger (sent by Tyrone with some shot to Mountgarrett), was slain, with six of his men. On our side no hurt was received, saving that Mr. Bushell was run through the body with a pike, of which wound he is yet likely (God be thanked) to escape. The next day, being the 18th, the army dislodged from Roseconnell, and marched directly to the pass of Ballyragget, which was plashed and intrenched in divers places, and a place of far more difficulty and danger than that other of Cashel. But there was no resistance; only some few ragged companions offered a light skirmish in the rearguard at the farthest end of the pass. The passing of our army so quietly through this pass of so great advantage to the enemy seemed very strange to all men; but [to] those that examined the causes thereof, two reasons offered themselves. The one, that they were bitten with their losses the day before, and had some of their best men hurt, whom they neither could carry with them nor would abandon. The other, the strength of the garrison left at Maryborough, which, whiles they were occupied in impeaching the army's passage, might, without interruption, seize on the prey of the rebels, it then lying not far from their fort. From this pass we marched to the castle of Ballyragget, the Viscount Mountgarrett's chief house; where, as soon as the Lord Lieutenant had viewed the strength of the place and fitness of the seat for making the war, it being in a strait, and a bulwark to defend the incursions into the county of Kilkenny, and besides a key unto Leix on the one side as Athy is on the other, he placed there a sufficient Captain, with a garrison of one hundred foot. Then he directed the Marshal with the army to a village three, miles off in the way towards Clonmell, himself with a hundred horse going with the Earl of Ormonde to Kilkenny. Whither, as soon as he came, he sent to Waterford for the President of Munster, for a supply likewise of munition which he had directed thither from Dublin, and, lastly, for all the bread and biscuit which might there be gotten. Moreover, he dispatched warrants to the Sheriffs of the counties of Kilkenny, Carlow, Tipperary, and Waterford, and to the Lord of Upper Ossory, to bring in beeves to the army for money, and at Clonmell he meets the army again. pp. 3½.

May 21. Waterford.

64. Sir Thomas Norreys to Sir Robert Cecil. Since his last by one Edny, nothing worthy of note has happened. Was lately commanded by Essex to attend him at Kilkenny, whence he is now returned, with direction to draw such troops of horse and foot as are under him into the county of Limerick, where Essex purposes to be presently. By his Lordship's order, seven companies of the 2,000 foot lately sent for the service of Munster are cashiered. Hopes, at Essex's departure, to be supplied with others in their stead, for the strength and pride of the traitors is as yet nothing diminished. Commends his duty and service to Sir Robert by the bearer, Sir Francis Darcy.—Waterford, 1599, May 21. Endorsed, Received June the first. Signed, p. 1.

May 24. Clonmell.

65. The Earl of Essex to the Privy Council. "After the writing of my other letters, the same day that I ended them, here arrived my servant H. Tracy with your Lordships' of the 14th [sic; error for 16th] of this present; to the which I would have made present answer, but that some indisposition seized on me, and continued with me (by reason of the extremity of the weather, and my two nights' ill lodging) till I came to this town. Hither I came yesternight, and continue here all this day, both for the refreshing of the troops after their foul marches, and because I expected the coming of some victual, artillery, and munition, together with eight companies, which I have sent for from Waterford. Now, for answer to your Lordships' letters, I do humbly pray your Lordships to believe, that as I did ever conceive reverently of your Lordships' affections to further this great service, so I take great comfort in your Lordships' assurance of Her Majesty's sending us timely and liberal supplies; for without them, all my industry, care, and hazard will be fruitless; and with them, by God's mercy and Her Majesty's gracious favour, I shall either yield Her Majesty a good account of my charge, or pay my ill success with the price of my life. The two months' [treasure for lendings], which your Lordships wrote of, will come very seasonably, if it be in Dublin before my return; for so it will set me forward into the north; whereas, if it should be longer in coming, I cannot go without it; and, if I stay, I shall lose that season of the year which is fittest for these services. Your Lordships' straight commandment to Mr. Treasurer's ministers to hasten, will prevent both these inconveniences. Of the state of the treasure and victual, I presume your Lordships have ere this received some certificates from Mr. Treasurer and from Beverley, the Comptroller of the victuals. At my coming back to Dublin, I will see the certificates shall be exact; for I will examine them by my ledger book, where all my warrants are entered. But, till then, I must humbly crave your Lordships' pardon. For, besides my continual toil in directing these troops, and seeking means for the army, where I have small store of carriages to transport from place to place a staple of provisions, and the daily directions which I send to several parts of the kingdom, I am maimed by the falling sick of some of my people, and have only one hand in use, besides mine own, in all businesses whatsoever. But I will as faithfully and carefully husband Her Majesty's store here as possibly I can. For proof whereof, I protest before God, I issue of mine own poor means an hundred pounds at a time, for the winning and enabling of fit instruments for Her Majesty's service here; without which course I find it impossible to effect any great matter in this kingdom,"

"News I can send your Lordships none, but that the pretended Earl of Desmond and all the force of the rebels of Munster are come within three miles of me, and vow and swear to fight. I hear they are some 4,000 men, though they give themselves out to be of greater numbers. I have with me nearly 2,000 foot, and at least 200 serviceable horse; and Sir H. Norreys will reinforce me this night with a thousand foot more. So that to-morrow, if they make good the ford where they are, it shall be tried whether we be better at forcing of a passage or they at defending it. They have consulted how to keep the Castle of Cahir against me, notwithstanding that Cahir himself is in my hands. But I assure myself they dare not dispute it, since they know I have the cannon here. Yet is it accounted the strongest place in Ireland; and Cahir's wife and his brethren have been consulting with Desmond and the White Knight how to defend it; and the news of my putting garrison into Ballyragget and all the strong places which are yielded to Her Majesty, doth so trouble them that they will do what they dare. Your Lordships will pardon this hasty confused manner of writing, it being incident to one that hath many interruptions and distracted thoughts."

Sends them herewith (wanting) such intelligences as he received from Sir Robert Mansfeldt and Sir Conyers Clifford; leaving it wholly to their Lordships to judge of the truth thereof; "myself being not willing to apprehend either more or less touching these or the like occurrences than your Lordships shall think fit, assuring myself that your Lordships daily receive more perfect and particular intelligences than any that arrive in these parts."—Clonmell, May 24. Endorsed, 1599. By Francis Darcy. Received at Greenwich primo Junii. Sir Robert Cecil has added the following endorsement:— "His Lordship had now received our letter of the 14th, which was to revoke the Earl of Rutland, and another of the 16th of May, which was the main despatch." Signed, pp. 2.

May 24. Clonmell.

66. The Earl of Ormonde to Sir Robert Cecil. Thanking Sir Robert for his honourable and friendly dealing with the Queen on his behalf. Has attended Essex since his entering into Leix, and means not to leave him till his return from the west. The bearer, Sir Francis Darcy, has shewn himself of good courage against the traitors. Recommends that he be restored to Her Majesty's good grace, and be allowed to attend in his place.—Clonmell, 1599, May 24. Endorsed. Received June the first. Signed. p. ½.

May 26. Dublin.

67. Sir George Carey to Sir Robert Cecil. Is somewhat slow in writing, as no great matters of importance have yet happened. Essex, in his journey, passed the bridge of Athy and the Blackford; and, though the rebels vaunted much, yet they durst not offer him any fight at either of those passages. When his Lordship had put a garrison into Maryborough, where he made the Governor there, Sir Francis Rush, a knight, and was going towards Kilkenny, some of the rebels skirmished with some of the army. The former, being soon driven out of the wood, fled into a bog. Captain Bosworth and Gardener, lieutenant to Sir Henry Dockwra, following them very rashly into the bog (and one of them being heavy laden with his armour stuck fast in the bog), were slain before they could be seconded or rescued. Thinks Essex will go to Limerick, and so return by Waterford and through the county of Wexford, and then prepare himself for his journey into the north. Is persuaded that the want of carriage horses will be a great hindrance thereto, for, the country being spoiled, they will hardly be had. Only James FitzPiers, Lord Mountgarrett, and Lord Cahir are come in as yet; and they remain in the custody of the Provost Marshal. Essex has put garrisons into all their castles. His Lordship admits none, except they simply submit themselves.

"Our money is almost done, and the three months fully expired. I humbly beseech your Honour, let there be a new supply with that speed that may be."—Dublin, 1599, May 26. Holograph, pp. 2.

May 28. Dublin.

68, Sir George Carey to Sir Robert Cecil. "The next day after the writing of my last letters, these were sent hither out of the North, which in most points I think to be true. These rebels only study how they may prolong the wars, thereby to weary the army, and weary Her Majesty in the charge. There are returned already from the companies that lie abroad in garrison, above 300, some sick, and some unserviceable. Such as are sick are relieved and provided for; and such as, upon the view and certificate of the Mustermaster, are found lame in their limbs and unserviceable, are by passport sent back into England. And most of those that are sick, thanks be to God, do begin to recover, which shall forthwith, as they recover their strengths, be sent back to their Captains, and be more serviceable than heretofore. And herein his Lordship, before his departure, did very honourably; for out of his own purse he gave money very largely to provide bedding and sheets for the sick; and appointed one of his own chaplains and a surgeon to visit them, and to see the money divided for their weekly relief."—Dublin, 1599, May 28. Holograph, p. 1. Encloses,

68. I. — to [Sir George Carey.] Was in Tyrone eight days, and came from thence the 22nd instant. The Earl lies in a place called Anycare, within seven miles of Newry. He has not more than 800 foot and 60 horse, and is sending daily for the rest of his people to come to him. The 18th instant, the Earl and his brother Cormack, Harry Oge, and other gentlemen of the country, with the Quins and the Hagans, sat together to agree what course to take at the Lord Lieutenant's coming down, they agreed that Essex should be suffered to come down through the Moyerie and that none should shew themselves to deal with him; also that he be suffered to pass to the Blackwater in the like manner. From the Blackwater, they mean to intrench as much as they can, and in their fastness to do what hurt they may. They will give as little fight as possible, except upon great advantage, but will seek to weary Essex and his company in process of time. Their forces are "laid down" as follows. McMahon and they of the Brenny are appointed to join together to defend their creaghts on the Brenny side. These will make some 800 foot and 150 horse. Brian McArt, son of the Earl's brother, with all them of Clandeboy, are appointed to stay near Carrickfergus, to defend those parts. These will make some 600 foot and 8 horse. O'Donnell, O'Rourke, and McWilliam are appointed to make good the Connaught side. These will be 2,500 foot and 200 horse. To be with himself, Tyrone has appointed Maguire with 600 foot and 30 horse, James McSorley with 500 foot and 30 horse, and Patrick McArt Moyle with 150 foot and 20 horse. On the county of Tyrone he has cessed 2,500 foot. So the Earl himself will have 4,000 foot and 300 horse, or thereabouts.

Some letters came out of Scotland, from noblemen there, as the Earl Huntly and others, signifying to Tyrone that he should be stout, and that he should want nothing that they could help him with. The Earl tells this himself, and that the King will not write to him, because he shewed the letters that the King sent him last. On the receipt of the noblemen's letters, the Earl and O'Donnell sent O'Donnell's mother into Scotland as an ambassador. She departed from Ireland on the 7th instant.

"There is no order left for Lough Foyle."

Sir Arthur O'Neill came to the Earl's camp on the 17th instant, to see whether the Earl and he could agree. At the writer's departure they were agreed upon some points, but were out on others. Howsoever, they will never be true one to another. Sir Arthur told the Earl that he received messages from the Lord Lieutenant. The Earl has sent into Leinster to see if he could draw down some of the leaders that are there, for he has great want of them with himself. The Earl receives many letters from the Desmonds, "and they are brought unto him by blind men and by lame men commonly." Saw the last letter they sent. It was to the effect that the Earl of Desmond had 6,000 men, and was sworn never to agree, without the Earl of Tyrone's consent. The letter bare no date. The Earl fears that McMahon and the Brenny men will come in to Essex, and is not very sure of James McSorley. As for Sir Arthur O'Neill, he is sure, if any forces come to Lough Foyle, that he will come in. There is one Neill O'Neill, who is commonly at Carrickfergus, and was lately in Dublin. He and the Earl are almost thoroughly agreed. The only difference is as to a castle, which the said Neill has in his possession, and which he wishes the Earl to let him enjoy. If they agree, Neill is to do some great piece of service; "therefore let him be looked to." On the 21st instant there came a man to the Earl out of Tyrconnell, and told him that there was some shipping seen at sea off Donegal. The next day another man came with the same news, but was not sure what the ships were. Left a man to hearken and learn about them. O'Donnell went on the 16th instant to Ballymote, to leave a ward there. He returns presently. The Earl of Tyrone and he meet about the last of May, near Strabane.

"Here is no other news in these parts, and for mine own business touching my debts, there is no money in the country to be gotten, but beeves." Has so dealt, that he shall have payment all in beeves. Prays for licence to receive them. Will also get some hawks. If his stay were not to Essex's liking, he would he were in Dublin or in some other place."—1599, May 23. [Postcript.] "Tyrone and Sir Samuel [Bagenal] fought near the Newry the 19th day of this month, and there was one horseman killed and seven footmen; and 38 footmen hurt; one horse killed, and a very good mare. The Earl had hurt, and like to die." pp. 2½.

May.

69. John Jolles to [Sir Robert Cecil]. Complaining of the abuse offered to his servants in Munster when delivering victuals to Her Majesty's forces there.—Endorsed, 1599, May. [There is no date attached to this letter, but it may be the complaint referred to in No. 62 above.] Signed, p. 1.

[May.]

70. Rough notes of a manuscript history. The beginning of November, 1598, Teig O'Brien, brother to the Earl of Thomond, together with the eldest son of Sir Tirlogh O'Brien, with all Thomond, combined with the rebels. November 4: O'Dwyre, having delivered his son in pledge for his loyalty, began to revolt. Patrick Pursell; vide Journal, 2 and 12 August. Sir Terence O'Dempsy knighted by the Earl of Essex, p. 1.

[May.]

71. "A breviate of a proportion of victuals and provisions for 1,000 men for half [a] year, to be provided in Cheshire, Lancashire, Anglesea, and those places, by Mr. Edward Waterhouse, who is to take the charge of the providing and shipping the same in England; and John Bland to take the charge at Knockfergus for the expenditure, according as he shall be directed by the Right Honourable the Earl of Essex."—[1599, May.] p. 1.

May.

72. "A looking [-glass] for Her Majesty, wherein to view Ireland: wherein is expressed how this rebellion hath been kindled, and the rebel thus strengthened; what reformation [is] most behoveful for Her Majesty's advantage; [and] of (sic) many profits that might be raised towards Her Majesty's expenses." By Barnaby Rich.

Seven years have already expired since he delivered informations for her service in Ireland, and, in the opinion of some of her Council there, 500,000l. will not repair the neglect of the same. But what might have been done is past, and Her Majesty is rather to expect what is to be done. Nothing is more important than sufficient information, so that she may "learn with the physician first to know the disease, then to remove the cause, and so to cure the sickness." Will not presume to give directions for the prosecution of the rebellion, because, doubtless, the course is already determined by the Earl of Essex in this expedition now undertaken by him. It will be a matter of great difficulty thoroughly to suppress the rebel, yet the most noble piece of service that ever was performed in Ireland. "This service, without all question, would be performed, if it were not against the Irish, with whom we are so combined, that there is nothing that may be reformed, how beneficial soever it might be to your Majesty, but it shall be crossed. Your Highness hath paid dearly for it, but I fear me your expenses that way will never have end."

The main cause of this, as of almost every other rebellion in Ireland, is, that the Lords and great men of the country are evermore struggling to shake off the English government, to make themselves absolute, and to tyrannize amongst the tenants. They would bring Her Majesty "to be Queen of Ireland, as the King of Spain is King of Jerusalem." The liberty they have hitherto had in reigning over their tenants and followers in such kingly authority as they have done, makes them to be so followed as they are; "for the multitude, which knoweth no other God than Saint Patrick, nor other king than their landlord, dare not but be ready to rise out with them in any commotion or rebellion whatsoever."

Her Majesty should not make any great men in Ireland, nor dignify them with any high title or authority. "For, although this axiom might seem sufficient, which affirmeth that, where the subject is too great, the Prince too small, yet may it please your Majesty to pardon me but one precedent for Ireland. And I will take the man of greatest worth, the Earl of Ormonde by name, of whom I can report nothing but well, a great man in his country, firm and faithful to your Majesty (so far as I know), honourably disposed in all his demeanours. But what hath his greatness, or any other credit it hath pleased your Majesty to bestow of (sic) him, been available to your service now at this instant (that is worth the speaking of). But, if the Earl of Ormonde would have been a traitor, he would have been of greater power, and much more noisome to your Majesty than two Earls of Tyrone. By this it may appear (gracious Princess) that the greatness of the Irish may do your Majesty little good, but much harm.

"The inconvenience of this Irish regality was looked into by him that was able to judge of colours, I mean by the late Lord Treasurer [Burghley], who, to prevent the mischief, endeavoured still to establish law; and, for that purpose, the whole country was divided and reduced into shires, and accordingly there was (sic) appointed Sheriffs and other officers to minister both law and justice amongst them, that the people, seeing the diversity in government between a gracious Princess and an ungracious landlord, desisting from their Irish customs, might wholly incline themselves under your Majesty's protection. But these Seneschals, Sheriffs, and others, that should have been the reformers (as it was first purposed) became the only deformers (as they behaved themselves); for, in the choice of them, he was ever thought most worthy for the place that would give most money for the office; and these officebuyers did so exact and oppress the poor people, that they thought there was no greater servitude than to live under your Majesty's laws." This was one of the chief causes of this rebellion. The matter could easily be proved." If your Majesty doth want money to prosecute the wars, who may better spare it than those who, by their corruptions, have drawn on the charge?"

This ill affection of the people was "a preparative for Jesuits, seminaries, and the rest of that Popish crew, to work upon. I shall need to say but little in this, for your Highness can easily consider where these protested enemies to your Majesty may have such scope as they have in Ireland, where both city, town, and country do swarm with them, what expectation of the people's obedience your Majesty may there look for; or what assurance of peace your Highness may ever hope for, I leave it to your most gracious consideration. Here is yet a matter to be considered of, how these Jesuits and seminaries have been fostered, bolstered out, and borne withal, even in Dublin itself. Some of them have been apprehended and imprisoned, yet quickly enlarged again, but not without some consideration, not only exacted from themselves, but their friends have likewise paid dearly to have again their freedom. So that these priests were profitable members to some men's purses, and great gain and commodity was raised by them. Amongst the rest that was apprehended, there was one invested by the Pope to (sic) the Bishoprick of Down, sent from Rome into the north of Ireland, where he sequestered churches, consecrated priests to say mass, dispensed with the people for their faith and fidelity to your Majesty, absolving them of their sins, confirming them to the Pope, and making them upon their book oaths to forswear all duty and obedience to your Highness. The people ran to him on heaps (sic) from all the parts of the country to receive his blessing. The fame of this Bishop was renowned through Ireland, and more renowned, coming from Rome, than if an angel had come from heaven. The Deputy there, being Sir William Fitzwilliams, made a great ado to have him apprehended, but it could not be by any means effected. In the end there was one lighted upon him by chance, who brought him to Dublin. He was committed to the Castle. There he remained more than a year, christening children after the Popish manner, making holy water which was carried away in bottles, confirming men, women, and children (which came flocking unto him) to the Pope, making them to forswear all duty and obedience to your Majesty. But in the end (as many other had been before him), he was enlarged. If it would please your Majesty to have the matter examined, it would fall out to be a bribe that delivered him, and which had enlarged many other, both before and after him. This holy Bishop hath since been in Spain upon embassage from the Earl of Tyrone, and hath been one of the greatest instruments to blow the coals of this rebellion, and so he still remaineth at this instant, if he be not lately dead.

"If these matters be true, the parties that have thus abused your Majesty are rich, and able to make some reasonable restitution towards your Majesty's expenses; but, if they be untrue, then I am worthy to receive punishment that have informed them.

"It would not be amiss to set down in this place what great sums hath (sic) been drawn into private men's purses by virtue of the High Commission. It hath been a good milch cow to others, and it might likewise be made a great benefit to your Majesty.

"I might likewise speak here of pardons and protections, what boldness they give to the Irish to enter into actions of rebellion; for what care they what mischief they commit, when they can still warrant themselves a pardon for a few stolen cows. These pardons and protections are likewise made matters of great profit to others, but most prejudicial to your Majesty, and hurtful to many that should there do you service."

As to the fostering of the rebellion, asks this question. "What might be the reason that the King of Spain, the monarch of Christendom, that hath the most mighty command of kingdoms and dominions, of riches and treasure, for the choice of skilful captains, for the multitude of trained soldiers, for all manner of habiliments and necessaries for war; and, notwithstanding that, for these many years, he hath still endeavoured himself against you, by as many means as the wit or poliey of man could afford, and your Majesty hath still prevented him, fronted him, and triumphed in many notable victories performed against him in nis own countries, yea, almost at his own court gates; how happeneth it then, that a base and barbarous nation, a beggarly people (of no worth of themselves, but by over enabling of them), should thus prevail against your Majesty, and within your own dominions offer your Highness so many indignities, to the great dishonour of the whole English nation, and enough to make us contemptible, and to be basely esteemed of, amongst all the kingdoms of Christendom? What could here be answered, but that your Majesty hath not been so soundly advised against the Irish, as you have been against the Spaniard? If it might but please your Majesty now to examine the cause, you should find out the very mystery of that which hath not only deluded your Highness yourself, but hath led your Majesty's most honourable Council here into many errors. For it is the great combination betwixt the English and the Irish that marreth all; not of the meanest sort of the English, but of the great ones, such as have credit in your Majesty's court, and are so well befriended and trusted, both that whatsoever they inform they shall be believed, and what course hath there been undertaken or attempted for those services in Ireland, which your Majesty and honourable Council here hath (sic) not directed altogether by informations from thence. Might it please your Majesty now to look into your coffers, and, taking account what money you have spent, measure it again with the service you have had there performed. It will appear your Majesty hath been handled as cunning chirurgeons do use to handle their patients, who being well able to pay for their cure, can apply one plaister to heal, and two that shall hurt, till they have hurt so long that they cannot heal again when they would, but have brought the infirmity to be almost past cure. So, if I should deliver here what trifling they have used in prosecuting the wars, how they have wrought your Majesty, together with your honourable Council, to yield to delays, how they spent your money, consumed the time, without any manner of service performed, but only in parleys, and how it might seem that your Majesty in many of those parleys was driven to as narrow a scantling as the lion, who, having had many indignities offered him by the wolf, was willing yet that the matter should be taken up by composition between them, and those that were to appoint arbitrators in the behalf of the lion, made special choice of the fox and the sheep. The fox, being an ally to the wolf, and very near in affinity to him, would not press him further than the wolf himself liked of. The sheep again, knowing himself every day in danger to be devoured by the wolf, durst not enforce anything against him that might offend him. But, in these delaying times, the rebels recovered Connaught, took Enniskillen, Monaghan, the Blackwater; they supplied themselves with wine, aqua vitœ, armour, weapon[s], powder, and all other necessaries whatsoever they wanted, from all the parts of Ireland, yea from out of Dublin itself. These enormities were seen into; every man could discern what success was like to follow, and many there were that exclaimed openly against it. But I cannot tell what planet it was that reigned, or what destiny it could be that so overruled, that your Majesty and honourable Council here should be still drawn on to surrender and condescend unto it for so many years together, in which meantime it cost your Majesty more treasure than would have brought in all the rebels of Ireland that were then out, if it had been employed as it should have been. But it had been much more available to your Majesty that the whole mass of money that you have hitherto spent in those services, if it (sic) had been all thrown into the sea; for the very expending of that money (as amongst them they have handled it), hath strengthened the rebel thus against you; when there hath never passed year, since those wars began, but there have been armed, trained, and disciplined 1,000 of the Irish, at your Majesty's charge, that hath run to the enemy, and many of them sent of purpose from the rebel to that very end, that they might be enabled at your Majesty's cost; and there hath been whole companies raised of the Irish, and given to young men (nay, children, some of them) that never marched in soldier's rank, before they were made Captains, fit for such soldiers as they had charge on (sic), that were, the most of them, as arrant traitors as any were in Ireland; but they had your Majesty's pay, and they committed more spoils of your Majesty's subjects than the rebel himself could have done, killing and burning only excepted, and this was all the service they performed.

"Since I myself have served your Majesty in Ireland, 2,000 Englishmen, if they had been together, would have marched through all the parts of the country, and all Ireland durst not have made head against them. But now it is your Majesty's purse that hath made them strong; yet there is no doubt, but that hereafter it will be better looked into, and your Majesty may yet hope of a plentiful harvest by his honourable service, that hath now undertaken it."

Necessity now enforces that the Queen should speedily suppress this rebellion, or lose all. "But this reformation must be settled by the sword, not by composition and taking in of the rebels, by pardons, by protections, by putting in of pledges," and such like. "If this rebellion be not suppressed in such sort that the Irish may be disarmed, and all their furnitures for war brought into your Majesty's store; and that they may be likewise purged from their Jesuits and seminaries, and the rest of that rascal rabble sent amongst them from the Pope; if your Majesty shall otherwise contain them in peace, but for one whole year together, but that (sic) they will put your Highness to continual expenses, or else endanger your estate in that country; let me lose my life for it at the year's end, unless your Majesty will keep such strong garrisons, and that continually, as will empty your Majesty's coffers to bear out the charge."

If the Queen made "a compounded peace" with the rebels, she would lose the advantage they have given her by their forfeiture of lives, lands, and goods, through their own defaults. Besides, a number of escheats would fall to her share, "and many other commodities would fall out (or at the least I know how they might be found out)," that might be turned to her profit. Fears it would be but in vain for him to set down how Her Majesty's charge might partly be eased by laying it on the shoulders of those who have thus pulled it on. "I know it would be thought a dangerous matter, and it would be said that this would be a mean rather to drive all out than to reform (here policy should be opposed against your Majesty's profit); but to these objections it might truly be answered, that traitors in heart are far more dangerous than if they were armed, and out in open action; and, therefore, in respect of policy (indeed) it is behoveful for your Majesty either to make them subjects or traitors. But, if they should openly revolt, the escheats that would happen by their lands and goods would royally bear out your Majesty's expenses, and victual would be found whereby to relieve soldiers, that now are consumed sometimes to feed traitors.

"It is themselves that have drawn on this rebellion, and they have brought it to the greatest extremity, and extremities are not to be dissolved but by a violent mean.

"I assure myself that now, upon the arrival of the Earl of Essex in Ireland, there will be news of many rebels that will offer to come in with all submissive and humble show; they shall want no friends of the English with the Irish hearts, to speak for them that they may be received. Here policy shall be again opposed, and they will allege that it shall be a point of great policy and for your Majesty's profit both, that they should be received; which if they should so be, without a better assurance of their fidelity than ever I did yet know any of them able to make, it is easy to be conjectured what will be the success; and by these means your Majesty shall never be able to sift the corn from the chaff. I know there be some that will come in to my Lord personally themselves (sic), but their brethren, children, kinsmen, and all the rest of their Mends and followers, shall be with the rebel, and they will say they cannot rule them. Some other will come in that, being in, will not bring six persons to fight on your Majesty's part; but, being with the rebel, will bring 600 to fight against you.

"I leave all to your most gracious consideration, neither will I here presume to give informations how this rebellion is to be suppressed, when I can well assure myself that the noble Earl of Essex hath already determined and set down the course how it shall be prosecuted; knowing likewise that his Honour can want no informations that either England or Ireland can afford. But rather it is to be feared there will be too many informers, for he that hath been in Ireland, and hath had there but two months' continuance, will undertake by and by [i.e. immediately] to set down precepts of reformation. But these informers have many times deceived your Majesty's Council here; and many come over with informations, some to mend their own estates, some to mar other men's. Some again ignorantly will inform they know not what, and men are believed as they are beloved, not according to the truth they can report, but according as they have credit with some great or noble personage, whose custom is to credit best the party they affect best.

"Thus much I have observed, and since these wars were first undertaken, until this very instant, there was never any due course holden for the subversion of this rebellion; and, of my conscience, the greatest cause hath been by wrong informations delivered to your Majesty and honourable Council. God grant that this most noble Earl may now hold a straight course, and then there is no doubt but of good success.

"To speak a little of the suppressing of this rebellion (but yet not in general) it would be more for your Majesty's honour and profit both, that it might be performed rather in five months than five years; and, although this reformation must be settled by force, yet famine must be an especial mean whereby to accomplish it. For, if your Majesty had 40,000 soldiers in Ireland, yet should they never be able to serve upon the Irish, or to drive them to one day's encounter (unless by some great chance), but at their own pleasures; for we shall not fight but when they list; and when they please, we shall and must fight, or we shall be like to feel the smart of it, and that shall be upon such grounds of advantage, as we shall not be able greatly to annoy them." Endorsed, 1599, May. Signed, pp. 9.

May 31.

73. The Privy Council to the Lord Chancellor Loftus and the rest of the Council in Dublin. Her Majesty deems it negligence on their part that, during the absence of Essex from Dublin, they do not send her advertisements of the state of affairs. She doubts not but that they may always find matter enough, and of importance, to certify. Such advertisements "would be welcome unto her." Her Majesty thinks it great slackness and forgetfulness in them to suffer her to want due information, especially when they have so ready means of conveyance by postage, without trouble or expense to them. They are to advertise Her Majesty from time to time, in the absence of Essex. Doubt not they will satisfy her with more diligence, in requital of their past silence.—1599, May 31. Entry Book, No. 204, fos. 162 b., 163. Copy. pp. 1½.

May.

74. Portion of a manuscript history. Traitors in Leix and Offally. Onie McRory, with the sept of the O'Moores, went into action to revenge his father's death, and to recover his father's land. The O'Connors in Off ally followed. The bastard Geraldines in the county of Kildare, reported to be the worst sort of traitors in the kingdom; "their ill bringing up, their wicked lives, and shameful disloyalty, to be a slander and shame to the house of Kildare." Phelim McFeagh, "the wolf of the mountain," son of Feagh McHugh. Redmond McFeagh, brother of Phelim. Brian Reogh, brother to Walter the traitor, who was executed at Dublin, and the sons of Garrett Owre, with certain of the Walshes. Brian was nine times protected, and twice pardoned, yet never true. Donnell Kavanagh, chief of the Kavanaghs, called Donnell Spainagh, because, when a boy, he "waited upon Stuckley into Spain," was of a stubborn and ambitious sept, descending as they say from McMorrogh, King of Leinster, whose daughter Strongbow married. When the race of noble English birth neglected their possessions, and deputed some of the Kavanaghs as tenants to enjoy the same, these in short space (like the Moores in Leix) drew sword, and with strong hand claimed the possessions as their own, and from time to time opposed themselves to the English nation, disquieted the land, and continued the rebellion. Dr. Weston, Lord Chancellor of Ireland, was of opinion that, unless Her Majesty would remove them from Ireland, and give them land somewhere else, she would never have her kingdom quiet. This Donnell made claim to Enniscorthy, which Sir Henry Wallop possessed, and his rebellious rogues took him for their King of Leinster. Hovenden, "an Englishman, but a papistical traitor," took Donnell's son, and carried him to the Earl of Tyrone, with the consent of his father, as a pledge of his fidelity to the Earl. It was then blazed abroad that the son was stolen away, full sore against Donnell's will, and that the State might be assured of his loyalty and subjection. Thus he wrought underhand, until the rebellion was ripe, and then he broke out to all kind of mischief. "It is found that he was protected and pardoned 14 times." After all this, he came in to the Earl of Essex, who received him in the chamber of presence with more honour and grace than became the Earl to shew him, or he to receive. For the Earl was no sooner gone for England, than Donnell fell to his old vomit.

"James FitzPiers, of the county of Kildare, the son of an honest gentleman and true servitor to Her Majesty, Sir Piers FitzJames, having his father with his whole family (as I said before) by Walter Reogh and his rebellious associates burned to ashes, wanting grace, and forgetting his father's injury and villany of traitors, went into open action, and became a malicious rebel. Immediately after the burning of his father, he went into England, [and] delivered his grief and great losses. Her Majesty, according unto her wonted clemency, graced him divers ways, and gave him ten horse in pay. After his return, he behaved himself civilly, and was made Sheriff of that county, kept much company with Captain Thomas Lee, who was a great favourer of the Earl of Tyrone (and then in question and disgrace therefore); and, as it may be gathered, infected with that company, underhand this James practised a long time with the Earl of Tyrone, but at length broke out, and his practices were revealed to the Lords Justices. Captain Lee and he making merry together, said Lee, ' James, thou and I will be shortly McRustclyns,' that is to say Robin Hoods. 'for we can get nothing as we are.' These words were brought to the Lords Justices. They were both sent for by a pursuivant. Lee appeared, was charged with treasons, and was committed to the Castle; but James would not shew himself. He practised to betray the fort in Leix, but failed of his purpose. He made claim to the Lordship of Cloncurry, which was the jointure of the Lady Baltinglas, and, because he could not prevail, he practised with the ward there to betray the same, and so it came to pass. He complained unjustly, as traitors did, of the Earl of Ormonde, Lord Lieutenant [General] ; the which complaint Sir Garrett Aylmer (in the absence of the Lord Lieutenant) answered, and satisfied the Lords Justices, delivering upon his credit and certain knowledge, that the Earl did him no wrong, and that he was void of any gall towards him. The cause of his knowledge was that he had travailed between them, and found the Lord Lieutenant most honourable, and ready to show him any favour. He feared the Lord Archbishop of Dublin, for that he in England was examined whether the said Bishop had kept Rose [O'] Toole, wife to Feagh McHugh; as malefactors fearing everybody, and dare not trust themselves. After many mischiefs by him done, when both the Earls met at Athy, the 12 of May, anno 1599, with their forces, to pass into Leix for the victualling of the new fort, he pulled the bridge of Athy upon the river of the Barrow down, manned the castle at the bridge foot, [and] trenched the fords on the river side, to hinder the passage of the horsemen. But when there was a passage found, and horsemen conveyed over to compass the town, the ward ran away, and he, seeing himself in distress, came to the Earl of Essex upon his knees, and desired mercy, and so he was received into favour."

The nephews of the Baron of Upper Ossory. John McCoghlan joined with Con O'Neill, yet he excused himself in a letter to the Lord Lieutenant, and sent therein enclosed a letter which the traitor of Tyrone sent unto him, to withdraw him from his loyalty. Redmond Burke and Sir Charles O'Carrall with Con O'Neill; their purpose to besiege Roscrea. The O'Mulrians in Tipperary. The O'Kennedys in Ormonde.

In October, 1598, Edmund, Viscount Mountgarrett, "having long covered the sparkles of rebellion in the hid ashes of dissimulation," began to break out, having matched his son and heir with the traitor of Tyrone's daughter, his sister with Thomas, Baron of Cahir; "and, sworn to the general combination of rebellion, practised by Derby Cragh, the Pope's nuncio, first in the county of Kilkenny he acquainteth his followers with his purpose, next he worketh very subtilly with the county of Wexford, and writeth to Sir Thomas Colclogh, knight, James Furlong, Robert Codd," and others, saying he had dealt with the Kavanaghs in their behalf, and had their promise not to meddle or spoil in Wexford for a fortnight. He also desired further conference with them. He also wrote to the Sheriff and gentlemen of Wexford, stating, "I have entreated peace for you hitherto of all the Irishry in Leinster, and now can procure it no longer than Wednesday next, except you contribute to bear part of their charges in this action." He asked all who were so minded to assemble in some place of the borders, and to advertise him thereof by the day mentioned. He also wrote to James Devorrex, and the rest of the gentlemen of Waterford, saying how the rebels had lately spoiled him utterly in the county of Kilkenny, and were now beginning to do the like in Wexford. Therefore he thought good to do his best in furthering the Queen's service, as also to do his commonwealth and neighbours good. If they were pleased to assist him, and to bear the charge of 200 men in meat and wages for a fortnight, he would keep garrison in some convenient place upon the borders, and undertake to make good any loss of the county during that time, or venture his own person and companies for it. "All this while he went about the bush, and pretended the Queen's service," meaning nothing less than to plant garrisons without commission. "When he perceived this would not take effect, that the gentlemen of Wexford weighed him not, and that the whole county defied him, out he went into open action, gathered his rebellions forces together, and joined with all the traitors in Leinster and Munster, and sent his agent to Ulster to the Archtraitor of Tyrone, to send him aid thence to strengthen his forces. Then his rogues ran about like the devil's scouts, preying, burning, and killing. The Mayor of Waterford wrote to the Lord Lieutenant-General to that effect, and withal of the death of Philip, King of Spain, and how that Sorleboy took shipping at Lough Foyle to go for Spain. His Lordship likewise was certified from Thomastown how that Mountgarrett stayed all boats, and threatened to kill the boatmen that passed along the Barrow for Waterford. Also intelligence was given that he went about to match one of his daughters, Piers Baccagh's widow, to James Desmond; a second to Donnell Spainagh's son; and [a] third to Gerald McMurtogh Oge's son; a fourth to O'Donnell; [and] the fifth to Onie McRory; the faster to hold by the link of rebellion." The Lord Lieutenant-General wrote to Mountgarrett, marvelling at his disloyalty. "For answer, he desired to parley. That granted, and the day and place agreed upon, viz., the 13 of November, beside Gowran, upon the top of a hill called Crossmans, Mountgarrett, with Onie McRory, Morgan McBrian Kavanagh, his son-in-law, Donnell Spainagh, and others, shewed themselves. He sent two horsemen before, and two to second them, at length came himself to a riverside, where the Lord Lieutenant of the other side being come, demanded of him what he had to say. Mountgarrett answereth,'A day of meeting was appointed as now in this place, and I am come accordingly.' To cut off his preface, said the Lord Lieutenant, 'What say ye to me?' Then began he with trifling matters and long speeches, that he was not regarded according to his calling; that, when the Justices of Assize came to the country, he sat among inferior persons; that the Lord Lieutenant, rejecting his kindred, took base fellows of his counsel, the Sheas and Rouths of Kilkenny; that his Lordship, since his last coming from England, held a hard hand over him; that he wronged him a little before in sending him prisoner to the Castle of Dublin; that he commanded the horsemen to cut off his head by the way; and that he was given to understand that there was a warrant issued from the Lords Justices to his Lordship to apprehend him; [and] that he stood in fear of himself, which moved him to take the course he had. The Lord Lieutenant replied, 'I am sorry to behold the sight that is before mine eyes this day; you, being of my house, and of that creation Lord of Parliament, to be in company with such rascal traitors. As for your grievances, if they were in substance true, yet are they slender causes to induce you into such great extremities. For answer unto you, I do know that every one of discretion, that knoweth you, reverenceth your person. I am not therewith to be charged. You know I have, of my part, used you ever most kindly. As for sitting with the Justices of Assize, none must assist them but such as are of the Commission of Oyer and Terminer. Touching my kindred, they know I love them well. If they be good, I will endeavour to advance them; if they be nought, I will be a mean to cut them off. Where you scorn my counsel, I will hearken unto them that direct me for the best. Since my coming last from England, I have showed you all the favours I could. No marvel you were apprehended upon suspicion, and committed to the Castle of Dublin, having matched with Tyrone, and secretly combined with traitors, by the practices of Dr. Cragh, the which then was concealed, but now come to light. And in that journey, there was no sinister dealing meant towards you, as the Earl of Thomond, your keeper (who used you most honourably), is at all times ready to witness. Lastly, you greatly mistake yourself. For what should I do with the Lords Justices' warrant to apprehend you, when as I had authority sufficient of myself, under the broad Seal of England, to all such effects ? But in fine, deceive not yourself. Remember what you have is of the gracious gifts of the Kings of England. Devise how to call yourself back to your duty.' Saith Mountgarrett, 'If you mean it for peace, I will not consent to any without O'Neill.' Hold being taken of that, he most arrogantly added thereto, that he would not do the contrary for all them of the one side and the other side of the river, and that he was not as then sworn to O'Neill, but had sent his agent to him about his affairs. 'Put it down in paper' (saith he) 'if ye please.' The next day, Mountgarrett desired peace for a month or three weeks, until he might hear from Tyrone, upon these conditions, that his tenants and ploughs might not be disturbed; if they were, then would he do his worst ; that he and his followers might have license to take meat and drink from Her Majesty's subjects; [and] that there should no more garrisons be drawn into his country, than were at that time. To the which the Lord Lieutenant answered, 'Your proud (sic; pride) and threatenings I weigh not; the course of Her Majesty's service will I not stop, neither so much dishonour Her Majesty as to license any traitor to oppress Her Highness' subjects, for I use[d] not to exact the same myself for Her Majesty's forces, but paid for that I took.' Being demanded what assurance he would give for the observance of the peace, if it were granted, he scornfully answered, 'the gentlemen on this side and that side of the water, and all Leinster to the north, to depend of the same.' One whispered him in the ear, whereupon he explained himself, saying he meant it of all such as would take his part. In the end, peace (without the former conditions) was concluded for three weeks; and Mountgarrett sent, the 15 of November, to the Lord Lieutenant the names of all those that should stand upon his dependence during the said truce." [Here follows a list of the names, some given in on November 20, consisting chiefly of O'Ryans. The names of Mountgarrett's sons are given as Richard, James, Edward, Thomas, Tibald, John, and Gilbert: the names of his daughters as Margaret, Marie, Marget, Elish, and Joan.] "Such a rabble of Ryan rebels (gentle reader) thou hast not read before. Notwithstanding the truce formerly taken, yet Mountgarrett ceased not, but travelled from place to place, animating his confederates and strengthening his complices. The 5th of December following, Morgan McBrian Kavanagh, his son-in-law, came to Kilkenny in the absence of the Lord Lieutenant, and left in writing this message." [Here follow the said message, and the reply mf the Lord Lieutenant thereto on December 13, together with Mountgarrett's "malapert" verbal answer to his Lordship on December 22. The first two will be found on page 412, and the last on page 423, of the previous volume of this Calendar.] "After that the northern rebels, under the conduct of Con O'Neill, the bastard, had met with Mountgarrett and others the Lords of Leinster and Munster then in action, and conferred together on sundry points, they could not agree, but jarred among themselves. For every one (such was their aspiring humours) would be General and Commander of the rest. Redmond Burke challenged the generaltie (sic). Con O'Neill, challenging that style to himself, snuffed at his fellow traitors, and charged them with breach of promise; that they had sent unto his father (the traitor) for aid, promised great favours, kindness, and entertainment, but then denied him his style, and his followers cess; and so he departed from them in great rage. Then Mountgarrett was in great perplexity, not knowing whom to trust, fain would become a subject, and wist not how to compass it; for he had sworn to the rebels, and received the sacrament upon it. Yet he used secret means to speak with the Lord Lieutenant; at length wrote unto him that, if his Lordship would not vouchsafe himself to come and meet him, it would please him to send the Earl of Thomond, who then was at Kilkenny. The Earl of Thomond, by direction from the Lord Lieutenant, met him the 23 of February, who received of him but shifts and slender excuses (after his wonted manner), and that fear of his person drove him to the course he held. He entreated for peace, which was then granted him for 14 days; but he, notwithstanding, in that time (traitor like), sent 200 of his men into Leix, to hinder the Lord Lieutenant in prosecution of the rebels. After that the Lord Lieutenant had victualled the fort in Leix, foiled the rebels, and preyed Upper Ossory, Mountgarrett's castles and country lying in his way, and fearing the Lord Lieutenant's whip, the 15th of March he sent two of his horsemen unto him, as he was at Aghmocartie in Upper Ossory, desiring he might come and speak with him, which the Lord Lieutenant refused in his own person, yet sent Sir Christopher St. Lawrence, Sir Walter Butler, Sir James Butler, and certain other Captains unto him, to understand what he had to say, with instructions accordingly. He entreated for peace. They demanded a pledge for performance of the conditions that should be agreed upon. He offered land; it was refused. They demanded one of his sons and two castles; that he denied. He offered his own word and honour; they said it was worth little. He craved time to be advised by his learned counsel. They, perceiving all was but shifts and delays, left him as they found him, among a company of rascal traitors. In the evening, that day, William FitzNicholas came from Mountgarrett, desiring the Lord Lieutenant to vouchsafe to speak with him; the which he would not grant, unless he made his penitent submission, submitting himself absolutely to Her Majesty's mercy; adding withal that, if the cause were between the Earl of Ormonde and Mountgarrett, he would look to have both pledge and obedience at his hands, being chief of the house whence Mountgarrett descended. Shortly after he sent his son to Dunmore, where the Lord Lieutenant was, desiring peace for five days, which was granted. Yet all that while was he practising mischief. The 26 of April he came to the castle of Kilkenny, kneeled down before the Earl of Ormonde, and desired two things; first, the benefit of Her Majesty's proclamation, the which the Earl of Essex had lately brought over with him; secondly, that he might, by the Earl's means, be safely brought to the Earl of Essex's presence; both which were granted him. On the 12 of May, at Athy, the two Earls meeting together, the Earl of Ormonde presented him and the Lord of Cahir to the Earl of Essex, who, as they kneeled, gave them a long and a sharp exhortation touching their rebellion, their subjection and loyalty being of them forgotten. The Earl of Essex, Lord Lieutenant-General, committed them to the Marshal, [and] took them with him to Dublin, where he pardoned Mountgarrett and his ungracious children, and gave him all his lands, with great favours. But in a short while after (small account being made of Mountgarrett himself, a man unwieldy), his sons were as far in rebellion as they were before.

"Thomas Butler, Lord Baron of Cahir, with his brethren, kindred, and all his country, went to open rebellion. The Earl of Ormonde, Lord Lieutenant, wrote unto him that he should with speed repair unto him with his forces, and shew his loyalty; the which he refused. He wrote the second time, viz., the 26 of November, 1598, to the same effect, but he came not. The man was simple and foolish, carried away by his wife, that was Mountgarrett's sister, Dr. Cragh, the Pope's Nuncio, and father Archer. The 9 of May (remembering himself after the example of Mountgarrett) he came to the castle of Kilkenny, kneeled before the Earl of Ormonde, and desired the benefit of Her Majesty's proclamation, which the Earl of Essex had late brought over with him. 'Now goodman fool' (said the Earl of Ormonde), 'what would you have? the benefit of Her Majesty's proclamation? Your father was a wise man, an honest gentleman, a good subject; but you have combined with traitors and rebels, and overrun your wits. That which you desire I grant you. Stand up, and I will bring you to the Earl of Essex, Lord Lieutenant-General, and let him dispose of you, as seemeth best unto him. At Athy he was delivered unto him, and there committed to the Marshalsey (sic), and carried along the journey. His castle of Cahir, after he had forsaken it, was kept by his brother James, and other traitors, against the Queen's forces, and the simple man could not command his own house; so that the Earl of Essex was driven to convey by water thither from Waterford a cannon and a culverin, to batter the house. Upon Whitsun Sunday, in the evening, the ordnance being mounted, they began to play and batter the castle. The Lord of Cahir and his wife, being then in camp and prisoners, beholding the battery of their house, wept like children. So sore was the castle assaulted and battered, that Her Majesty's forces determined, upon Tuesday in the morning, to enter; but the night before, the Lord of Cahir's brother, and a few with him, got away through a sink and under a water-mill; the rest of the rebels were pitifully mangled and slain along the river, Sir Christopher St. Lawrence and Captain Lawrence Esmond, with their forces, entered, took the spoil, and kept it, until the Earl of Essex had appointed a ward."—[1599, May.] pp. 9½.