Preface

PREFACE.

The present volume covers only the first eight months of Lord Mountjoy's administration, viz., from 1 March to 31 October, 1600. The new Lord Deputy had not been hastily appointed. No one cared for the thankless post, and it required a good deal of royal pressure to make Mountjoy accept it. He had heard in England much of the truth concerning the state of Ireland. After his definite appointment to the office of Lord Deputy, he obtained still further information, especially as to the condition of the army in that country. Still, he found it necessary, immediately after having taken the reins of government, to request the Council of Ireland for a full account of "the estate of the realm." Matters there were "sour and tart," as the Council phrased it, nor could they give "so much as a taste of more pleasing things." The army was scattered over Ireland in small companies. In not one province could a perfect list of the forces be given. The Queen had ordered their strength to be reduced, as from February 1, by 2,000 men. Tyrone had complete command of Ulster. He was ranging at his pleasure through Munster and a great part of Leinster. Connaught was almost defenceless against the forces of his confederate, O'Donnell. Tyrone had even threatened to march into the heart of the English Pale, and to cut off the supply of water from Dublin. There was a universal want of victuals for the troops, nor could supplies be obtained in Ireland. The scarcity of money was equally great. Both were the more urgently required, inasmuch as the forces for the plantation of Lough Foyle and Ballyshannon had begun to arrive. The Council made an earnest appeal that the numbers of the army should not be reduced, as it was necessary to place a large force on the northern border of the Pale to countenance the expedition to Lough Foyle. Fenton said that, if there were any reduction, it was "fearful to think what a desolation would be" (p. 5). Elizabeth agreed to continue the 2,000 men.

As a specimen of the hatred entertained by the corporate towns of Ireland for the government and forces of the Queen, the case of Limerick may be cited. The Mayor welcomed great numbers of rebels into the city, and sent wine to the camp of James FitzThomas and Piers Lacy. The powder and munition of Limerick were not stored, but issued to the rebels. The civic authorities and the military heads of the garrison disputed as to their respective jurisdiction in the city. The Mayor and townsmen vaunted that they had assaulted the Constable of Limerick Castle, "and cut off his head, and brought the same into the Island, and played at football with it" (p. 13). They bragged also that they had executed a Lord Justice, and buried many Englishmen in their cellars. A graphic account is given of an affray that took place between the company of Captain Brooks and the citizens of Limerick. Concerning Cork Sir George Carew wrote to Cecil (p. 250): "I have written unto your Honour in the commendation of the Mayor of this city and his brethren, but you know my opinion of them; and, to say truly, they are the worst people in Ireland."

In the last volume of this Calendar it was shewn how, at the close of January, 1600, Tyrone had left his own country for the south. Mountjoy said that the Irish leader's army consisted of some 1,500 horse and foot, adding scornfully, "compounded of such a sort of people in appearance as, except they have the virtue of some secret charm with them, might, for anything I can conceive, have been with great advantage encountered by so many of the worst men the Queen hath here in pay" (p. 27). It was all the more discredit that Tyrone was allowed to pass unopposed through Longford, Westmeath, and King's County. Thence he had purposed to go to Kilkenny, and afterwards to meet Desmond at the Holy Cross near Cashel. The Earl of Ormonde with his forces had got to Kilkenny, and it was hoped that, when Tyrone turned homewards, he would find himself between the Earl's forces and those of the Pale. Ormonde frustrated the intended meeting between Tyrone and Desmond by getting first to the Holy Cross, and thus compelled his enemy to take refuge in the bogs and woods of O'Dwyre's country, and afterwards in similar shelter at the foot of the Arlow mountains. The garrisons in Munster had received orders to lose no opportunity of killing, burning, and spoiling the traitors, and this had been in great measure carried out. Tyrone was not behindhand in the same kind of work. In Munster, as well as in other parts of Ireland, devastation was the order of the day on both sides. This process was in the long run far more ruinous to the Irish than to the English. The latter could, and did, forward troops and supplies from England. The former consumed their only resources. Spain might send forces and munitions of war, but these were useless for the sustenance of the people. The advice of many an English officer, who advocated the famine policy, was practical, if apparently cruel, "when the plough and breeding of cattle shall cease, then will the rebellion end" (p. 24). On February 18 Tyrone had passed the Blackwater, and marched towards Cork. He did little harm in Lord Roche's country, but committed great havoc for six or seven days in the country of Lord Barry, who had rejected his overtures with loyal scorn. From Lord Barry's country Tyrone proceeded into the borders of Muskerry, and for a whole fortnight remained at a distance of only four or five miles from Cork. It was during this fortnight that a memorable encounter took place at a short distance from the city, resulting in the deaths of Sir Warham Sentleger and Maguire. Sir Henry Power, who was present and was himself wounded, gives interesting details of the fight. The loss of Maguire was keenly felt by Tyrone, who tried to come to his assistance, but the strength of the river was such that Tyrone narrowly escaped drowning. The next day, Sunday, March 2, he found Maguire's body, and took it away with him. On March 3 he went with his forces towards Kinsale, being accompanied by Florence McCarthy. The latter had not only joined Tyrone, but had surrendered his patent and right to him, and had agreed to hold his country as from Tyrone. Mountjoy wrote (p. 33): "We that have known him longest did never look for other fruit out of such a Spanish heart." The Bishop of Cork also said that the joining of Florence McCarthy with Tyrone was voluntary, adding, "the Lord of Hosts confound them both, I pray in charity."

It was reported that Tyrone was going to stay in Munster till May; but he was too astute not to see that, if he remained in the province so long, he ran the risk of utter defeat on his way home, and he had received urgent messages from Cormack O'Neill and others to hasten back to Ulster. Cormack feared that, in the absence of Tyrone, Mountjoy would advance northwards and plant garrisons at Armagh and the Blackwater. Tyrone, not so easily daunted, had ordered Cormack to gather all the strength of Ulster, so as to help his return by keeping the Lord Deputy occupied on the northern borders of the Pale. The chief cause, however, of Tyrone's hurrying home was to resist the plantation at Lough Foyle. It was necessary that he should return by the way that he came, or otherwise he must needs cross one of two rivers, either the Shannon, by Killaloe, or the Suir by Golden Bridge. The country to be traversed was full of bogs and woods, and there were many narrow passes, which Ormonde had carefully entrenched. Tyrone's force consisted, according to Mountjoy, of 4,000 men, but, according to a more reliable Munster advice, of 7,000 foot and 500 horse, "good and bad." His men, however, were greatly discouraged by sickness and by the death of Maguire. There was also a rumour that O'Donnell had been slain in Connaught, and the men were cursing Tyrone for bringing them so far from their several countries. On the 7th of March their leader advanced northwards, and crossed the Blackwater, by the fords at Fermoy and Castle Hyde, into the countries of Condon and the White Knight. This way led to Tipperary and the Holy Cross. Ormonde with the flower of the English troops, 3,000 foot and 300 horse, had moved to the parts near Limerick to stop Tyrone's passage over the Shannon, and to follow him if he sought any other way. In the Pale Mountjoy had but 1,500 foot, and "very near" 300 horse of "the dregs of the army," to make head against Tyrone's return. Out of the 1,500, also, he was shortly to draw 1,000 to send to Lough Foyle; and further, until the expedition to Lough Foyle had started, Mountjoy was detaining President Carew of Munster at Dublin. The Lord Deputy had placed his companies at Trim and Athboy, ready to move against Tyrone as soon as the latter passed by. But just as the able Irish leader had succeeded in reaching the south coast without encountering any opposition, so he now evaded all the English troops and reached his country without firing a shot. On the 13th or 14th of March he crossed the Enny in Westmeath with all his men, except some companies whom he had left in O'Molloy's country to guard his baggage placed there with Captain Tyrrell. Passing thence by Monaghan he soon arrived at Dungannon. Ormonde wrote (p. 43) that "Tyrone, in scattered and cowardly manner, hastened his return with that speed, both by night and by day, through the mountains of Mow and Slewmark, as he held a continual march for 27 miles this present day, till he came to Bellagh Cahil in the north border of Elyogerty, towards Slewvarnan, in Omagher's country." Sir Geffrey Fenton rightly judged that the "archtraitor" had by his singularly clever retreat obtained a greater reputation than ever with the Irishry, and that the Queen's service had been much blemished. Much of Tyrone's success was due to the goodwill of the districts through which he passed, or, as Fenton phrased it, to "the looseness and treachery of the country." Mountjoy rode to Trim on the first alarm raised of Tyrone's entry into Westmeath, but only to find that his chief adversary had slipped across the Enny the night before, "making extraordinary speed in his march" (p. 41). On the 15th of March Mountjoy returned to Dublin, and sent word to Ormonde to hasten there with all his available men. With the return of Tyrone to Ulster the plantation of Lough Foyle could now be resolutely set about. That of Ballyshannon was started at the same time, but did not come to fruition until long after the settlement at Lough Foyle. An interesting memorandum on the importance of the plantation at Ballyshannon will be found on pages 279-283.

Mountjoy was eager for the success of this long-advised project at Lough Foyle. He writes to the Privy Council (p. 34): "For so do I take to heart this planting in the north, as there shall be neither occasion nor opportunity pretermitted which may advance that service, and to it shall all other business give place for the time." "This army intended for Lough Foyle," writes Sir Francis Stafford (p. 127), "doth much amaze both O'Donnell and Tyrone." And Tyrone was persuaded that, " if this designation doth fail, then hath he absolutely won the bucklers, and freed himself from the fear of any attempt hereafter ever to be made against him " (p. 340). The soldiers appointed as supplies for the expedition were expected to come via Bristol, and so were the ships laden with victual and other provisions. But there was great delay in their arrival. Mountjoy, however, made what preparations he could in Ireland. The coming of the shipping from England being so uncertain he chartered at Dublin and Drogheda all available barks for the transportation of men and provisions from Dublin to Carrickfergus. The thousand men from the forces in Ireland he had also got ready, but he wrote: " It is not safe that the companies do know of their going till they be drawn to the place where they are to be embarked, so generally are they all distasted to go to any service in the north" (p. 33). Further, Mountjoy had sent over some captains to meet Sir Henry Dockwra at Chester. There was much difficulty in getting some of these officers from the provinces, "the ways being strongly laid by the rebels" (p. 34). In the process of cassing the companies of these officers, Mountjoy declares (p. 46) that, notwithstanding his utmost care, there had been lost very nearly one thousand men with their arms, and sundry old soldiers, who were worth more than three thousand of the new supplies. Sir George Carew was detained at Dublin, for Mountjoy and the Council wrote: "There cannot be as yet any course taken for the safe sending up of the President of Munster to his charge, as well for the impossibility of shipping, if he should pass by sea, all the barks being taken up within this harbour and Tredagh for transportation of the thousand soldiers to the north, as also for the apparent danger of the ways, if he should pass by land. For that the rebels lie strong in the ways, and there is no means to give him sufficient convoy from hence." Mountjoy considered this stay a good thing for the business he had in hand, for he declared that the northern plantation "for the most part depended upon" Carew. The latter, however, was "most desirous " to get to Munster.

If the 2,000 men, already indicated, were not deducted from the strength of the army in Ireland, Mountjoy had nominally 14,000 foot and 1,200 horse with which to work out his plans. But of these men he was obliged, by orders from England, to apportion certain numbers to Munster, Connaught, Lough Foyle, Ballyshannon, and Carrickfergus. Thus there were left him about 4,600 foot and 400 horse. The greater part of these Mountjoy decided to station on the north borders of the Pale, ready for an advance on Newry and Armagh as soon as the fleet with men and victuals for Lough Foyle loosed from, Chester for Carrickfergus. The object of the advance was " to entangle Tyrone by diversion," in other words, to draw him away from Lough Foyle, whilst Sir Henry Dockwra made good his landing there. The remnant of the forces was to be utilised for a prosecution of the rebels in Leinster. Tyrone, on the other hand, purposed to send the greatest part of his army to resist, in combination with O'Donnell, the landing at Lough Foyle. With the residue he intended to confront the Lord Deputy. Tyrone knew that many of his subordinate allies in the neighbourhood of Lough Foyle were inclined to side with the English, so he took pledges from them to guard against their desertion. He and O'Donnell were also busy in raising sconces on the sea-shore at Lough Foyle to " impeach the descending " of the English. Fenton, however, said that Sir Henry Dockwra would have above a dozen miles of plain and hard ground near the sea-shore, under the cover of his ships, to land his companies, in despite of all the north. On the other side of the channel Sir Henry Dockwra was busy at Chester getting his men together. A large number of the troops there became runaways, owing to the unpopularity of the service in Ireland. One trick of the deserters was disguising themselves in women's apparel. A thousand men of the old companies, inured to Irish warfare, were ready at Dublin to be embarked with the first wind for Carrickfergus, the place of rendezvous.

Whilst waiting at Dublin Mountjoy had the satisfaction of hearing that James FitzPiers had given an "overthrow" to Onie McRory. That Leinster chieftain, however, was, very shortly after, to strike a blow which would astound Ireland from one end to the other. This was the man of whom John Lye wrote to Fenton on March 1: " Onie McRory 0'Moore, as formerly I did certify, is limbless, and never like to be able to do anything, if he live. It were good to devise some draught upon him, fearing he should live." The Lord Deputy, in his letter about FitzPiers and Onie, gives a glimpse of the way in which hostilities were waged (p. 85), "this day Coll McColl's head was brought to me, the most desperate and stirring rogue of the north, and ten more of his company killed. I have heard you complain that you could not hear of one head brought in for all the Queen's money, but I can assure you now the kennels of the streets are full of them." Rumours of Irish factions in Ulster were also pleasing, and Mountjoy said he would "blow this fire." Similar rumours were received from King's County, and some of the chief O'Tooles came in and gave pledges. Donnell Spainagh, likewise, was suing for pardon. It was important, if possible, to leave Leinster in quiet, before the Lord Deputy moved northwards. The delay in the arrival of victuals from England was getting almost unbearable. "It is thought," writes Mountjoy, "there will be in all Ireland the greatest famine that ever hath been, which I hope is the scourge that God hath chosen to plague these rebels. We have neither yet meat nor money, but we live with the news that it is at the seaside." Transport difficulties were well-nigh insurmountable, for the horses and cattle were starving.

Right into the midst of all the preparations being made for the plantation of Lough Foyle, and for the advance to Armagh, there came as a thunderbolt the news that the Earl of Ormonde had been treacherously taken prisoner by Onie McRory. Most of the papers relating to this event were published in 1862 by the late Reverend James Graves; but that scholar and antiquary omitted several passages in divers letters, and also three entire letters, one from the Countess of Ormonde (p. 142), another from the earl himself (p. 241), and a third from the Queen to Ormonde on July 21. Mr. Graves has, however, referred to the last of these letters in a foot-note. The first intimation of the unhappy occurrence came in a letter from William Hartpoole to Mountjoy, written at Carlow on April 11, stating that the Earl had been taken by Onie the previous evening. This letter was received at midnight on the 11th, and Mountjoy sent it off post-haste to Cecil, whom it did not reach in London until the 18th of April. Mountjoy, in his letter enclosing that from Hartpoole, makes the following singular comment about Ormonde: "As I have had reason to conceive of his proceedings, I know not well whether this be good or evil news." Fenton states, on April 12, that the Earl had been drawn to a meeting with Onie McRory, under pretence of a parley, and had then been surprised by a secret ambuscade. But fuller news were soon to hand. Sir George Carew, accompanied by the Earl of Thomond, had left Dublin for Munster on the 7th of April. On the night of the 9th they arrived at Kilkenny, where they found the Earl of Ormonde. He informed them that on the following day, April 10, he had appointed a parley with Onie McRory. Carew and Thomond said that they would accompany the Earl, and Carew offered the assistance of his 100 horse, but Ormonde said he did not need them. On the 10th, in the afternoon, the Earl started for the scene of the parley. He had with him but 17 armed horsemen, and a number of followers with no other weapons but their swords. The place of meeting was " Corranneduffe," some eight miles from Kilkenny, on the borders of Ydough. Carew and Thomond describe the place, which appears to have been eminently suited for an ambush. Onie McRory brought with him a troop of "choice pikemen," leaving within half a culiver shot distance a band of 500 foot and 20 horse. A graphic account is given of the parley. Ormonde was on a little weak hackney, conversing with Onie, the latter's followers crowding so closely up that they could touch the Earl. After an hour's talk, as no conclusion had been come to, Carew and Thomond advised Ormonde to depart, but his Lordship insisted on seeing Father Archer, the Jesuit, who accordingly came forward. Whilst a warm argument was being carried on between them, the main body of Onie's men were creeping up through the shrubwood, and environing the whole party. Ormonde's attention was repeatedly called to this danger, and Thomond desired Onie to put back his men. Carew, seeing that no time was to be lost, again advised Ormonde to go. Just as this advice was about to be followed, the Earl was pulled from his horse, and seized, whilst a number of men hung on to the horses of Carew and Thomond, who very narrowly escaped capture. Happily their horses were in good condition, and thus both managed to break through the crowd, Thomond, however, receiving a wound in the back from a pike. Ormonde's followers all ran away without looking behind them, and, having gone some distance, refused to rally when Carew and Thomond called for a charge. Some excuse for their cowardice may be furnished by the admission that, so favourable was the place to the designs of the enemy, 500 foot would not have cared for 500 horse. This treacherous capture of Ormonde had been contrived by Father Archer, and, with the exception of Onie himself, only two Leinster men and four bonnaughts were made acquainted with the plot. The Earl was placed on a horse and taken to Gortnaclea Castle in Leix, about six miles from Corranneduffe, "The traitor Archer was his bedfellow." At first Onie McRory used his prisoner well, knowing his value; but when it was rumoured that large forces were to be sent to effect a rescue the unfortunate Earl was removed from cabin to cabin, and suffered great hardships. Ormonde himself wrote begging that the troops might not be sent, as his life would be thereby endangered. Carew had, immediately after the capture, drawn 600 foot from Waterford to Kilkenny. Many interesting details of Ormonde's imprisonment, and of the efforts made for his release, will be found in the papers calendared in this volume. The Queen sent "gracious and comfortable letters " to the Countess. Ample precautions were taken by Mountjoy and Carew for safeguarding her and her daughter, for it was feared that the rebels would do their utmost to gain possession of the latter, to arrange a marriage in their own interests, and thus secure the succession to the Earl's lands. Tyrone made strenuous endeavours to obtain the illustrious prisoner from Onie McRory, but all his attempts were in vain. As early as April 19 Sir Richard Shee wrote to Carew that the Earl had been set free, but the report proved to be unfounded. After being moved about from place to place, Ormonde was taken by his captors to Sir Terence O'Dempsey's castle of Ballybrittas, in Queen's County, and once more had a roof over his head. Onie's demands for his enlargement were that all the Queen's forces should be withdrawn from Leix; that pledges should be given that no forces should ever be placed in the county again; or, failing the pledges, that all the garrisons in Leix and Offally should be withdrawn; that he and his Leinster friends should have a general protection for six weeks, and that during that period no forces of Her Majesty should be sent into Ulster. The terms were evidently worded for refusal. During his imprisonment Ormonde was worked on by the priests '' of purpose to alter him in religion "; they offered to make him Prince of Leinster, and held out many flattering hopes. But all their efforts were in vain. At length, on the 13th of June, after a captivity of two months, the Earl was released by Onie McRory, on delivering certain hostages for the payment of £3,000, if at any time Ormonde sought revenge on him. "Even this agreement," writes Ormonde (p. 237), "(although it be very hard) could not be obtained before he saw me in that extremity and weakness as I was like (very shortly) to have ended my life in his hands." The lrishry, too, of Leinster hastened Ormonde's enlargement on hearing that the Queen was going to send great forces into the province, by telling Onie that, rather than have such mischief drawn upon them, they would deliver him hostages from themselves, or, if this were denied, would become his utter enemies. The letters in which Ormonde announces his freedom to the Queen and Privy Council are dated on the 16th of June. His liberation was furthered by a difference amongst the Jesuits and priests ; one party, led by Dr. McCragh, maintaining that, as Ormonde had been taken by treachery, he ought not to be detained; the other party, led by Father Archer, " using the same conscience to keep" the Earl, which they "did to betray him" (p. 177).

Fenton had thought it strange that one so distinguished for his wariness as Ormonde should have allowed himself to be entrapped by " a young wood-kern." It has been pointed out, however, that "Corranneduffe," or Corran-dhu, was the Earl's property at the time of his capture, and that, though he would naturally give a safe-conduct to Onie, he would not think of demanding one for himself. Sir George Carew wrote to Mountjoy (p. 108): "The judgment which your Lordship hath given of the loss of this Earl is in my opinion according to the truth; for I could give many reasons that the State cannot receive any great indempnitie by it; yet, notwithstanding, it had been more happy that he had not fallen into their hands." Note has already been taken of Mountjoy's remark on learning of the taking of the Earl. He also stated to Cecil (p. 89): "I would be loath on the sudden to give my opinion of this accident, but it seemeth strange to me that one so full of regard to himself in all his proceedings should be so easily overtaken." By the first of May Mountjoy had come to a certain conclusion, and thus expressed it to Cecil (p. 138): "My own opinion is, first of himself, that in this accident he was merely overreached, and, for the cause, that it receives by him no extraordinary dangers." In this same letter Mountjoy brings very direct and serious charges against Ormonde, whom he appears to have regarded as a dangerous rival. " Although the Earl of Ormonde be the last man that I think would have clear quit the estate of England, yet I have great reason to be confident that, despairing in the force of England to protect him, he had already opened his heart to some other foundation to make good his estate in this kingdom; and although he might wish that the Queen might prevail, yet he served Her Majesty with fear and respect to that government which he looked would happen to this estate; and this was that which I meant to infer by the passages and interviews I did write to you of. Whereupon followed his strange prosecution of the Traitor in his journey to Munster, and not that I had ever any belief that he was taken by any conspiracy of his own " (p. 138). In another passage of this letter Mountjoy says: "I have heard of strange absurdities that he committed in this last journey of Munster, and that he did manifestly overslip the utter ruin of the Traitor, which was often in his power, and I have been certainly informed that sometimes he would in his rage break out into these terms with his followers: that he should never do the Queen a day's service while those villains were in his company." Such charges seem to have possessed Mountjoy's mind until after the liberation of Ormonde, when, on the Earl's request, Mountjoy went to meet him at Kilkenny. A conference between the two noblemen evidently dissipated many of the Lord Deputy's suspicions, for, on the 4th of July, he wrote to Cecil: " If I be not much deceived, as in this case I may be, the Earl doth continue with as great affection as ever to Her Majesty, and with much more spleen against the rebel, but the tie upon him to the contrary are the pledges he hath put in" (p. 299). In the same letter Mountjoy further says: " I think it fit, by the continuance of the Queen's gracious usage, either to free him from all manner of jealousy that he should be held in suspicion, or else to take some course on the sudden to be assured of him, which, when you think fit to be done, I presume may be easily performed; although the course must be such as must be to his and his country's ruin, which I hope you shall not need to command, because I hope he will make good demonstration of his loyalty. And, indeed, Sir, I cannot but bear a kind of reverence to so ancient a servant to Her Majesty, and a compassion to the miserable fortune he was in." It is difficult to see how, according to the late Rev. James Graves, these guarded, if "tardy, admissions amply refute Mountjoy's former unworthy insinuations, and afford a triumphant answer to the suspicions entertained by the generally impartial Leland." Mountjoy laid his plans for the capture or death of Onie McRory, and in the following month the able Leinster chieftain was killed in a skirmish in Leix (p. 376 and p. 395).

The preparations for the plantation at Lough Foyle were proceeding slowly but surely. It gave Mountjoy much satisfaction to receive assurances from Sir Arthur O'Neill of his desire to assist the English against Tyrone, and to bring in for the like purpose many of the chief men of Ulster, including Neale Garve O'Donnell. Instructions were given to Sir Henry Dockwra to make use of these men, but Mountjoy was against raising any settled companies of the Irish. He thought that, if these followers were kept in pay for a time, in order to draw blood on one another, the quarrel amongst them would not cease on the stoppage of the Queen's pay. Mountjoy expected much from another source, "There is," he writes to the Privy Council (p. 92), "a great famine growing upon them, the chief instrument of reducing this kingdom; and, except God by extraordinary means, as by tempest to those forces that plant by sea, or by sickness to us by land, do hinder the success, I hope, if your Lordships enable us continually, to make a speedy end of this war, with the favour and blessing of God." Sir Arthur Chichester tells Cecil (p. 193), "A million of swords will not do them so much harm as one winter's famine." By the 17th of April, the one thousand men Mountjoy was to send for Lough Foyle had been on the shore side at Dublin for three weeks or more. On the 12th they had been shipped with their provisions, but for five days had waited for a suitable wind. There were the usual rumours of the coming of a Spanish fleet, with so many thousand soldiers, to aid Tyrone; but these resolved themselves into the fact of two ships having arrived with letters from the King of Spain to Tyrone and O'Donnell, and some money and munition for the Irish forces. The ships brought over some ten or twelve Spanish gentlemen, and "an Irish priest, calling himself Primate of Ireland by the Pope's consecration" (p. 124). Tyrone had several matters distracting his attention. The killing of Maguire in Munster had lead to a bitter faction in his country, there being two claimants to the chieftainship. There was a similar rivalry in O'Cahan's country, and in that of the Reillys. Further, the death of Con McCollo, one of the best of Tyrone's followers amongst the McMahons, was keenly felt. "George Darcy and George Gernon, gentlemen," were awarded 100l. "for their good service" in cutting off McCollo's head. Sir Henry Dockwra at Chester, endeavouring his utmost to get his men off, was seriously troubled by deserters, a mischief which he attributes to the negligence or corruption of some officers, and to the fact that those runaways who bad been brought back had not been punished. He had to take care that the very horses shewn at the muster were those put on board ship; and, rather than lose a fair wind, he had embarked the foot without a muster at all, so as to be in readiness to cross at any moment. On April 26, Sir George Carey, the Treasurer at Wars, writes from Dublin to Cecil that the soldiers for Lough Foyle had been ready for six weeks and more, "always expecting a good wind." Mountjoy had left Dublin on May 5, and had moved up towards the north, as soon as the fleet both from Chester and Dublin was on its way to Lough Foyle. Fenton had reported on April 26 that the fleet from Chester had that" day set sail for Carrickfergus, and that Mountjoy would on the following day set forward towards the borders of the Pale, and so into Ulster, to countenance "the action of Lough Foyle." It was. not till May 8, when Mountjoy had got his preparations completed, that he wrote from Drogheda, in a spirit of exultation, "I shall deliver Sir Henry Dockwra from Tyrone, for he doth me the favour to attend me, and says he will fight with me assuredly in my passage through the Moyerie" (p. 164). On the 11th, the Lord Deputy advanced from Drogheda to Dundalk. His force consisted of 2,400 men by poll, and he had twenty days victuals of biscuit, butter, and cheese. Fenton wrote, urging the hastening of further victuals from England before the twenty days expired, as otherwise Mountjoy would be driven to one of two extremities, viz., either to retire the army into the Pale, or to endure the murmuring of the soldiers, and even hazard the breaking of the companies. In either case, the plantation at Lough Foyle would be endangered. Sir Henry Dockwra left Chester with his men on April 25, and two days after reached Carrickfergus. There he waited for the forces coming by sea from Dublin. These did not arrive until May 6, after which, leaving Carrickfergus on the 9th, the whole expedition had a prosperous but slow voyage to Lough Foyle. As the ships coasted the Route and the Glinns, they landed many of their men, and burned a good part of those countries, returning to their ships with a great quantity of corn, and with numbers of swine and sheep. The cattle had been driven by the rebels into their fastnesses. A garrison, also, was placed in the abbey of Coleraine.

Mountjoy passed the Moyerie on Whitsunday, 12 May, without impeachment, notwithstanding the boast of Tyrone. That leader had come near the borders of the Pale with a large force to confront the Lord Deputy, but had hurried back to Strabane, and in his absence Mountjoy seized the opportunity of getting through the pass, thus depriving the enemy of their best chance of driving him back. As soon as Tyrone heard the news, he withdrew to Dungannon on the 13th, and on the 14th destroyed the Blackwater fort and burned Armagh. On the 17th of May Mountjoy marched with his whole force some six miles into O'Hanlon's country, towards Armagh, within two miles of Lough Lurcan, where it was said that Tyrone lay in the dense woods. Proceeding a mile and a half further on, the English commander reconnoitred the trenches made by O'Hanion, extending over some four or five miles. However, with the exception of a few scouts, the enemy did not appear, and Mountjoy returned in the evening to Newry. His first encounter with Tyrone took place on the following day. On the night of the 17th Captain Blany was sent with a sufficient force by the Lord Deputy to convoy the Earl of Southampton from Dundalk to Newry. Going through the pass Captain Blany posted his 500 foot at the hill of Faugher, and proceeded with his fifty horse to Dundalk. There he found the Earl and other officers with four companies of foot and forty horse. The whole of the troops then marched to the hill where Blany's two "squadrons" of foot had been left. The Earl of Southampton, taking command, made his own dispositions, and advanced to the Four Mile Water, to which Mountjoy had moved on the 18th. The position was midway in the pass, and Tyrone knew how advantageous it would be to engage his adversary there. The Earl of Southampton directed Captain Blany to march over the Four Mile Water and make the position good until the baggage had crossed. Blany found at least 200 of the enemy well posted to impeach his passage. These were but a portion of Tyrone's vanguard, the strength of which Mountjoy puts at 300 foot and 60 horse. Just as Captain Blany and his men got the order from Sir Oliver Lambert to charge, they descried in the distance the vanguard of Mountjoy's force, commanded by Sir Charles Percy. Thus encouraged, they charged and drove back the enemy's left, whilst Percy's men dealt with the enemy's right and defeated it. As the rebels fled, they were charged by the Earl of Southampton with only some six horsemen, but they eventually recovered the place where Tyrone stood, with some 120 horse and 200 foot, "which never came to fight." Sir Francis Stafford, who was present, writes (p. 219) that "there fell such store of rain that their pieces of neither side could take fire, so that they were forced to betake themselves unto their swords and throwing of stones." Southampton's whole force then crossed the Four Mile Water and marched towards Newry, where the Lord Deputy remained until the close of May. He returned via Carlingford, owing to the breaking of the Moyerie causey by the rebels, and by the second of June was back in Dublin with his forces. Thence he wrote to Cecil on that date (p. 213): "The end of my journey into the north is thoroughly effected, for I kept Tyrone with his chief forces my near neighbour, and eased the plantation of Lough Foyle, who (sic) I heard to be settled before my departure. I have brought back the army sound and in heart, as I carried it out, with the loss of only two men killed, none sick [or] wounded that I can hear of; and yet since these wars the Traitor himself in person was never better fought with, nor better beaten."

On the very day (May 12) that Mountjoy passed the Moyerie, the fleet left Carrickfergus for Lough Foyle, where it arrived three days after. Some of the ships went aground for want of good pilots. On the 15th, Sir Henry Dockwra landed his men at the castle of Culmore, which he considered "most commodiously seated" for guarding the river. There were only forty of the enemy at Culmore, who fired but one volley, and then took to their heels. Immediately on landing, Sir Henry Dockwra took measures for the building of a fort. "Whilst at Culmore, he received overtures from Sir John O'Dogherty, and had an interview with that chieftain on May 17. O'Dogherty wanted to come in, but his goods and pledges were in O'Donnell's hands, and O'Donnell was not far off. Sir Henry encouraged O'Dogherty in his desires, and offered assistance for the recovery of his pledges and goods. Before leaving Carrickfergus Dockwra had sent out spies to discover the positions and plans of the rebels, but none of the men had returned. He was thus held "in suspense (or rather in mere ignorance)" until a letter came to him from Sir Arthur O'Neill, telling of Tyrone's designs on himself, and begging Sir Henry to hasten to Dunalong. So, on May 22, leaving a garrison of 700 at Culmore, Dockwra took the rest of his force, and marched to Derry, whence he sent word to Sir Arthur O'Neill to come to him. O'Donnell endeavoured to ambush some of the English soldiers, as they went out to cut wood for their cabins ; but Sir Henry had provided a strong guard, and, on learning of the fight, sent out fresh men, so that, in two hours' time, O'Donnell's forces were glad to be gone. Dockwra was at one with Mountjoy and Chichester in regarding famine as the most effectual means of crushing the rebellion, and he advocated the bending of all their counsels to the destruction of the rebels' corn and cattle. Sir Arthur O'Neill, on his way to join Sir Henry, was attacked by Cormack McBaron. Maguire and O'Cahan had also for some days been planning to intercept him. According to one report, Sir Arthur was killed in the encounter with Cormack; but, according to another rumour, which proved to be more accurate, he lost 24 horses, but escaped himself. On the 1st of June he came to Derry with forty followers. Tyrone made desperate efforts to regain Sir Arthur O'Neill to his side, but all his attempts were in vain, Sir Arthur remaining firm in his allegiance. Since the landing of Sir Henry Dockwra, O' Donnell had kept within five miles of Derry, and early in June Tyrone was expected at Strabane on his way to join his confederate. Their combined forces were not feared by the garrison at Derry, who had been successful in several skirmishes with the enemy. Two hundred soldiers, under Captain Floyd, were put into the castle of Ellaugh, O'Dogherty's chief seat, and his whole country, wherein abundance of corn had been sown, was in the power of the English Commander. One of O'Donnell's boys, who had been captured, reported that O'Connor Sligo had sent 150 men to help O'Donnell, and had undertaken, along with O'Rourke, to keep the Curlews against any of the Queen's forces.

On returning to Dublin at the beginning of June, Mountjoy and the Council gave renewed consideration to the general state of Ireland, and concluded that the increasing strength of the enemy in all the provinces rendered it imperative to obtain a reinforcement of the English troops. The total fighting force of the enemy was estimated at 22,000, and the Queen's army consisted of only 14,000 foot and 1,200 horse. These were scattered all over the kingdom to answer the various quarters of their adversaries. The Lord Deputy and the Council urgently prayed that 2,000 foot and 100 horse might be added to the list, so that several prosecutions might be set on foot, both in Ulster and Leinster. Sir Geffrey Fenton, who had been in Ireland nearly twentytwo years, was sent over to England to press these views, and to give all necessary information. Unless the fresh supplies were granted, and the plantation at Lough Foyle assured by the placing of strong garrisons at Armagh and in Leinster, the war, said the Lord Deputy and Council, would be long drawn out, and "we see not but the danger of the whole kingdom will rise above our strength to prevent it" (p. 218). Gentlemen volunteers came to Mountjoy "in swarms," and he emphatically expressed his preference for these to those who remained in England and worried Cecil and the Court for commands. The Lord Deputy's return to Dublin had been hastened by information received of incursions into the English Pale by the Leinster rebels, especially by that ubiquitous fighter, Captain Tyrrell. But the destruction caused by the incursions was greatly exaggerated, as Mountjoy found upon closer inquiry. The Lord Chancellor Loftus complained of the heavy losses he had sustained through the rebels in his house at Rathfarnham; but Fenton wrote to Cecil: "I wish your Honour to believe that as historical, but not as canonical" (p. 212). When Mountjoy went northwards he had left behind him quite as many troops as he had taken with him to confront Tyrone, but these forces of Leinster had been "in great part drowned in petty wards and in the guards of towns" (p. 228).

Captain Humphrey Willis gives a detailed account of the operations at Derry and in its neighbourhood during the month of June. Tyrone, O'Donnell, O'Rourke, and others met at Strabane, and there was frequent skirmishing between their men and those of Sir Henry Dockwra, in which the latter "always had the better by far." On the 11th of June Sir Henry, accompanied by Sir Arthur O'Neill, went up the Foyle to Dunalong, where he landed and reconnoitred, returning the same night to Derry. In a few days a garrison was settled at Dunalong, much, to the indignation of Tyrone. On the 21st Sir John Chamberlain, with 900 foot and Sir Arthur's men, made a raid into O'Cahan's country, and brought back a great prey. Towards the close of June, some of the enemy found their way by night into the Island in O'Dogherty's country, the passages to which Dockwra thought he had sufficiently secured. On their return, however, which was in daylight, owing to the state of the tide, the rebels were observed by Sir Henry's men and immediately attacked. The alarm coming to the camp Dockwra himself went with thirty horsemen to the help of his men. The English commander twice had his horse killed under him, but the greatest loss on his side was that of Sir John Chamberlain. "The rebels escaped," wrote Dockwra, "by the swiftness of their heels, and experience of the ways" (p. 269). Sir John Chamberlain was buried at Derry on June 30. A few days later, Dockwra sent over his second in command, Sir John Bolles, to report to Cecil the exact position of matters at Lough Foyle, and begged that three months' victual might be sent direct to Derry, as the hazard of transport from Carrickfergus to that place was much more than would be credited.

Mountjoy reported, on July 4, that the garrisons of Carrickfergus and Newry had laid all waste about them for twenty miles, had taken great preys, and had done very good service. He doubted not but that the troops at Lough Foyle would soon do the like, or better. The Lord Deputy also thought that it would not be safe to plant Ballyshannon (necessary though it was to end the wars) without a large force, or a great diversion of the rebels who would otherwise resist the project. A diversion had been effectual in the case of Lough Foyle, and Mountjoy evidently anticipated a like result if the plan were adopted in the case of Ballyshannon. He was certain that, if the Spaniards did not come, Tyrone would very shortly offer as humble conditions as ever he did. Anyhow Tyrone was to be ruined, "for he was the first life, and is the heart, of the rebellion." Mountjoy even counselled that Tyrone's head should be proclaimed (p. 300), and added in the same letter: "But it is in the north from whence the Queen hath received all these wrongs, and our country so much dishonour; and there, if you enable me, will I leave my bones, or beat that false traitor out of his country, who, by our misfortunes, is now, in the courts of most Princes of Christendom, called the great Prince O'Neill." Tyrone had sent priests to Rome, and to all parts whence he expected aid, and his supporters gave out that, with the arrival of succour, Ormonde would declare himself their head. Ormonde told Mountjoy this device of the rebels, and added that the priests had sworn to him that they were already assured of the towns and of most of the nobility and others of the Pale. "But," wrote Mountjoy, "if Her Majesty maintain her army, I doubt not but to- untie or cut asunder this knot" (p. 301). It was reasoning that Elizabeth understood and liked. Even with regard to the weakness of Anglicanism in Ireland as contrasted with the sway held by the Church of Rome, she had written to Mountjoy and the Council, that they were not to suffer in Dublin "notorious exercise of such idolatry," nor to let friaries stand, "when we have an army of 17,000 men to fight withal." The paragraph in which the words occur is in the handwriting of Sir Robert Cecil.

Mountjoy had managed his northern journey with great ability. He had also introduced reforms into the army, and given it discipline and fresh heart. He had kept his finger on the pulse of Irish disaffection in the four provinces. But his enemies were busy with the weapon of slander. "I hear," he writes (p. 307), "that you receive from hence intelligence of the service here to proceed with dishonour. I will not approve it by comparisons, but maintain that no one part of the English army, at any time since my coming, hath received any disgrace. They have in all encounters had the better. Since my time there hath been more of the rebels killed, and of the better sort, than in two years before; and the war was never so near to an end, if it please the Queen." He thought that if 20,000 troops were kept in Leinster alone it would not stop the rebels from burning houses and stealing cows; but he again intimated that, since his coming to Ireland, the losses in the Pale by raiding had been very small. The Leinster rebels, however, caused almost as much trouble to the Irish Government as did their great confederate Tyrone himself. Towards the close of April Sir Oliver Lambert had seized the Togher after some sharp fighting with the enemy, in part of which he and his men "all turned kern and stripped " themselves, in order to pass the bog. Lysagh O'More wished for a parley, but was refused until Sir Oliver had "done his business," when he promised to speak with Lysagh, but declined to have any dealings "with so treacherous a Jack as Onie," who was present at the fighting with all his men. Whilst the Lord Deputy was in the north the Council wrote that the Leinster men had broken into the Pale with great violence, burnt sundry villages near Trim, fired part of Athboy, from which they were repulsed, and attempted Mullingar. They had seized cattle within two miles of Dublin, and had tried to burn the suburbs of that city. The inhabitants of the Pale had made scarcely any resistance against the rebels, and were believed to favour their cause. The Baron of Upper Ossory fostered the rebellion of Onie McRory, whose daughter he had married. Both the Baron and Patrick Crossan, or Crosby, who in Lord Burgh's time was an officer attendant on the State "as a penne man," were charged with many treasonable offences, but they were received at Court, and the former brought back to Ireland letters from the Queen in his favour. His country of Upper Ossory was reduced into shire-ground and annexed to Queen's County. Sir Charles O'Carroll was unhappily slain by the rebels. But it was Onie McRory who was the great thorn in the side of the Irish Government, especially whilst Ormonde was in his hands; and another doughty antagonist in the province for a time was Captain William Tyrrell.

Sir Oliver Lambert, on his way to revictual the fort of Maryborough in July, had succeeded in taking some seven or eight hundred cows from Donnell Spainagh, the chief of the Kavanaghs. Mountjoy, who was in Leinster again, sent to Dublin for money, victuals, and munition, and also for hooks and scythes, as he was going into King's County to burn the corn there, to seize the cattle, and to do all the hurt he could. The increase to the army of 2,000 foot and 100 horse was eagerly expected. Sir Oliver Lambert was ordered to draw through Queen's County to Portnahinch, and there join the Lord Deputy. The combined forces were then to "fall a spoiling all the corn of that country." After this had been accomplished in King's County the same course was to be pursued in Queen's County. Sir Arthur Savage received directions to gather all his men, and, going Leinsterwards by Fercall, to destroy what he could belonging to the rebels. The northern borders of the Pale were left strongly guarded, as Tyrone was hovering near them, and Mountjoy, taking with him 560 foot and 60 horse, together with some volunteers, marched by the fort of Philipstown, over a great bog, into Gessil. That night a large prey was taken of horses, sheep, and cattle. On the 26th of July, Mountjoy and Sir Oliver Lambert met, as arranged, and there followed a stiff fight with the rebels at "one of the most dangerous passes in Ireland." Tyrrell was with the rebels, and had specially planned the killing of the Lord Deputy, who writes (p. 338): "I heard after that I was so much beholden to Tyrrell that he appointed a hundred shot to wait upon me, and gave them marks to know me." The rebels were defeated with a loss of 35 killed and 75 wounded. The loss on the English side was but two killed and a few hurt. There was desultory fighting until the third of August. Houses were burnt, and corn, "the fairest corn that ever was seen" (p. 344), destroyed to the value of 10,000l. Mountjoy pays a high tribute to the state of Queen's County. He writes: "It is incredible in so barbarous a country how well the ground was manured, how orderly their fields were fenced, their towns inhabited, and every highway and path so well beaten." A few days after, the Lord Deputy sent word to Ormonde that he was going into Queen's County, and asked Ormonde to meet him at Culinagh Castle, as he wished to confer with the Earl about Mountgarrett's sons. On the 13th of August there is a note of the forces delivered by Ormonde to Mountjoy, the total number being 2,560. Onie McRory wrote to Ormonde that he thought the course of devastation employed by Mountjoy was "most execrable," and a "bad example unto all the world " (p. 355). Onie might have remembered his own doings in the English Pale. A few days after he was slain in the skirmish already alluded to.

Sir Geffrey Fenton returned from the English Court in the middle of August, arriving at Dublin on the 16th of that month He wrote to Mountjoy, who had drawn towards the Kavanaghs' country, that he could not bring or send his despatches to his Lordship, "the rebels lying so strong upon the ways," and begged either an escort to the camp, or leave to remain at Dublin until Mountjoy's return.

Meantime the state of the garrisons at Lough Foyle had become a source of anxiety, owing to the incessant fatigue work of the soldiers on fortifications, storehouses, and other buildings, to the scarcity and corruptness of the victuals, the damp of the climate, and to the severe disease engendered by these causes. There were a few desertions to the enemy. Captain Willis gave it as his opinion that the horsemen in Dockwra's camp were the worst that ever took pay from Her Majesty; and his opinion was somewhat confirmed by a success of the rebels on July 29, when they came to the camp and took away sixty horses without resistance. Dockwra was so "moved" at the loss, that he took some horse and foot and endeavoured to recapture the animals. Advancing a long distance from the camp, he gave O'Donnell's forces an opportunity of attacking him, of which they were not slow to avail themselves. In the subsequent fight, the gallant Governor was dangerously wounded, and had to draw home with his force. "Our foot die daily," wrote Captain Willis to Cecil, and begged for fresh supplies, with which he had no doubt Dockwra would deal "very roundly" with the rebels. Tyrone with his men had left for Dungannon, but O'Donnell and his forces still remained about eight miles from the camp. Tirlogh McQuin, whose dwelling was within five miles of Dunalong, promised to come in to Dockwra with his creaghts and goods.

The Queen's Government had made extensive preparations for the victualling of the various garrisons in Ireland, and the memorandum of the Lord High Treasurer Buckhurst to Cecil (pp. 346-348) shews how carefully this important service had been investigated. There is a similar memorandum by Buckhurst on pp. 107-108. The contractors were often to blame for not keeping to the times appointed them, but a great obstacle to regular provisioning of the army was beyond the control of the Government, inasmuch as ships laden with victual frequently waited days or even weeks for a favourable wind to carry them over to Ireland. By such delay provisions became unserviceable, but still were issued. The corruption was not only in the victual. Buckhurst speaks of those "beggarly corrupt knaves the Commissaries, who do nothing but spoil all for their own gain," and it was agreed to get rid of them and to commit the business to the "honest rich merchants," who would thus have charge a primo ad ultimum, and, if there were any cause for blame, it could be put on the right person. The dismissal of the Commissaries was in great measure due to the representations of Sir Arthur Chichester. On his advice, also, fish was to be supplied, to vary the everlasting biscuit, butter, and cheese. "And God forbid," writes Buckhurst, "that they should lack mustard. I know it will sharpen their stomachs." Beer, too, was considered a necessary for the soldier. John Traves, the Commissary for Ulster, wrote to Buckhurst (p. 270): "The want of beer is a great hurt unto the soldier. Some small quantity is brought hither [i.e. Derry], but at unreasonable rates, at 6l. and 8l. the best for a tun; which neither the soldier nor Captain can endure to continue to buy, by reason of the dearness." Among "certain instructions conceived by Her Majesty to be imparted to" Mountjoy and the Irish Council, we read (p. 278): "Forasmuch as there is no provision of beer made for that garrison of Lough Foyle, and that the soldiers there, by continual drinking of water, cannot but be made weak in their strength, which will hinder their service, the Lord Deputy [is] to deal with the merchants of Dublin, Drogheda, and other ports, who have recourse by way of trade to Lough Foyle and Knockfergus, to carry beer thither to sell to the army, at such reasonable rates as the merchant may have competent gain, and yet the soldier [be] not strained above his wages." Cecil is as emphatic in writing to Buckhurst (p. 345): "But, my Lord, the lack of beer hath overthrown them, and will do [so], if we think not of it; and therefore, if it were possible, until the brewhouses there be erected, to send one hundred tuns of beer thither, it were money well bestowed, whereby so many lives are saved." The Lord High Treasurer replied, in his memorandum on the victualling, that he would deal with Cockain and Jolles to send that amount of beer to Lough Foyle.

As to Ulster, there is, with the exception of the plantation at Lough Foyle and Mountjoy's journey to the north, little to record in these papers beyond the operations of the garrisons at Carrickfergus and Newry and the factions among Tyrone's followers, already alluded to. The descent of Tyrone into Munster was part of the "mighty matters intended" by him and his accomplices (p. 7) to bring all the realm of Ireland into rebellion against the Queen, and thus keep her forces from Ulster; and so confident was he that John Lye tells Fenton: " He means to have his will at this time, and all the forces named to come over are not able to prevent him in this action." The foregoing portion of this preface shews that Ulster did not escape, and that Tyrone's boastings were in vain. On April 29 Tirlogh McHenry burnt Louth and preyed the country, slaying eighteen of the Garlones who resisted him. A little before he had preyed Dundalk. Yet Mountjoy was able to report not long after that Dundalk had banished Tirlogh McHenry and his creaghts to lie out of his own country almost as far up as Monaghan. Sir Samuel Bagenall was in command at Newry, and, soon after Mountjoy's arrival at Dublin, came to that city with a memorandum shewing the services performed by the garrison since the end of the previous September (pp. 25-26). These consisted of preys taken from Tirlogh McHenry, Magennis, O'Hanlon, and others, burning of towns, and killing divers of the rebels, one of whom is described as "of good reckoning, and of their best men, as appeared by his wounds when he was taken." The country for twelve or fifteen miles round about Newry was so wasted that none dared to live there except Cormack McBaron, whom Tyrone had left to look after the Newry garrison. Mountjoy sent in to the Queen a strong recommendation of Sir Samuel Bagenall, because of his "very good service," and urged the increase of his entertainment, as Sir Samuel had lost all but the pay of a private Captain. Sir Arthur O'Neill was on excellent terms with Bagenall, and had promised to help him to revenge the death of his cousin [Sir Henry Bagenall] on Tyrone. It was early in March that Sir Arthur O'Neill made those overtures and offers of service, which ended in his joining the Lough Foyle garrison. Sir Samuel also brought to Dublin Glasney McCooley, "one of the best of the Magennises," who had come to him, and had done some excellent work against Tyrone.

Sir Arthur Chichester, who had commanded at Carrickfergus, was removed to Dublin to take the post of Serjeant-Major, and in that capacity rendered much assistance against the Leinster rebels, and in the preparations for Mountjoy's advance northwards to Newry. But when the Lord Deputy started on his journey, he re-appointed Chichester to the government of Carrickfergus, and Sir Oliver Lambert resumed his former post of SergeantMajor. The garrison at Carrickfergus was to master the Clandeboyes and the woodmen, whilst Tyrone was attacked "in his bowels" (as Fenton expresses it) at Lough Foyle, and was confronted by the proposed garrisons at Armagh and the Blackwater. Chichester did his work thoroughly round about his place of command, driving his neighbours far from him, until be was obliged to seek them in their woods, and even that shelter had been in many cases abandoned by the rebels. " I have some scamblyng with them," writes Sir Arthur Chichester (p. 209), "which they like not; they must shortly return, or pine where they are." James McSorley, who would have liked to come in, but dreaded that the Governor was waiting to avenge on him the death of his brother, Sir John Chichester, fled with his creaghts and people to the other side of the Bann, and lost divers of them in the passage. Mountjoy wrote to Cecil, " there is none that I dare so confidently recommend unto Her Majesty's favour as Sir Arthur Chichester" (p. 255), and urged that he should be made a member of the Council of Ireland. The factions in Ulster hampered the operations of Tyrone, but not so much as his own tyranny had done. Many of his confederates were eagerly looking for an opportunity to desert, and the rebels of the north were of opinion, as we gather from some intelligences in Sir George Carey's handwriting (p. 306), that the English forces would, unless the Spaniards came, "possess all Ulster from the mountains to the sea." Mountjoy's method of dealing with Irish factions was to intensify them to the utmost. He " blew the fire," not only between the rival Maguires, but between Teig O'Rourke and his brother; and, when McMahon and Patrick McArt Moyle quarrelled, he told each that he would not be received unless he brought in the other's head. On the other hand, Owen McHugh McNeill More O'Neill accused Sir William Warren and Sir Garrett Moore of treasonable intercourse with Tyrone, and offered his service to the Queen, promising, if strong garrisons were placed upon the Bann and the Blackwater, to bring in 3,000 men before the month of November following. In July, Sir Arthur Chichester and his second in command, Colonel Egerton, went into England, much to the indignation of Fenton, who wrote to Cecil to order them back, as their absence would endanger all the good that had been done at Carrickfergus and in the Clandeboyes. Fenton also begged that every Captain about the Court and London (and there were many, several being named on page 334), should be commanded to return to their charges, on pain of being cashiered. Whilst Chichester was in London, he desired that, of the 100 men he was to have as a reinforcement for his garrison, 30 should be armed with pikes without cuirasses, and 70 with culivers and bandoliers. He offered to supply this equipment at 20s. a man, and Buckhurst accepted the offer.

"In Connaught they do what they list," wrote Mountjoy of the rebels, and little was done in the province to gainsay their will, except the safe-guarding of Athlone and Galway. Elizabeth appears never to have confirmed the nomination made by the Earl of Essex of Sir Henry Dockwra as Governor of Connaught, an office vacant since the death of Sir Conyers Clifford. Sir Arthur Savage had been chief commander of the forces in the province, and still commanded at Athlone. But it had been deemed advisable to appoint the Earl of Clanrickarde and his son, Lord Dunkellin, to the chief command of the forces in Connaught, exempting from their charge the town of Athlone, and that of Galway, where Sir Gerrard Harvey was the Governor. The appointment was unworkable, as it kept the two keys of the province out of the hands of the two Lords, and gave them no authority over the Earl of Thomond. Sir Francis Shane writes to Cecil, "It hath pleased your Honours there to dissolve the English government, and to commit the same to our Irish Lords, who are not only varying from the English in religion, but also in habit and disposition, ever affecting licentious liberty, which by the good English government hath been ever restrained, to the great good of that province, thereby casting from Her Majesty the dependency of the subjects there, that never despaired of hope of amendment until now" (p. 84). Shane points out some of the fruits of this policy. Clanrickarde's third son attempted, for some small discontentment with Captain Thomas Burke of Mayo, to cut off that officer and his company. Sir Gerrard Harvey's company, after escorting their commander from Galway to Athlone, were on their return journey disarmed at a place called Downkillen, and lost some of their number. Shane adds that the two Irish Lords were getting into their hands all the strong places of the province (asserting even that they had secured Athlone), and that they had imported into Connaught no small proportion of arms, munition, and treasure. Yet with strange inconsistency he adds, " I do not write this as ministering cause of suspicion against these noblemen." Shane mentions that several of the Irish Lords, as the Earl of Thomond, the Earl of Kildare, and Lord Delvin, were discontented, and desirous of having their respective countries extended, Thomond complaining that he was "put besides both Connaught and Munster." Dunkellin himself complained bitterly of the limits of his commission, and was anxious to be relieved of it. He wrote to the Privy Council (pp. 146, 147), " The whole province is all out, saving a few followers of my father's, who are daily practised withal for the drawing of them from him, and I very much fear the event of their practices." Sir Theobald Dillon had his lands wasted both by O'Rourke and Tyrone, the latter firing some houses with his own hands, and vowing to make Sir Theobald "the poorest Dillon in Ireland." Sir Francis Stafford, early in June, told Cecil (p. 221), " as the province of Connaught is now governed, Her Majesty is at a very great charge to no purpose." Sir Arthur Savage held Athlone, and Sir Robert Lovell held Galway. From the rest of the companies in Connaught there was "nothing to be expected." Mountjoy recommended the Earl of Southampton for the Governorship of Connaught, as Lord Dunkellin was desirous of vacating the post. Sir Arthur Savage, who had exercised the chief command in the province under three several commissions, remonstrated with the Lord Deputy. The latter told Sir Arthur that the Earl of Southampton would probably not hold the office, but "pass it over to some other." That other was Sir Henry Davers, and Sir Arthur was not at all inclined to waive his claims for that successor. No Irish Lord was to be appointed again, for Mountjoy stated, "I think it necessary that province be reduced to the form of the wonted government, that the Governor be of some greatness and reputation, and such as my Lord of Dunkellin shall have least reason to leave it unto with repining, and unto whom the people have no cause in spleen or otherwise to take exceptions." He added that such a Governor might either remove the Irish companies, where they might be of good use, or cast them and place others, "whereas now the Queen doth absolutely lose the whole pay of the Irish." McWilliam offered to bring in, alive or dead, into England, O'Donnell, O'Rourke, and half-a-dozen of the chiefest men in Connaught, if he was received into favour, restored in blood, and made Earl of Mayo. Whilst these offers were being made, O'Donnell had "overrun all the country of Connaught and Thomond," passing through Clanrickarde, however, without doing any harm there, or, strange to say, without being attacked by the Earl of Clanrickarde. It was chiefly in Thomond that O'Donnell did havoc. As he returned, hampered with a large prey, a second opportunity of overwhelming him was missed. Sir George Carew, however, says (p. 265) that the Earl of Thomond recovered the prey taken from his country, and slew many of O'Donnell's followers. "The attempt was proud, to go so far from his own country, which never any O'Donnell before him performed, and especially leaving so powerful an enemy as the garrison at Lough Foyle to destroy his country in his absence." The Omalaughlins, the McGeoghegans, the McGawlies, and others, had grown so strong, that there was no passage to Athlone, except from two of Sir Theobald Dillon's castles by water. That officer wrote from Athlone, recommending a certain distribution of the forces in Connaught, suggesting for the town itself 200 foot and 25 horse, " under the command of some trusty stirring gentleman." Sir Theobald strongly urged that the Commander or Chief Commissioner of Connaught should not live at Athlone, which was "so far from the service," but at Boyle, Roscommon, or Athleage. He was so disgusted with the state of affairs in the province, that he said he would withdraw into England, unless he saw the service go forward, for in Connaught "will be no dwelling for me." Sir Arthur Savage thought that Dillon greatly exaggerated the state of affairs, and said that, when there was a time of extremity at Athlone, Sir Theobald was never heard of there: and yet that in his private letters he wrote as if the garrison lived only by his care. The Earl of Southampton settled the question of the Governorship, so far as he was concerned, by leaving Ireland for the Low Countries, and Sir Arthur Savage took the chief command.

Attention has already been called in this preface to the Earl of Tyrone's passage through Minister, to the treachery of Florence McCarthy, and to the delay that arose in sending President Carew to his charge. Chief Justice Saxey gives a gloomy picture of the widespread rebellion in the province, and states that the course of justice there was "put to dumb silence." He furnishes some interesting details of the alliances between the Minister nobles. Florence McCarthy was not long in coming into collision with the Queen's forces. He had in his pay Dermond O'Connor and 600 Connaught men, and with these and another 600 from his own country, he became an open traitor. Thereupon 1,000 foot and 80 horse, sent by Sir Henry Power, entered his country, burned and preyed a great part of it, and killed some sixty of his men, returning to Kinsale on April 20. On the 21st, leaving behind Sir Richard Percy's and Captain Bostock's companies, numbering 250, Captain Flower, the chief commander of the force, marched with 500 foot and 60 horse towards Cork. Florence McCarthy was on the look out, and midway on the journey took up an advantageous position near a little narrow bridge, where the ford was deep and dangerous, and awaited his enemy. Dermond O'Connor commanded the first "battle" of his force, and Florence himself the second. The ambush had been skilfully laid, and, when the English troops arrived on the scene, they fell right into it. The foot were thrown into disorder, but the horse for a time withstood the fury of the rebels' assault, until the foot recovered themselves. The latter, however, would not stand their ground, but "retired most shamefully." The horse chased the rebels, and slew 137, Dermond O'Connor's second brother being amongst the number. Both Dermond O'Connor and Florence McCarthy had narrow escapes, and Captain Flower was wounded twice, and had two horses slain under him. The English held the field, with the loss of one officer and eight men killed, fifteen wounded, and thirty horses slain. But for the cowardice of the foot, Florence McCarthy and his whole force might have been cut up. One cause of the panic was the want of commanders, there being but one Captain on the English side.

Sir Henry Power, who had the chief authority in Munster until the arrival of Sir George Carew, gave to the Privy Council an account of his charge, and affirmed that he left the province to the President in far better terms than he himself found it. However, when Sir George Carew arrived at Cork on April 24, he found that the confusion and distemper of the province had never been greater. The enemy's forces consisted of 7,000 "able weaponed men," and no assistance was to be expected from the Lords of the various countries, who were "only in personal shows subjects," the single exception being Lord Barry, who had suffered heavily for his loyalty. Carew admits that Florence McCarthy, with his friends (whom the President enumerates), would prove stronger than any traitor in Munster, and that it would be necessary to employ against him 1,500 men, who could otherwise have been employed against James Fitz Thomas and his adherents. Carew also affirms that the priests had so much prevailed over the people in general in the province, that very few dared to serve against the rebels or to give any aid to the Queen. The taking of the Earl of Ormonde had likewise stiffened the backs of several who had become inclined to submission. Carew could count but upon 3,000 men in list. From these had to be deducted the following; dead pays, 300; sick and wounded, 300; garrisons, 580; and, serving in Leinster with the Lord Deputy, 80. Thus there remained to go with Carew into the field, 1,740 foot, "which," the President adds, "is but a weak army to sustain the force of the traitors, except my strength in horse did overtop them." He placed great reliance on the assistance of the Earl of Thomond, and "begged that the payment of that nobleman's company might be made in Munster, as the Earl would never serve under Lord Dunkellin, if such payment could be effected. Carew pays this tribute to his friend, "He hath so well handled his business, as Thomond hath not a rebel in it, and feels no part of the war; which was as much disordered as any part of Ireland, when he departed from the Court" (p. 143). The disorder may very well have arisen from the revengeful raiding of the country by O'Donnell, and it betokens the strong hand of the Earl that he was able to restore quiet in so short a time.

Carew was anxious to attack James Fitz Thomas at the earliest opportunity, but was hindered through waiting to see whether " that idiot Florence " was going to turn subject or to persevere as a traitor. Carew more than doubted the man; he writes, "my hopes are dead, and I think he will never be honest." Florence McCarthy was profuse in his oaths and protestations of loyalty, but was with difficulty persuaded to come even to a parley, always imagining that his detention and even death were being compassed. John Fitz Edmund of Cloyne was sent to him, and then the Earl of Thomond, but he would not come to Carew. The President decided that it was best to temporise with the traitor, and thus be free to settle James Fitz Thomas first; " to undertake both together, I cannot." The risk was the less, in that Florence McCarthy was fond of his ease, and therefore unmeet to be a rebel; "which makes me glad," says Carew, "that he is the chief commander of the Carberry and Desmond forces." Nor had the President any confidence in the White Knight, who had also been making overtures to him, and whom it was important to gain over to the side of the State. The county of Waterford had been cleared by the coming in of Thomas Fitz James, brother to the Lord of the Decies, and of Thomas Power, cousin to Lord Power. Several gentlemen in the county of Cork also submitted, amongst them O'Callaghan and Barrett. The two that Carew designates in the strongest terms were Lord Roche, whom he calls "a brain-sick fool," and Cormack McDermond, whom he styles "a subtle fox." Both were "most cankered subjects." What the President chiefly wanted to know from Cecil was, " what forwardness the peace with Spain is in; for thereupon depends the most of our business here."

Early in May, on assurance that he should be permitted to return safely, Florence McCarthy came to Shandon to see Sir George Carew, and, humbly kneeling, avowed his loyalty, and offered his services to the Queen. The President spoke plainly and forcibly to him on his ingratitude and treachery, and tried to reason him into "conformity." The Earl of Thomond, Sir Nicholas Walsh, and John Fitz Edmund did the like, with apparent success. Florence supped with the President on the night of May 3, and was conducted by the Earl of Thomond to his lodging. "So fearful a creature I did never see," writes Carew, "mistrusting to be killed by every man he saw." The following day, May 4, Florence dined with the President, and thereafter had conference with him and others. His demands were so exorbitant, that Carew and the rest "bade him begone, being weary to hear a man so far out of reason." Carew further addressed him in very plain terms, threatening to prosecute him, but yet keeping open the door of submission. The President gives a glimpse of the man he had to deal with in the following passage of his letter to Cecil (p. 153), "When I was thus far proceeded in my letter, I stayed finishing of the same, expecting these letters of Florence's unto yourself, Sir Walter Raleigh, and Sir John Stanhope, but he, having not drunk wine in many days before to put care away, so filled his skin with sack, as the whole day was lost in sleep. This day better remembering himself, he brought me these three letters unsealed, and gave them unto me to read; which varies nothing from his former letters to me and others." Some advantage was gained by the President's temporising, for the staying of Florence McCarthy from aiding James Fitz Thomas, and the drawing in of the White Knight, in measure freed the county of Cork. Thus the President's task was confined to the counties of Limerick and Kerry, where he had little doubt of raising up factions against James Fitz Thomas and his brother John, and this course would give a fair hope of finishing the war in Munster. The wily Florence McCarthy was trying to keep in with both sides, thus satisfying neither. Carew wrote to him, " Middle ways are most unsure."

On the 21st May, Carew, having taken order with the chieftains of Barry's country, Muskerry, and Carberry, to keep those parts in quietness until his return, started with his forces from Cork towards Limerick. He thought the journey all the more necessary, in that he had heard that several supporters of the rebels were only waiting for the presence of the army to come over to him, and because the White Knight had promised to join as soon as the forces reached Kilmallock. The news of continued preparations by Spain to aid the rebels had been confirmed, and Carew thought that the places to be first attempted by the Spaniards would be Cork and Limerick. Cork he considered too weak to offer any serious resistance. Limerick was strong, and, if taken by the Spaniards, not easily to be regained. Waterford was safe, " being seated so near England, and so far within our seas." On the evening of the 21st of May, Carew marched to Mallow, where he encamped. On the 22nd, he lodged within five miles of Kilmallock. On the 23rd, the White Knight came in and submitted, and attended the force to Limerick. On the 24th, Carew marched from Effin, near Kilmallock, to the Bruff, a castle formerly belonging to Sir George Thornton, but for a long time held by Piers Lacy, to annoy the passage between Kilmallock and Limerick. Putting in a ward at the Bruff, Carew proceeded to Limerick, and then prepared to besiege the castle of Loughgirr, but it was soon delivered up to him. The possession of the two castles was of the utmost importance for the pacification of the country round about. After a short rest, the President took his forces into Clanwilliam, a country of the Burkes, where John Burke, half-brother to Piers Lacy, submitted. In Clanwilliam the President took Ballytarsny castle, which commanded the passage between Limerick and Cashel. After a successful incursion into the country of the O'Mulrians, he returned to Limerick, and divided his army, partly to refresh his soldiers, and partly to prepare for the siege of several castles on the river, especially the castle of Glan or Glin, belonging to the Knight of the Valley, and the castle of Carrigofoyle, belonging to John O'Connor Kerry, both strongholds being in Connello. Garrisons were placed at Lykeadowne (on the borders of Connello), at Kilmallock, and at Askeaton. Carew adopted the policy of Mountjoy, and like him with some success, of nursing the feuds amongst the Irish chieftains. " I have already sowed such distrust in their wavering humours, as it appears unto me they have no great opinion of any good success." To ensure further progress in the reduction of the rebellion, the President strongly urged the sending over to Munster of James Fitzgerald of Desmond, who was a prisoner in the Tower of London. News came about the middle of June that Dermond O'Connor, in fulfilment of a promise made to the Lord Deputy, had taken James Fitz Thomas and divers other of the principal rebels of the province. Carew was jubilant over this capture, and said he did not doubt but that he should have Fitz Thomas in his hands very shortly, adding even, "I am in good hope on Michaelmas to settle this province." Dermond was the leader of the men hired by Munster from Connaught, and, being able to command some 1,500, was the mainstay of the rebellion. "As for the [Munster] provincials," wrote Carew, "I make no account of them." But the President's hopes were frustrated. Dermond's followers wished to know why he had taken Fitz Thomas, and their leader shewed them a letter, purposely written by Carew to Fitz Thomas in order to be intercepted by Dermond, stating that the President daily expected to have Dermond delivered to him, alive or dead. This quieted the men at first, and Dermond sent in all haste to Carew at Limerick, begging him to come without delay to Kilmallock, and to bring 1,000l., agreed upon as the price for the chief prisoner. Carew went, expecting to meet Dermond's wife, but found that she and her husband had gone to a castle of Rory McShee's. Carew sent letters to her, but the messengers never returned. At last, on the 26th of June, Dermond's wife, Lady Margaret, came to the President to receive the money, and to deliver the prisoner a few hours after. But, without Dermond's knowledge, Fitz Thomas was handed over to the rebels, and when the English troops went to Castlelishen to receive him, they found the prisoner gone. A priest of Dermond's had persuaded the bonnaughts to give over Fitz Thomas. One thousand of them forsook their commander, when they perceived what his purpose in taking the prisoner really was; for Dermond had led them to believe that he was going to deliver Fitz Thomas to Tyrone. To comfort Dermond, Carew granted him and his followers Her Majesty's protection, and assigned him the castle of Rathmore in Connello, until the war was over. Dermond also received from the President the same hire that he had obtained from Tyrone; and the 1,000 men he would be able to gather could do, said Carew, "more service upon the rebels than 4,000 of our nation. The loss of James I do not care for, so as 1 may keep Dermond sure to the State " (p. 262). Carew regretted the too great secrecy of Dermond in not telling his wife's friends after the capture of Fitz Thomas that it was intended to bring his brother-in-law, young Desmond, from the Tower; for, in that case, all the chief followers of Fitz Thomas would have sided with Dermond. Again Carew urged the speedy sending over of James of Desmond, for he remarked, "to miss of James, and so consequently of Dermond (until Tyrone be suppressed) I shall be hopeless of Munster." He was hopeless also of the taking again of James Fitz Thomas alive, but he significantly remarks, "by Dermond's means to have him slain 1 am in a lively hope, and that very shortly. I will not leave working upon the old ground, until those brothers be confounded." In a previous letter (p. 248), Carew had told Cecil how he procured one Nugent to shoot John Fitz Thomas, the brother of James. The attempt miscarried, and Nugent got hanged by the rebels; "of whose death," the President says contemptuously, "there is no great loss, for he was but a protected traitor, and I do think he would upon the least occasion have relapsed." In telling the incident, Sir George Carew puts his own name in cipher.

On the 29th of June, Carew marched from Limerick into the heart of Connello, and encamped at Ballingarry, to relieve Dermond O'Connor, who was besieged by the enemy in the castle of Ballyallynan. On his way, the castle of Cromme, formerly held by Piers Lacy, was burnt. On the 30th, Carew went to Askeaton, where he remained for a few days for victuals from Limerick. On July 4, he left Askeaton, and encamped at Ballinture, twelve miles from that town; whence, on the 5th, he proceeded to the Glin, the Knight of the Valley's castle. After a heavy cannonade and an obstinate resistance, the castle was taken, James Fitz Thomas, who was close at hand, not having fulfilled his promise to relieve it with all his forces. The place was of very great importance, and the President remained several days to repair the ruin caused by his cannon, eventually leaving Captain Mordaunt in charge. Whilst Carew was waiting at the Glin, O'Connor Kerry, knowing that his castle of Carrigofoyle would be the next to be besieged, surrendered the same, craving the protection of Her Majesty. This was granted, and Sir Charles Wilmot's company was left to guard the castle. Other castles were taken or surrendered, strong garrisons placed in Askeaton and Kilmallock, and, by the 15th of July, the President was back again at Limerick. Thence he proposed, as soon as he had received further victuals from Cork, to go into Kerry. His task was rendered all the heavier, because, in his recent operations from Limerick, he had little help from that city, and no assistance at all from the gentlemen of the country, either in personal attendance, intelligence, or espial. Piers Lacy acknowledged the heinousness of his offences, and offered to come in on certain conditions, but, shortly after, on the news of approaching Spanish aid, he resumed his old hostile position. The details of Carew's expedition into Kerry are given in his letter of August 25 to the Privy Council. It was on the 23rd of July that he started from Limerick, and proceeding via Kilrush in Thomond, he crossed over the mouth of the Shannon to Carrigofoyle in Kerry. Hearing that the rebels were hastening to destroy their castles in Kerry, he took measures to secure those he could possibly reach in time, and occupied Lord Fitz Morris's castle of Lixnaw, and another, belonging to the Bishop of Kerry, not far from Tralee. On August 2, Sir Charles Wilmot returned with the forces to Carrigofoyle. Meantime the victuals from Cork had arrived in the Shannon. Lord Fitz Morris died on August 12, from grief at the taking of Lixnaw, leaving a son, " as malicious a traitor as himself." The harvest of the county came into the hands of the English forces. About the 20th of August there was a fight between the garrison of Mallow under Captain Harvey and some of the White Knight's followers. It was brought about by the treachery of a guide, but satisfaction was given to the White Knight, and the guide got his deserts.

Mountjoy proposed to the Privy Council that, when the 2,000 new supplies came over to Ireland, 1,000 of them should go to Munster, and that he should draw from that province an equal number of its seasoned troops for his northern journey. The Lord Deputy had been influenced by reports of a settled quietness in Munster, but Carew entered a strong protest against this exchange of men, saying that the companies wanted from him were scattered over the province at great distances from each other, that he had still many obstinate and notorious rebels to deal with, and that the withdrawal of the men would incite the "unsettled" people to reunite. Besides, new combinations were feared from the alleged marriage of James McThomas to Cormack McDermott's sister, and, to prevent the mischief anticipated, Carew hastened, about the close of August, to place 1,000 foot and 50 horse in Carberry and on the borders of Muskerry. He managed, however, to frustrate the marriage, and had the satisfaction of receiving the submission of Donnell McCarthy, base brother of Florence's wife. Donnell had been displaced by Tyrone, in order to make Florence McCarthy More. The President was also much cheered by the release, so strongly urged by him, of James Fitz Gerald, son of the late Earl of Desmond, from the Tower, and by the Queen's acknowledging the young man as Earl of Desmond, and sending him over to Munster. When Carew first went into Kerry, he sent for Florence McCarthy to come to him, that chieftain being not more than ten miles distant, parleying with James Fitz Thomas. Florence declared that this parleying was due to the fact that he was trying to get Fitz Thomas's letters for the recovery of his brother-in-law, O'Sullivan More, who had been taken prisoner by Dermond O'Connor. Yet he refused to come to Carew without a safe-conduct. The document was sent to him, and still he failed to appear, although he wrote protesting his loyalty. This complicated matters for the President, for Florence could command 3,000 men out of the 7,000 rebels still in action in Munster. Carew writes that Florence "like a dark cloud hangs over my head, threatening a storm to impeach our actions" (p. 368). So he still thought it wise to temporise with him, yet gracefully closed his reply to McCarthy, "with this verse of Ovid, Nil mihi rescribas, attamen ipse veni." All the Munster garrisons were prospering, and Carew was looking forward to the next year's famine as a means of finally putting an end to the rebellion. Here is his summary of the position of matters on August 25 (p. 369), "Since the placing of these garrisons, no day passeth without report of burning, killing, and taking of preys from the enemy, insomuch as all places near unto them are wholly abandoned by the enemy, and left waste. Infinite numbers of their creaghts, as kine, sheep, and garrans, are taken from them, and by a true report, which I can justly account, besides husbandmen, women, and children (which I do not reckon), of weaponed men there hath been slain in this province, since my coming, above 1,200 men, and of Her Majesty's army not 40 slain by the enemy." Yet Carew pays a high tribute to the bravery of the Irish people (p. 390), " Whoso knoweth this kingdom and the people will confess that to conquer the same and them by the sword only is opus laboris, and almost may be said to be impossible. And I do verily believe that all the treasure of England will be consumed in that work, except other additions of help be ministered unto it." Soon, however, Captain Richard Greame, who commanded the Kilmallock garrison in Lord Audley's absence, had a very successful encounter with James Fitz Thomas, reducing him to such a state that he was "no better than a wood-kern." Carew, much relieved, wrote to Florence McCarthy to come to him, or he would prosecute him as a traitor. The President had got some Irishmen to hunt after Florence, and hoped soon to send his head to the Queen.

Before Mountjoy had left Dublin for his work of devastation in Queen's County, particulars of which will be found on pp. 394-397, he had left orders with the Treasurer in Council to prepare victuals, munitions, and other necessaries, for his contemplated expedition into Ulster. The Lord Deputy had also ordered the general hosting to assemble at the hill of Tara on September 1. When he returned from Queen's County and King's County, to the latter of which his operations had also extended, he found the preparations in so backward a state that it was impossible for him to proceed north at once. Hearing, however, that liberal supplies were on the way, he postponed the rendezvous to the 12th, and afterwards to the 15th, of September. Another matter also was settled before his departure. Lord Howth and Sir Patrick Barnewell had been over to the Court, to represent the grievances of the English Pale, where there had been much needless oppression, through the action of the soldiers and otherwise. A petition of divers noblemen and gentlemen of the Pale states that they are "worn out with the extremest extremities of miseries and oppressions, such as we think no Christian people ever yet endured" (p. 302). The Queen evidently thought many of the complaints well founded, and gave orders that the evils should be remedied. A consultation was accordingly held between the Lord Deputy and Council on the one hand, and Lord Howth and Sir Patrick Barnewell on the other, and a happier modus vivendi was arrived at, the particulars of which will be found in the text.

Sir Henry Dockwra's men were considerably weakened by a "strange and unspeakable sickness." His English and Irish soldiers ran daily to the rebel, disclosing the weakness of the force, and encouraging the enemy to attack, some of the English even offering to act as guides. Sir Arthur O'Neill with nearly 2,000 men continued faithful. But, unhappily, he died soon after, on October 18, owing to his excessive drinking (p. 456). Neale Garve had not yet come in, but had made his "demands" (most of which were agreed to by Dockwra), and there was every prospect of his being won over, McSwyne Ne Doe, whose treachery had caused the loss of the sixty horses referred to above, was found out in correspondence with O'Donnell, and made prisoner on board Captain Fleming's ship. He managed, however, to escape, thus frustrating the execution he was to have suffered at Dublin. Sir Henry determined to hold Cangan and Colmackatreyne, in order to command not only O'Dogherty's country, but part of McSwyne Fanaght's, and ten or twelve baronies of O'Donnell's country. This done, he could spoil O'Cahan's country at his pleasure. A difference, unfortunately, arose between Sir Henry Dockwra and his second in command, Sir John Bolles. Their variances angered the Queen, who sharply reprehended them, and the storm blew over, for Bolles was sent to England to report on the state of affairs at Lough Foyle. News was not easily passed from Lough Foyle to Dublin, for we read in a letter of September 12 from Mountjoy and the Council, that there was "great lack of a post-bark" between the two places, inasmuch as they had not heard from Lough Foyle "these four or five weeks." Sir Theobald Dillon brought to Mountjoy at Dublin, O'Sullivan More and Donnell McCarthy, whom he had taken near his house. They were committed to Dublin Castle, until they should be sent to the President of Munster. Sir Arthur Savage informed Dillon that the Burkes, the O'Kellys, and others had come from Tyrone to the barony of Athlone, and had fortified the pass between Athlone and Roscommon. Savage and Dillon thereupon set out from Athlone towards Ballinasloe, where the Earl of Clanrickarde joined them. The combined forces very soon encountered the enemy, and defeated them. The next day the Earl returned to his country. Savage and Dillon proceeded to clear the pass, and to break down the fortifications that the rebels had raised there; after which they returned to Athlone. Whilst the Lord Deputy was absent in the north, the Earl of Ormonde was to command in Leinster, and was assigned twenty-three companies of foot and some horse, both to guard the frontier towns on the borders and to undertake any prosecution in the province. But, just as with the expedition to Ulster, money and victuals were still sadly lacking. Well might Mountjoy and the Council write to the Privy Council (p. 422), "We humbly submit to your Lordships to think what may be the issue of the services in these two provinces, when the armies for both places have no means certain to help them, but are carried on with a bare hope of the changing of the wind, which is a most uncertain comfort to preach to soldiers, who are every day to be exposed to the bullet." Donnell Spainagh came to Dublin, and took the oath of allegiance, putting in a pledge for his own loyalty and for that of his followers.

Mountjoy started on his journey northwards on September 15. Tyrone had once again entrenched himself in the Moyerie. "God willing," writes the Lord Deputy, "we will march over him, for by him we cannot." There was not much progress made for the first fortnight, for on September 30 the camp was still at Dundalk. The victuals had not arrived, and Fenton stated that, unless they were received by the middle of October, "at what time the sharpness of winter beginneth in that climate of Ulster," it would "be hard to sit down at Armagh." However, a good portion of the victuals soon came, but, even before, on September 25, the fighting had begun, and Mountjoy had carried one of Tyrone's sconces, which was guarded by 800 men. About 100 of the enemy were slain, "and the rest put to running." A much greater obstacle to Mountjoy's operations was the heavy rain, which fell continuously for many days. Again on October 2, when the weather had become somewhat fair again, there was another encounter, and Tyrone's men were driven from their trenches, with heavy loss. On the English side there were 120 killed and wounded. Tyrone earnestly exhorted his followers to work "lustily and patiently," saying, if once the Lord Deputy got through to Newry, "farewell Ulster and all the north."On October 5, there was a fight, in which Sir Robert Lovell was killed. Fenton considered that the forces would be compelled to remain near Dundalk, unless others were sent viâ Carlingford to Newry, to take the enemy in the rear. Mountjoy determined not to move far off, until he had forced the passage of the Moyerie. He withdrew from the hill of Faugher to Dundalk to refresh his men, who had suffered much through the late tempestuous and rainy weather. Tyrone, about four days after, retired to Armagh. In his absence, Mountjoy sent his men to destroy the trenches made by the rebels in the Moyerie. Tyrone thought that the withdrawal of the Lord Deputy to Dundalk meant the subsequent dispersal of the English forces, but finding that more forces had been sent for, he dispersed his own men on October 14, and went himself first to Lough Lurcan, and then over the Blackwater. To increase his difficulties, news came to him that Sir John O'Dogherty and Neale Garve, O'Donnell's brother, had joined Sir Henry Dockwra with 400 of their men. Tyrone endeavoured by all possible means to parley with Mountjoy, but his overtures were declined. A few days after, Mountjoy with his forces was at Newry, but all hope of an advance to Armagh before winter had to be abandoned, contrary winds having impeded the coming of men, treasure, and munition out of England. However, the Lord Deputy resolved to erect a fort midway between Newry and Armagh, and to fortify the centre of the Moyerie, so as to effect the free passage of troops and convoys.

Ormonde was prevented by the serious illness of his wife from leaving Kilkenny, but he sent Sir Francis Rush to Naas with 400 men, and kept Phelim McFeagh and his followers quiet by giving them protection. He further ordered the risings out of the Pale to bring with them victuals for twenty days. James Fitz Thomas had come into Queen's County, accompanied by Piers Lacy, to try and reinforce themselves with bonnaughts from the Leinster rebels, but Fenton trusted such succour would be prevented. Captain Phillips wrote on October 28, from Athy, that the rebels of all Leix were not able of themselves to raise 200 men, without the help of Tyrrell, who came to their aid upon occasion. It was thought that Tyrrell would marry Onie McRory's sister.

On October 13, James, Earl of Desmond set sail from Shirehampton, near Bristol, for Cork. Although the sea was fair, the Earl writes that he. was "so sea-sick, as whilst I live [I] shall never love that element." He begged to be landed anywhere, and, on the night of the 14th, they put him in at Youghal. He received an enthusiastic welcome from the people, and proceeded to John Fitz Edmund's house at Clone, where he had "a great deal of cheer." Thence he went to Cork, where he had difficulty in getting a lodging at all, and where his escort, Captain Price, "had the hogs for his neighbours." From Cork he proceeded to meet Carew at Mallow, and was welcomed by the President. Two plots were in hand, the one for the capture of Castlemaine, and the other for the taking or killing of James Fitz Thomas. On the successful completion of these two, Desmond said he would be very glad to attend upon Cecil, but, until such success, he wrote, "I shall not be myself." All the great chiefs of Munster, to whom Tyrone had written his "traitorly letters," had come in to the President, and given him pledges, Florence McCarthy and the Knight of the Valley being the only exceptions.

Neale Garve O'Donnell testified to his sincerity in coming in to Sir Henry Dockwra by taking Lifford, which was, after Ballyshannon, the chief key to O'Donnell's country. O'Donnell had started on another of his raids into Connaught, but, hearing of the defection of Sir John O'Dogherty and Neale Garve, he hastily returned, and on his way at Ballymote took O'Connor Sligo prisoner, in case he too might join the English. O'Donnell further vented some of his anger on Tyrone, telling him he had waited too long at the Moyerie, and had wasted his men, munition, and victuals there, when he might have allowed Mountjoy to pass without resistance, and have attacked his weakened army on its return. Tyrone thereupon returned to Dungannon, and collected his forces for a final cast, either to lose all or to forestall the Lord Deputy's return. On October 12, Neale Garve drew out of Lifford, and had some further fighting with O'Donnell, the latter being assisted by O'Rourke and O'Connor Sligo. On the next day, Dockwra went by boat from Deny to Lifford, and ordered the fortification of that place. On October 17, there was further skirmishing with O'Donnell. On the 24th, he drew out of his camp to burn some ricks of turf near Lifford, but Neale Garve drove him back. Captain Willis, an eye-witness, sums up the situation at Lough Foyle at the end of October thus (p. 535), "I perceive by one of O'Dogherty's chief men and a counsellor of O'Donnell's, that, if O'Donnell might have peace in some reasonable sort, he would hearken unto it. If our men were able to hold out strong, that we might march and camp in his country, I doubt not but he would soon be expelled. But our men are so weak and fall sick and die, so as there must be of necessity one thousand sent here presently more to supply the companies, and so we shall not be strong, for these last supplies will soon be gone, or the number of them. Of all our garrisons we are not able to draw a thousand foot strong into the field, to march and leave the places guarded. For our horse, there is no care taken of them by the horsemen, nor never was since our coming here; they have no desire to keep their horses well."

Mountjoy had been barely four months in Ireland, when the Queen sent him some vigorous strictures on his government. She thought that the instructions, written and verbal, that had passed between them before the Lord Deputy left England, would have sufficed. Now she charged him with remissness and lack of experience, though expressly freeing him from negligence and disobedience. She charged him, amongst other matters, with continuing and renewing large expenditure for the benefit of the military party, with giving leave of absence too frequently to Captains, and with refraining from punishing those who committed the "greatest disorder." Mountjoy replied that he held himself "bound to propound" what he believed to be necessary for the service committed to his charge, and that he thought no parsimony more dangerous than such as made all the rest of the Queen's expense unprofitable. He was prepared to justify the appointments he had made to various commands. Further, out of some 120 Captains, he had given leave to only six or seven, and that in the summer, when they might be best spared. He had taken the most stringent measures to secure honest musters of the troops. Nor would he be slow to punish with the utmost severity any disorder that was proved before him. Mountjoy regarded his position and charge as most rulers of Ireland have done. Writing to Cecil on July 17, he says (p. 309), " Believe me, Sir, it is the most difficult task that any subject hath in Christendom, and I find it as thankless." And again, writing to Cecil on October 27, he gives vent to his feelings thus (p. 514), "I swear unto you by God that I think no man is more slow than myself to accuse their wills" [i.e., those of his accusers], "but am rather given to impute it to an impossibility, to any man's power, to defend the chief actor upon this miserable stage from the tragedies fatal unto it. And this is no more than I did foresee, which made me so unwilling to come hither; and thus much I do now find, which maketh me so much desire to be rid of this thankless office, even with the poorest retreat that any corner of England will afford me." But the whole of the Lord Deputy's impassioned defence of his government (pp. 430, 431, and 501-520) deserves close attention. Only one more of his far-reaching statements can be quoted here (p. 431), "I speak it without any private end, and as I believe, that the chief cause that the affairs of Ireland have prospered so evil, and the Queen lost therein so much time and treasure, hath been because you [i.e., Cecil] are content to hear every man against and before the chief Governor here, who in the end discouraged, is driven to sit still and save himself, and not to care how matters go, so he may lay the fault from himself. . . . . . God prosper this work I have now in hand, for agitur de imperio Hiberniœ."

There are several papers of note on the ecclesiastical condition of Ireland. Elizabeth is "credibly informed that the most part of churches within the two large dioceses of Dublin and Meath are utterly ruined, insomuch as, between Dublin and Athlone, which containeth sixty miles, and is the through tract of the English Pale, there are so few churches standing as they will scarcely make a plural number, and so few pastors to teach or preach the Word as in the most of them there is not so much as a reading minister" (p. 273). Mountjoy was to call before him the Archbishop of Dublin and the Bishop of Meath, and to charge them to take order out of hand for the repair of the churches, and for furnishing them "with pastors, at least with reading ministers to instruct the people upon the Sabbath days, who, not having churches or ministers, do meet together on hills, in the open fields and woods, and there spend the time in wicked devices which should be spent in the service and worship of God." The two prelates were also to be charged with "their remiss and unchristian-like carriage in their spiritual callings, whereby idolatry is grown to that height as it is the very strength and heart of the rebellion." A large number of papers refer to the unequalled influence of the priests over the Irish people, and the origin and maintenance of the rebellion is in no measured terms laid at their doors. Thus, on p. 295, they are called the "principal purveyors and procurers of all needful things for the on-setting and upholding of rebellions in Ireland." And it is further stated that their "number is now grown to be greater than there are able and willing preachers of the gospel of both nations in that realm." The apprehension and suppression of the priests is urged in vigorous terms. The Queen was very angry at the institution of unlettered ministers, "such as have not the faculty to teach and preach, and many not able to read the Word of God distinctly; some also being mere laymen, and all preferred by favour, without good examination made of their sufficiency " (p. 277). Again, "in Ireland there are not ten Bishops and twenty preachers worthy that function " (p. 295).

Some references to the condition of the army have already been made in this preface, and many others will be found with the help of the index. We have the usual dark picture of lack of victuals, corruption of victuals, arrears of pay, frauds in musters, absence of Captains, disease, desertion, and violence. On the other hand, we have the bright virtues of patient suffering and bravery, and the establishment, chiefly through Mountjoy's ceaseless endeavours, of renewed discipline and esprit de corps. Sir Theobald Dillon begs Cecil to be a mean "that our Commanders or Captains be not chosen for affection or favour, and specially that they be no drunkards or great takers of tobacco" (p. 289). Attention may be called to the Memoranda on Ireland, with its "Torture and racks would be appointed for apprehended traitors, whereby many matters and hidden treasons would be brought to light, which for want thereof are smothered" (p. 106); and to the papers regarding the entertainment of Scots in Ireland (pp. 117-119); Henry Fitzsimmons, the Jesuit (pp. 76-78 and 80); the quarrel between Ormonde and the Archbishop of Cashel (pp. 11, 12, and 376, 377); the charges brought by Captain Ghest against Sir Oliver Lambert (pp. 283-285); the Lord Chancellor Loftus's defence (pp. 59, 60); the Bishop of Meath's defence (pp. 418-20); Lord Barry and his son (pp. 182, 252); the fire at Newry (p. 226); Lord Mountjoy's horses (pp. 93, 94, 309); Captain Tyrrell, Piers Lacy, and many others.

In accordance with the fifth instruction to Editors of Calendars, given by the Master of Rolls, by which it is directed that "striking peculiarities of expression, proverbs, manners, &c, are to be noticed," the following examples may be cited, in addition to those already quoted in this preface:—

"I may come home by weeping cross" (p. 10); "stirps" (p. 17); "dorgan" (p. 25); "stood upon himself" (p. 91); "trudched" (p. 114); "we slew dead " (p. 117); "affeared" (p. 118); "let me understand how the world goes with you" (p. 146); "braves" [boasting] (p. 147); "cowardysme" (p. 152); "my credit will be crackt" (p. 154); "thackt" [thatched] (p. 156); " vengible" [revengeful] (p. 157); "disgest" (p. 178); "frystes" (p. 178); "fastnadge" [fastness] (p. 193); "guesthouses" [hospitals] (p. 196); "ruinate" (p. 208); "jayn" [chain] (p. 214); "as seedy a subject" (p. 218); "Captains of antiquity" [veteran Captains] (p. 221); "tender" [tenor] (p. 221); "infer" [confer] (p. 221); "be but the shadow for" [be but a stopgap for] (p. 222); "brandle" [waver] (p. 224); "pleasured" [pleased] (p. 230); "here hence" (p. 258); "lyse" [lose] (p. 259); " intercesse " [intercede with] (p. 263); " divident" [division, paying out] (p. 273); " the place be not worth sixpence " (p. 288); "portasse" [breviary] (p. 294); "bandogs" (p. 295); "the veriest kindle-fire" (p. 301); "furniture" [equipment] (p. 303); "levell" [levy] (p. 311); "honest tall men and good subjects" (p. 313); "naturals'" [natives] (p. 313); "our conflicts seem to be but de lana caprina" (p. 336); "back-friends" (p. 376); " invoyes" (p. 392); "prebenday " [prebend] (p. 426); "to quite all former scores" (p. 429); "Armagh will remain still an empty egg-shell for this year" (p. 432); "one halpworth of good" (p. 438); "frontering" [confronting] (p. 439); "vulgare est dictum, melius non incipere quam ab incepto cadere" (p. 475) ; " to crye ayme" [ah me] (p. 520); "glibbs " (p. 529); " amboxes " [ambushes] (p. 533); "parola della bocca val assai et costa poco" (p. 538); "veritas non quœrit angulos" (p. 538).

ERNEST G. ATKINSON.

18 April, 1902.