Preface

PREFACE.

The papers calendared in this volume continue the story of Mountjoy's government for the nine months between 1 November, 1600, and 31 July, 1601. A few weeks after the latter date, the long-expected Spaniards arrived at Kinsale, and the final struggle began by which Ireland was for ever annexed to England. The papers deal in the main with the "journeys" of the Lord Deputy into Ulster and Leinster, with the strengthening and establishment of the English garrisons at Lough Foyle, and with the pacification of Munster.

On the 21st of October, Mountjoy had risen from Dundalk, and encamped in the Moyerie, where Tyrone had been waiting so long to fight with him. During the absence of the Lord Deputy, the Earl of Ormonde was left in charge of Leinster. The Moyerie had been fortified by Tyrone, and a good stand might have been made there. Happily for Mountjoy, Tyrone abandoned the position for a time, "to refresh his rascals," as Sir Ralph Lane put it. Thus there was no action on the night of the 21st of October. Next day, the Lord Deputy advanced close to Newry, where he lay for some days, awaiting the victuals for his men. On November 1, he marched seven or eight miles beyond Newry to Aughenegrane, at the eight miles' church midway betwixt Newry and Armagh. There he encamped on a hill, where he found an old earthwork, which he could utilise in the construction of a fort, and thus save his men some labour. On November 3, he called a meeting of the Council, and certain of its members, having been in the country longer than his Lordship, drew his attention to a situation half a mile to the rear, where was a hill with a round fort, "whereof there are very many, as it is thought, made by the Danes." This was held to be a better place to fortify, since it was well watered and wooded, so order was given to the camp to retire thither. Scarcely had they begun to settle down, when Tyrone commenced to skirmish with them, and then attacked a little more in earnest. Sir Griffin Markham, an eyewitness, gives a sarcastic and humorous sketch of one incident in the fight:—"Tyrone, belike determining to make his men show their bravery, armed them so heavily with drink, as some of them were so unable to retire, that one of our guards of horse, with very small hazard to themselves and hurt to him, took one Ncale O'Quin, one of his best trusted servants, who. it is known, may do as good service to the State as almost any towards him [i.e. Tyrone], having long had command of some of his islands, and been trusted with most of his prisoners. Upon his taking there was no examination of him, drink had made him both so senseless and speechless. Since, he hath been examined, and, as it is muttered, hath promised something, whereupon he is yet preserved " (p. 21). Very little skirmishing interfered with the enlarging and strengthening of the fort on the hill. On November 7, Mountjoy was compelled by want of victuals to return to Newry. There word was brought that Tyrone had followed him all day, and had gone to re-occupy the Moyerie. On November 9, having got his victuals, Mountjoy determined to return, and to finish the fort he had begun. Thereafter he purposed to reconnoitre Armagh, where he intended to plant a garrison, and then to return to Leinster. The fort would be convenient for winning intelligence to subject the whole country between it and Newry. It was commodious for annoying the rebels. Further it would be a shelter for any forces that took preys thereabouts; it would be an excellent station for victualling the new fort at Armagh; and, not least of all, it would prevent Tyrone from employing all his forces against Lough Foyle. The fort at Aughenegrane was finished in ten days' time, and named Mount Norris, Captain Blany being left in charge with a garrison of 400 men. Henry Bird, the Commissary, writes of certain others left there, "There were also left here a very great number of sick men of the camp, without officers or others to attend them, as that it would have grieved any Christian heart to see so many perish for want of looking unto" (p. 26). The Lord Deputy had given directions to his chief secretary, Mr. Cranmer, to send some money for these sick soldiers, when the army came to Carlingford, but Cranmer was killed in the fighting, and "so the poor men were left without means, to the general hazard of them" (p. 26). Mountjoy issued a proclamation against Tyrone, promising 3,000 marks to any who should bring him in alive, and 2,000 marks to any who should either bring in his head, or make sufficient proof that they had slain him. The Lord Deputy returned to Newry on November 11, and on the next day came to the Narrow Water, where the foot were carried over in boats, and took the pass on the other side. For Mountjoy had given out that he would draw home by the pass of Carlingford, where there was a hot fight, Mr. Cranmer being slain, and Sir Henry Davers and others hurt. The rebels lost eighty killed, and a great many wounded. There were ten killed and sixty wounded on the English side. During this northern journey there had been encountered "the great extremity of the foul and stormy weather," and the privations endured by the troops were intense, whilst the plans of the Lord Deputy were much interrupted. On November 13, the force reached Carlingford, and on the next day, Dundalk, where Mountjoy immediately dispersed his men to their several garrisons, and on the 18th he reached Dublin.

On November 26, the Lord Deputy and Council wrote to the Privy Council that "the army is returned (God be thanked) hearty and full of courage, and the rebels much discouraged and dismayed, and, as they now speak among themselves, the heart of their rebellion is even broken." Yet, on the very next day, Mountjoy tells Sir Robert Cecil, "I am full with the apprehensions of the estate of this kingdom, and of the war that must be made here. I find myself unable to express them by writing as I would." He thought he could save the Queen the expenditure of "many millions," and asked leave to go to England. The permission, however, was not accorded.

Whilst the Lord Deputy was at Dublin, three notable chiefs came and made their submission, viz., Connor Roe Maguire, Donnell Spainagh, and Omalaughlin. These were received with kindness, although suspicions were entertained as to their continued loyalty. "Omalaughlin's country," wrote the Lord Deputy and Council, "is in the furthest parts of Westmeath, towards Athlone, which, being brought back again to obedience, will be a good mean to secure all the tract between Mullingar and Athlone" (p. 57).

Mountjoy's next journey was against the rebels in Leinster. These had become more numerous by reason of the new connection formed with the province by Tyrrell, through his marriage with the sister of Onie McRory, their late chieftain. Tyrrell was a brave and capable leader, and he had taken pledges from the people of Leix to assist him in his actions. They, on their part, had given him Stradbally and other parts of the country for a dowry. Early in December, the Marshal, Sir Richard Wingfield, victualled the fort of Maryborough, and, entering Ranelagh, took from Phelim McFeagh 600 cows, and rifled his house, "where was great store of wine, aqua vitæ, and other provision for Christmas." Philipstown was also victualled. Mountjoy appointed the rendezvous at Naas, whence he proceeded to Monasterevan, and straight on to Ballinacorr, which he reached on Christmas Eve. Having burnt Phelim McFeagh's house, and laid waste the country thereabouts, he went over the Broadwater into the Byrnes' country. There a similar work of devastation was carried out, and Phelim himself was very nearly captured. His son, however, was taken, and sent to Dublin. The stormy weather interfered seriously with operations. Sir Geffrey Fenton writes to Cecil on the 6th of January, 1601, "I think the unseasonableness of the weather is the chiefest hinderer of all good success there, assuring your Honour that, in all the time of my service in this land, I have not seen so tempestuous weather so long together; which maketh me think that, if God hath given liberty to the witches of that country (which aboundeth with witches), they are all set on work to cross the service by extraordinary unseasonable weather." On January 23, Mountjoy drew back to Monasterevan, having left strong garrisons at Wicklow and Tullagh. Captain Dawtrey prophesied that, as the Lord Deputy had kept his Christmas in the Glynns, so would he keep his Shrovetide in Leix and Offally. From Monasterevan Mountjoy intended to proceed against the Moores and Connors, but discovered the Moores to be so weak in Queen's County (owing to Onie McRory's death and the devastation of their country), and the Connors to have fled from the adjoining part of King's County (many of them to seek help from Tyrone), that he left a few companies in those two shires, and returned to Trim, which he considered the fittest place for service. For if Tyrrell, who was the chief rebel in King's County, assembled his forces in any part there, Mountjoy could soon fall back upon him. There was some hope, however, of Tyrrell's submission. If, on the west side, those northern rebels, who were desirous to go into Munster, should attempt to pass the river Enny, the companies had been so arranged by the Lord Deputy, that the rebels would have to fight with considerable advantage to his own side. If neither of these two courses befel, he intended to act in the Brenny, a little to the north. It would also afford a good opportunity to escort Connor Roe Maguire back to Fermanagh, and establish him there, according to the Queen's warrant. To Neale Garve, who had done, and was still doing, good service, Mountjoy promised the country of Tyrconnell, reserving only Ballyshannon, with some 800 acres of land about it, and the fishing of the Erne. Further, Neale Garve was to have 300 foot and 100 horse in Her Majesty's pay, and pardon for himself and all his followers.

The stay of the Lord Deputy at Trim was one of the causes that prevented Tyrone from stirring up anew a fire in Munster. Tyrrell was in Westmeath with his forces, and Tyrone came in person as far as O'Reilly's country to help Tyrrell, as also to send McMorris and Piers Lacy into Munster. One other cause preventing Tyrone from occasioning fresh fighting in Munster was, that the supplies of men sent to Lough Foyle obliged him to draw back. Tyrrell's forces were beginning to desert him, on account of his tyranny. He and his friends were pinched with famine, and it was a favourable time to dispose of him. Early in March, Tyrrell was attacked in an island in McGeoghan's country, to which he had fled. Reconnoitring had shewn that the position was a strong one, surrounded by bogs and water-courses, and that it was not to be taken without severe loss. The first attack failed, and, before another could be delivered on the succeeding day, Tyrrell stole out of the island and castle. Mountjoy gives full particulars in his despatch of March 15. Sir Christopher St. Lawrence was directed to follow Tyrrell through Fercall and Offally, but the fugitive did not stay anywhere, until he came to Moyligh and Farrinanmorchan, on the borders of Kildare and King's County, where he fortified himself. There St. Lawrence attacked him, and, after a severe fight, drove him out of the sconces and the wood. Both Tyrrell and his son were wounded. Most of Offally was laid waste, to prevent the rebels maintaining any force there. "We had a desire," writes Mountjoy, "to have utterly hunted those rogues out of that den, but we were not able to make our horse or foot to live one day longer in the country, and the waters were so exceedingly risen, that at that time it was impossible to force their islands." Hearing of a great preparation made by Tyrone to draw towards the Pale, the Lord Deputy drew his forces towards Navan and the parts adjoining. From the seaside in the Byrnes' country up to Athlone, there had been left almost nothing for the rebels to subsist upon, neither was there any strong body of them, but only scattered troops, in those parts. One cause of satisfaction to the Lord Deputy and Council was the coming in of Phelim McFeagh McHugh O'Byrne, who made humble submission before them, renouncing all connection with the Earl of Tyrone or any other traitor, and abjuring the King of Spain and all other foreign enemies to Her Majesty. Redmond, Phelim's brother, also submitted; and the same course was followed by Tirlogh McHenry, half-brother to Tyrone, and by Ever McCooley McMahon, after Mountjoy had "made use of occasions and opportunities against" the countries of the Fews and Ferney, and had "scourged" them with his forces. The Brenny also was brought into subjection. It was considered by the Lord Deputy and Council that the Fews, Ferney, and the Brenny were "not only a hedge between the English Pale and the north, insomuch as, they standing firm, the subjects of the Pale are to reap both safety and benefit; but also through those countries Her Majesty's army may find many commodities, when the time shall serve to pass into Tyrone, to act upon that arch-traitor, which is the main design, and all other must be carried on to give force to that" (p. 244).

Although Mountjoy had been on the watch, Tyrrell managed to escape from Leinster into Ulster. But the Lord Deputy and Council could send to England a gratifying list of the principal men of Tyrone who had lately submitted, "beside all Tyrconnell, which is wholly to one foot subdued." O'Cahan himself heads the list. Captain Hetherington writes to Cecil on April 16, 1601, with respect to Mountjoy, "whose worthy praise, honour, and valiant attempts, good success and proceedings I cannot sufficiently commend; thanks be to God, he hath pacified Leinster, and driven the rebels to that plunge and extremity that they were glad to yield themselves, being able to hold out no longer." Sir Edward Herbert, also, writing to Cecil on July 10, 1601, says, "I assure your Honour my Lord Deputy is a very honourable gentleman, and a nobleman who hath behaved himself as honourably in Her Majesty's service all these wars as any that ever I saw in his Lordship's place; and as good fortune he hath, God be thanked, to do Her Highness service as any that ever I knew. For mine own part, I protest I never got by his Lordship the value of a horse, yet according the honourable good service I see him daily do, I cannot but make bold with your Honour to declare of him my good opinion." "If the garrisons," writes the Lord Deputy in March, 1601, "be well chosen and sufficiently planted, I do confidently believe that the next winter will utterly end the war, and give Her Majesty power to work this kingdom to what fashion she will, either to make a long and lasting peaceable government between some mere Irish and her English subjects, or else to make it as a tabula, and to write in it what laws shall best please herself."

The general hosting, previous to the Lord Deputy's journey into the north, was appointed to begin on 30 June, 1601. Meantime he intended to draw to Dundalk, and to occupy his time upon the northern borders, ready to "apply" occasions for service, and especially by his presence to press those who had lately submitted to attempt service on Tyrone and his confederates. These submittees Mountjoy could employ to make passable the Moyerie, that old and formidable obstacle to military expeditions to the north. During his absence from Dublin at this time, he had entrusted the Council with all the requisite preparations for his journey, "so as no time may be pretermitted to set upon the archtraitor at his own doors, when we shall be fitted for it." By lying on the borders Mountjoy compelled Tyrone to keep his forces together in that direction. Sir Geffrey Fenton made a strong appeal to Cecil to send back the various captains, who were lingering at the Court, especially Sir Francis Shane.

The Lord Deputy had been desirous to plant Ballyshannon by way of Connaught, but he saw that the Privy Council inclined to Sir Henry Dockwra's offer to plant that garrison from Lough Foyle. So he held a Council of War to decide on his operations for the summer. At first it was suggested that his army should march by Lecale and those parts into Coleraine. The object was to subdue all the woodmen, and utterly to take away from Tyrone all that part of Ulster between Coleraine and Lough Neagh and the Blackwater, for from there Tyrone had gathered his utmost strength. The passages were not very dangerous, the sea was at hand for the conveyance of supplies, and there was a chance of getting into Tyrone by crossing the Bann, all other ways of entering that county, save by Lough Foyle, being attended with considerable peril. On the other hand, should the Spaniards arrive, Mountjoy would have his force in "the uttermost corner" of Ireland, and the Pale would be left unguarded. So it was determined that, during the latter half of June, until the hosting had been carried out and the victuals and munition had arrived from England, a garrison should be planted at Lecale, in order to make sure of the Moyerie pass, and that reinforcements should be taken to Sir Arthur Chichester. After July 1, Mountjoy's plans were as follows:—to lay about the Abbey of Boyle the 1,000 foot and the most of the fifty horse drawn from Munster; then, having placed sufficient guards in Galway and Athlone, to put the rest of the Connaught forces in some convenient part of the Annaly, where they would not only lie upon O'Rourke, but between any rebels that might come from the north into Leinster. Two companies were to be left in Westmeath, to watch the points by which some of the Irish might steal from the north into the King's County. Kells and the new fort in the Brenny were to receive sufficient garrisons. The Earl of Ormonde and Sir Henry Power, with their respective companies, were to be stationed in Queen's County; and the Earl of Kildare, with five hundred foot and 37 horse, in King's County. Mountjoy himself, after garrisoning Newry, Mount Norris, and Lecale, and sending 200 men to Sir Arthur Chichester, purposed to draw to Armagh, and to fortify there, and possibly also at the Blackwater. By lying there upon Tyrone during the most of the summer, he would greatly facilitate Dockwra's planting of Ballyshannon. Should that commander find from any cause, such as supplies not coming up in time, that it was impossible to make the plantation, then Mountjoy would advise him to fall into Tyrone, whilst the Lord Deputy was attacking that county from the Blackwater side. Thus the two English commanders hoped to meet at Dungannon, and utterly to waste all Tyrone's country. In the event of this latter plan being accomplished, it would be advisable to wage the war in Connaught during the winter. This would ruin O'Donnell, who could not long subsist, unless he had Connaught to fall back upon. Then Ballyshannon could easily be planted the following year.

Parts of these plans were very soon accomplished. On June 22, Mountjoy informed Carew, "We have been in Lecale, and planted a garrison, taken in all their castles, and all the inhabitants have submitted themselves. We have put more companies by land to Sir Arthur Chichester to Carrickfergus, and enabled him on that side to annoy them, inasmuch as Magennis, for all his nearness to Tyrone, hath made every great means likewise to be accepted to mercy; and this day we are ready to march toward Armagh." On June 26, the Lord Deputy tells Cecil that he had finished a fort at the Moyerie, placed a garrison in Armagh, and was then encamped between Mount Norris and Newry, awaiting the men, provisions, and carriages of the general hosting. On July 14, the Lord Deputy forced the passage of the Blackwater, and "gained a goodly country, stored with abundance of all sorts of grain." This he determined to spoil, that the rebels might not benefit thereby, and accordingly he had to stay some time in the place. On July 16, there was another fight with the enemy at Benburb, in which Mountjoy's chaplain was dangerously wounded; he succumbed after a little to his injuries. Altogether, there were lost by the English in this hotly-contested engagement 26 killed and 76 wounded. The Lord Deputy again issued a proclamation, dated from the camp at Blackwater, 18 July, 1601, setting a price on Tyrone's head.

The papers regarding the operations at Lough Foyle are numerous and full of interest. Sir Henry Dockwra was a painstaking and graphic correspondent, and kept the English Government well informed of the progress of the plantation. At the time this volume opens, his forces had been much weakened by disease and desertion. He caused rigorous musters to be taken, not concealing the results from the Privy Council of England or from Lord Mountjoy. Supplies arrived, and, shortly after, Neale Garve, brother of O'Donnell, came in with 120 foot and 30 horse. Having conferred with him, Dockwra resolved to proceed to O'Dogherty's country, as that leader had made many fair offers of submission, and it was considered fitting that O'Dogherty should see the strength of the reinforcements, and realise also that other great men of his nation had come in. The force advanced some miles into his country, but "so cruel a storm" was encountered, that the march was stopped, and the men encamped as best they could. After divers communications, O'Dogherty came in to the camp, and, though Dockwra rejected many of his demands, yet the two came to terms. In the company of O'Dogherty, during the parley, was Hugh Boy, O'Donnell's intimate counsellor, and he likewise craved his pardon, swearing to serve the Queen faithfully. This petition Dockwra referred to Mountjoy. On his return from this journey, Dockwra sent Sir John Bolles, his second in command, with a small force to take Lifford, a place to which he knew O'Donnell was marching. Both parties arrived before it almost at the same time. The English soldiers, however, had the advantage of surprising Lifford and killing its ward of 24 men, so that when O'Donnell appeared, he saw that his chances were gone. Some two days later, when he had got all his men together, he sat down before the place, for both sides recognised that it was a notable point of vantage, "compassed about with the richest and most fruitful soil of all the north" (p. 13). Some fighting ensued, in which the brave and impetuous Neale Garve had a narrow escape. But O'Donnell was unable to force his way in, although superior in numbers. Dockwra asked the Privy Council for more reinforcements.

He stated that he could draw only 500 men into the field, and that these were "daily decaying," whilst O'Donnell was before him with 1,200 men, and in expectation of greater supplies. Victual, money, and apparel were also besought, and further, that many artificers, especially carpenters and masons, should come with the reinforcements. A good part of Lifford was Neale Garve's "proper inheritance," and Dockwra wrote in high praise of the abilities, spirit, and popularity of that chieftain, being all the more sure of him, since Neale Garve was far engaged in blood with his kinsmen. He had slain, amongst others, O'Donnell's second brother. Cormack O'Neill, brother of Sir Arthur O'Neill, also submitted, and his case was referred to the Lord Deputy. Cormack is described as a discreet and stirring man, and one of great credit in the country. Sir John Bolles, however, entertained strong suspicions both as to Neale Garve and as to Cormack O'Neill, and he stated his opinion concerning them very plainly in a letter to Cecil (pp. 46-48).

The truce that Dockwra had made with O'Dogherty was not of long continuance. The latter was pledged by the terms of his agreement to reveal any plot he was acquainted with against the Queen's forces. Dockwra kept a good watch upon him, and soon ascertained that O'Dogherty was party to a design for handing over the castle of Culmore to O'Donnell. That position was "the very port of all the rest of our garrisons" in Lough Foyle. An English officer, Lieutenant Roberts, who had killed a brother officer and then fled to O'Dogherty, was sent by the latter to O'Donnell, and induced to take part in the plot. Secretly, however, he revealed all to Dockwra. The castle of Ellaugh was also included in the design. Captain Alford was in command at Culmore, and Roberts came to him with tempting offers, to secure the betrayal of the place. Dockwra told Alford to listen to the proposals, as he desired the better to "creep into the secret counsel of O'Dogherty's heart." Hugh Boy was one of the chief negotiators in the plot, and Dockwra was anxious to prolong the business, so that he might draw both O'Donnell and Hugh Boy to a banquet, and then kill them. Despite all the baits that Alford laid, Hugh Boy was too crafty for a time to give any material proof of the treachery intended. At length O'Donnell, believing the honest meaning of Alford, sent him by Hugh Boy a gold chain. This was immediately forwarded to Dockwra, who thereupon told O'Dogherty's messenger (Phelim Reogh, brother to Hugh Boy) of the conclusive evidence he had obtained, and gave an opportunity to O'Dogherty to clear himself, if he could. The latter retorted by some charges against Dockwra, who broke off the truce, and told him, "Let nothing be expected but rigour and extremity of wars, of all the miseries and mischiefs whereof whatsoever shall ensue, God is the witness that Hugh Boy and O'Dogherty are the only causes." Whilst he had wasted other countries near Lough Foyle, Dockwra had left O'Dogherty's country unspoiled. Now it was free for the Queen to dispose of. Dockwra stated that the succour to be received from it would be "wonderful great," and that the "commodity of keeping" whatsoever was got in any other part would be of no less importance. However, to secure O'Dogherty's country thoroughly, it was necessary to make a fort at Colmackatreyne; and that done, wrote Dockwra, "I am most assured that whole country is locked for either passing out or bringing in of anything, without our leaves." He was willing to add many Irish to Neale Garve's force, but was waiting until the supplies from England arrived, for three causes; "first, because I doubt whether they [the Irish] were indeed that which they say; and next, that I will not draw such a number of mouths to consume the Queen's victual; and lastly, in that their numbers already are greater than I dare adventure our forces abroad withal, lest they playing false, and the enemy both together upon us, our match should be made so much the less equal." Sir James McSorley had repeatedly written to Dockwra to send Captain Willis or Captain Thornton to him, and he would impart matter of consequence to Her Majesty's service. He afforded proof of his sincerity by refusing to give Tyrone pledges or beeves, and by declining to parley with him.

I may here notice an extremely interesting paper, headed, "A description of Lough Foyle and the country adjoining," and three plans of Derry, Dunalong, and Lifford, respectively, all drawn up about the close of the year 1600. There is also (pp. 276-279), a detailed account of the chief places in Ennisowen, or O'Dogherty's country; and we have, in addition, a map of the country about Lough Foyle (p. 339), and a sketch of the castle of Birt. Lord Buckhurst, Sir Robert Cecil, and others of the Privy Council, had made various enquiries as to Dockwra's government of Lough Foyle, and his replies to their questions are to be found in an important paper (pp. 111-113). The points dealt with are the storehouses for victuals, the musters, the great expenditure of money, the numbers of the garrison, the frauds connected with the sale of beer to the troops, the charges for kettles, and last, but not least, the hospital. The Privy Council had actually enquired if there were a hospital there or not. Dockwra replies, "As for the hospital, there is no man that hath been there can deny but there is one, built as convenient as the time, place, and matter would afford. But if any man will say that all the sick men were not relieved in it, I must acknowledge that, for 1 do know the best hospital in London cannot contain all the sick men in that army, nor was it held fit, in the opinions of all the best captains there, that such infectious men should be brought in there ; for the hurt men (of whom there is greater hope) should not only be in danger of death by his (sic) wounds received in service, but by the infectious disease of others (of whom the tenth man doth not recover)." Verily, Dockwra's words to the Privy Council were true (p. 215); "I feel the smart of evil tongues, and have been informed of many wrong tales, which should be suggested against me to your Lordships."

Writing to Sir Robert Cecil, on 24 January, 1601, Captain Humphrey Willis, one of Sir Henry Dockwra's officers, expressed an opinion that Tyrone and O'Donnell would not be able to hold out long, and that if Her Majesty's forces were strongly supplied in the summer, both horse and foot would be able to serve daily on those leaders, and so the north of Ireland would be brought to a good pass. He considered that 100 good horse should be sent to Lough Foyle in the spring. Buildings had been erected for the garrison, and the soldiers had "good lodgings to cover them, and for the most part beds of deal boards to keep them from the cold earth." Means of transport were badly wanted, and he instanced many unthought of impediments to the works, as, wilful breaking and burning of the tools, selling of cables and anchors to the barges, running away of sailors, driving the boats aground, and bruising them, on purpose to be excused from labour. Along with this paper should be read Dockwra's defence of himself in his three letters of March 10, 1601.

O'Dogherty died early in the year 1601, and a strife for the succession arose between Phelim Oge, his brother, and Cahir, his son. Cahir was foster child to Hugh Boy, and was therefore supported by him and all his sept. Cahir had also his father's goods, and the castle of Birt, and possessed numerous friends. Dockwra negotiated with both parties, who came to terms only on condition that the supplies for the English forces at Lough Foyle arrived, in which case Dockwra would be able to defend them against O'Donnell. Thus a truce was arranged with both. Intelligence was brought to Dockwra that O'Donnell had come to Lifford with 1,000 foot and 100 horse, "gathered of his own and Tyrone's men, all that ever they could make between them." It was impossible for the force under Dockwra's command to prevent O'Donnell from taking large prey, but both Phelim and Cahir promised that, should O'Donnell compel them to carry out their cattle from the country, they would return with them a month afterwards, do what O'Donnell could. Meantime Neale Garve's brother, with the greater part of the garrison of Lifford, attacked O'Donnell's fortified camp in the night, carried it, burnt nearly 200 houses in it, and all the corn that had been gathered there for the winter's provision. The same garrison performed another service in a fight with Tyrone, by killing over forty men, taking above sixty new Spanish muskets and culivers, and capturing four prisoners, of whom the noted Tirlogh McQuin was one. These muskets were doubtless part of the munition brought by two Spanish ships that had arrived in Killibeggs shortly before. The number of the vessels had been greatly magnified, and we have several passages in these papers regarding the assistance alleged to have come to the rebels.

Dockwra was anxiously awaiting his supplies of men. According to a letter written by him from Derry on February 12, 1601, his entire command then numbered but 1,083 able-bodied foot, 473 sick, and 64 horse, besides the Irish troops. Of this force, writes Dockwra, "we are not able to draw forth, leaving our forts anything sufficiently manned, above 200, and though we could much supply their weakness by the Irish, yet to trust ourselves with so small a number to their courtesy, being stronger of themselves than we, and having an enemy beside in front of us, we neither hold for policy, nor should undoubtedly do good, if we did."

Notwithstanding the treachery with regard to Culmore, Dockwra considered it advisable to secure to his side so influential a man as Hugh Boy, and articles of agreement were signed by the two on 14 February, 1601. Hugh Boy renounced all former leagues and combinations, and promised faithful allegiance and service to the Queen. Cahir O'Dogherty was to be set up as Lord of Ennisowen, receiving the lands from Her Majesty in the same manner as his father, Sir John, had held them. Cahir was in O'Donnell's hands, and, unless he escaped "in convenient time," Dockwra promised to set up some one of Cahir's next of kin. Neither Hugh Boy nor Cahir was to be called in question about his religion, and both were promised the aid of Her Majesty's forces to defend them.

As soon as Dockwra received his supplies of men from England, he immediately employed them in stopping the passages into O'Dogherty's country, thereby preventing the carrying out of 1,200 cattle, which O'Donnell had ordered to be "cut," as a bribe for his making Phelim Oge lord of that country. Moreover, as soon as the truce he had given had expired, Dockwra moved into those parts with 300 men, taking Hugh Boy as guide, and within two days had taken pledges of the whole country. Phelim Oge, his eldest son, and four of O'Donnell's men, escaped, although a keen watch was kept upon them. Dockwra likewise sent 200 men to take possession of the abbey of Ramollan, in McSwyne Fanat's country; and, "that garrison settled," he writes, "I doubt, not of present possession of all Tyrconnell, which is almost wholly wasted already." The abbey was taken on March 10 by a band of 150 men under Captain Bingley. Dockwra purposed to deal next with O'Cahan, who was daily importuning him for a truce. But in view of the solemn promise from the Spaniards to be off the coast by the middle of May, Dockwra prayed for 1,000 men more, and for 40 or 50 horse, to be added to his force. "If," he writes, "the Spaniards come not at all, it will be the last levy of men (I presume confidently) that shall be ever requisite for these wars of Ireland."

Dockwra soon reduced O'Dogherty's country to peace, and the result was seen not only in the 5,000 cattle feeding by the English forts, but by the kern of the country going to do service upon McSwyne. Hugh Boy had given much assistance, yet there were those who, like Sir John Bolles and Captain Humphrey Covert, refused to believe in his loyal protestations. Both those officers wrote very strongly to Sir Robert Cecil against the trust that Dockwra was reposing in Hugh Boy, considering the traitorous antecedents of that able schemer. Towards the close of March, 1601, intelligence arrived that O'Donnell was coming to prey O'Dogherty's country; and to resist such an inroad, the fort of Colmackatreyne was fully strengthened, and a company placed in it. Dockwra also sent some soldiers over into O'Cahan's side, and preyed 300 cows, and only the "incredibly stormy weather" prevented further success. The garrison of Derry had also taken a great prey, and had slain "the Pope's Primate of Ireland," and four other bishops and priests, in a church.

Thus Dockwra had "taken in" O'Dogherty's country, had made up the forts upon the passages of the long bog stretching between Cargan and Colmackatreyne, had made one journey into McSwyne Fanat's country, and another into McSwyne Ne Doe's. He was desirous of making a plantation at Coleraine, but found it at this time impossible. So he purposed to take in Newtown and Aynogh, whereby a large part of Tyrone's country would be freed for men to dwell and keep their creaghts in. Then he wished to attempt Ballinakip, midway between Lifford and Donegal, so that another large scope of ground would be freed in Tyrconnell and in Hugh McHugh Duff's country, and all Fanat would be secured. After that Dockwra would be ready for planting a garrison at Donegal or Ballyshannon; and that being done, "all Tyrconnell were undoubtedly wholly subdued." He informed the Privy Council what supplies he would need to that end in munition, tools, boats, artificers, materials for building, &c. Dockwra was of opinion that, unless some foreign power intervened, the war in Ireland would be finished by the summer. His characterizations of Neale Garve, Cormack O'Neill, and Hugh Boy (pp. 263, 264) are terse, vigorous, and true. In a letter of 22 April, 1601, Captain Covert gives an account of the operations of Dockwra from 2 April to the 22nd of the same month, the chief being a journey along with Neale Garve from Lifford towards a castle that O'Donnell's brother was besieging, near Sheephaven in McSwyne Ne Doe's country. Before Dockwra got within a few miles of the place, O'Donnell's brother abandoned his attempt, McSwyne Togen was driven out of his country, pledges were taken of the gentlemen that submitted, and a large prey of 1,000 cows and nearly 1,000 garrans was seized. There was no loss on the English side, and Neale Garve was left to keep the country with his 300 Irish, assisted by 150 English. On the 21st of April, news came to Dockwra at Derry that 200 of Tyrone's followers had revolted from their leader, taking with them 2,000 cows, and had gone to Cormack O'Neill. Tyrone sent a number of men under " Ogane, his chiefest counsellor and man of war," to force his revolted followers back, whilst he himself went to confront Mountjoy at Armagh. The revolters, however, defeated the force sent against them, and took Ogane and three other principal men prisoners. Hereupon Cormack O'Neill wrote to Dockwra for three or four hundred English, offering, in Tyrone's absence, to enter and waste as much of his country as he could. Dockwra was unable to grant the request, probably because he had no men to spare from the small force he could bring into action. He had been engaged in spoiling Hugh McHugh Duff's country, and had passed therefrom to Fanat, into which he had no sooner arrived, than Owen Oge McSwyne Ne Doe met him, and the two leaders came to an agreement. Owen Oge was to put a stronger ward into his castle, and to secure his country, which he could easily do with his own men, as it lay all within bog, wood, and mountain, and was thus almost inaccessible to an army. He was also enjoined to see that nothing was conveyed through his country from the country of McSwyne Fanat. The latter had not submitted himself, and as news came that O'Donnell was on his way to Ennisowen, Dockwra left Neale Garve to spoil McSwyne Fanat's country, whilst he himself returned with the large prey he had obtained to lie upon the frontiers of Ennisowen in O'Donnell's way. Neale Garve was not long in obtaining pledges both from McSwyne Fanat and McSwyne Banat, and O'Boyle sent messengers, earnestly desiring to be received. Thus the outlook in Tyrconnell was promising for Dockwra's forces, unless foreign troops came to maintain the rebellion. Dockwra refused the applications of McSwyne Banat and O'Boyle, partly because he had resolved to make a journey against O'Cahan, and partly because he saw no fruit likely to arise from receiving them, since he was not able to leave a garrison in their countries. A very vivid account is given by Dockwra of his interview with Neale Garve, when the latter claimed for himself the whole of Ennisowen and Tyrconnell (pp. 280-291). The pride, arrogance, and rage of Neale Garve form a singular contrast to the tact, firmness, and common sense of the English commander.

Early in May, 1601, Dockwra received intelligence that O'Donnell was advancing with the evident purpose of entering Ennisowen. He at once hastened, with the men he had in readiness, to the passages of that country, but on arriving at Birt Castle, which he made his place of rendezvous, he heard that O'Donnell had changed his course, and had turned towards Neale Garve. The latter came to Dockwra, and informed him that he had been surprised by O'Donnell, who had departed with some booty. Dockwra called a council of war to discuss what should be done, seeing O'Donnell lay still upon the neck of McSwyne Fanat's country. It was impossible to attack him without O'Donnell having the advantage. So it was concluded that Neale Garve should return with his Irish followers and 150 English, and encamp at Ramoltan, which was admirably situated for the defence of the neck of Fanat. Neale Garve hotly protested, saying the country was waste, and that he would rather return to his own garrison at Lifford. At length, Dockwra charged his subordinate on his allegiance to execute his orders. Neale Garve went in high dudgeon, but fulfilled his task most efficiently. He built up the castle, and, three days after, the greatest part of the prey stolen by O'Donnell was back again in Fanat, and O'Donnell himself had removed, and formed his camp at Ballinakip. Thus Fanat was brought to a more settled state, the people seeing the weakness of O'Donnell, and the reality and strength of the Queen's protection.

Cormack O'Neill, Dockwra's other ally, had fortified Strabane, and lay there with his men. So satisfied were the people round about that no less than 5,000 cows were brought by them to Strabane. Most of these were, by Dockwra's order, driven into O'Dogherty's country, and not one was taken for the use of the army. Captain Humphrey Willis told Cecil that O'Dogherty's country was so fortified in the neck of the land between the two loughs, by the raising of six forts, that it formed, as it were, an island. Within it were gathered 16,000 cows, and the persons these belonged to. Hugh Boy had been in command, but Cahir O'Dogherty, son of the late Sir John O'Dogherty, had come from O'Donnell (who had kept him in durance), and in a short time Cahir was "a great man" in his country. Captain Humphrey Covert declared that Cahir's escape was due to Hugh Boy's cunning temporising with O'Donnell. The latter's forces were 1,200 foot and horse, and he had with him O'Connor Sligo, Cormack McBaron, O'Rourke, and Mc William. O'Donnell waited for ten days for the fulfilment of Hugh Boy's promise to betray Dockwra and all the English into his hands. But no betrayal took place, so, on the 22nd of May, 1601, Tyrone ordered O'Cahan with his kern to fall on Cormack O'Neill at Strabane. This was done, and, although O'Cahan got a few cows, he lost four men for every one of Cormack's. O'Donnell, too, on the same day, hearing that some of the English companies were withdrawn from Lifford to reinforce Ennisowen, attacked the garrison left at Lifford, but was defeated, losing forty killed and many wounded, to one slain on the other side. Tyrone and O'Cahan departed further off, the former giving out that he had gone to oppose Mountjoy, who was stated to have reached Armagh. On May 25, O'Donnell came within three miles of Birt Castle, which was immediately occupied by Dockwra. The next day, O'Donnell entered into Eimisowen with 1,200 men, and marched unresisted through the country, until he came to Fane Castle on the edge of Lough Swilly. On the 27th he proceeded further into the country, hoping to secure a large prey of cattle. He then delivered an attack on Fane Castle, but was repulsed by the garrison with heavy loss. He then attempted to win its defenders by promises of rewards, but they refused to listen, and defied him. On May 31, his scouts noticed the approach of ships with reinforcements from England, and thereupon O'Donnell retreated suddenly. The day before, Neale Garve had been sent by Dockwra to spoil O'Donnell's country, but hearing that Tyrone, who pretended to have gone against Mountjoy, was still lurking in O'Cahan's country, he made a spirited and successful attack on the Earl, killing a hundred of the enemy on the field, wounding many, and putting the rest to rout. Tyrone fled away, accompanied by twelve horsemen, Neale calling out to him to strike one blow like a gentleman. Dockwra was still further gladdened by the arrival of 800 men of the 1,000 supplies promised him, though he still awaited the indispensable shovels and spades he had written for. He found out, also, that Neale Garve had many secret messengers going to and fro between him and O'Donnell, and further that Neale had received divers suspected persons in Lifford, and had conveyed them out again. There were rumours, likewise, affecting Cormack O'Neill's loyalty. So Dockwra determined to secure himself on all hands from the Irish; and accordingly he proceeded to take numerous pledges from the various septs and leaders. From Neale Garve he took three pledges by force, and ordered that commander to come and lie at Derry, so that he might have less opportunity of communicating with O'Donnell. The latter managed to slip into O'Dogherty's country, despite the six forts built at its entrance, but got a chilling reception from the inhabitants; and, being foolish enough to attack one of the forts, was badly defeated. Hearing that Dockwra was gathering all possible forces to impeach his return, O'Donnell went out of the country "with a swifter course than he came in."

Early in July, Dockwra drew up his forces to Lifford, and started thence for Newtown in Tyrone. He had not been duly supplied for the plantation of Ballyshannon, although both himself and Sir John Bolles had fully detailed to the Privy Council the numbers of men and stores that were requisite. Dockwra's object in his journey to Newtown was to receive in one Art McHugh Mergoh, and, having done that, to march directly down into O'Cahan's country, and there fall either upon his prey or upon his castle of Aynogh. But just as the English commander was setting out, he was seized with illness, and could do nothing more than take the castle of Aynogh, in charge of which he left Captain Atkinson, with his company, and a few Irish for guides. O'Cahan considered the castle to be impregnable, and was more submissive after its capture. Dockwra then returned to Derry for a short while, to recover his health. At the same time Neale Garve took Castle Derg, which was a very useful base for raiding Tyrconnell. A few days after, Dockwra resumed active operations, as two pieces of service presented themselves. One was, to assault the camp of O'Donnell at Ballinakip ; the other, to capture a prey which he was informed lay between and beyond the two camps of O'Donnell and Cormack McBaron. Not having a sufficient force to attack the camp, Dockwra decided to go after the prey, which, after a cleverly executed march, he seized, and returned to his quarters near Lifford. Twelve hundred cattle were taken on this occasion, but the Irish portion of the troops purloined the most of them, only 500 cows being divided at Lifford. Dockwra was utterly distrustful of his Irish companies. On July 2, he wrote to the Privy Council, "I assure your Honours their perfidiousness, discontentment, and secret affection to their own country, is such as a thousand times I wish they had never been entertained." However, he was a little easier in mind, when he made a composition with Neale Garve and Cormack McBaron, who promised pledges for the fidelity of every sept that served them.

At the beginning of July, Dockwra made ready for a journey into O'Cahan's country, intending to burn and spoil all that came in his way. When all preparations were almost complete, his clerk of munition sent word that there was not enough match in his supplies for even one day's fight, so the raid had perforce to be abandoned. The pledges of McSwyne Ne Doe had, through the negligence of the Marshal, Sir Richard Wingfield, been allowed to escape, and McSwyne himself, having been preyed by O'Donnell, considered himself bound to follow his goods. Art McHugh Mergoh was betrayed by his own men, and his island given up to Cormack McBaron, but this leader managed to escape by flight. O'Donnell was returning to Lough Foyle, having taken O'Connor Sligo prisoner, and having bereft him of all his castles. This success was a great hindrance to Dockwra giving effectual aid to Mountjoy in the latter's operations.

As to the pacification of Munster, for it had been reduced to "external obedience," Carew told the Privy Council that the benefit to accrue by the coming of James, the younger Earl of Desmond, could scarcely be judged without further experience, "for the greatest weight of the business was undergone and discharged before his arrival" (p. 2). The President had many misgivings in the matter, although the sending of the Earl to Ireland was the result of his own earnest and constant advice. The populace, at first so enthusiastic over this Desmond's restoration, soon fell away from him, when they saw that he was a Protestant. "So long," writes Carew, "as he shall hold his religion firm, little doubt is to be made of him; but, if he were otherwise (whereas now the people do affect him), they would then in far greater multitudes flock about him. Lest therein he may be corrupted, I will be exceeding careful" (p. 2). Desmond himself writes to Sir Robert Cecil on December 18, "I humbly beseech you to consider my estate, which is so desperate in this kingdom, that my person is not here secured by these inhabitants, great or little, nor able to do any service, by reason I want means to execute it." He was soon back in England. On April 30, 1601, Cecil writes to Carew, "I am very glad that the Earl of Desmond is here. He is well used."

James FitzThomas, the Sugane Earl, ever since his overthrow by Captain Greames, had been hiding and shifting about from place to place, chiefly in Tipperary. John FitzThomas, his brother, had gone to Ulster, to solicit help from Tyrone. Piers Lacy was in Tipperary, attempting with Redmond Burke to gather men for fresh raiding in Munster. Florence McCarthy, "false, fleeting, perjured," like Shakespeare's Clarence, came to Carew on October 29, and made humble submission. He haggled about his pledges, giving up his base brother instead of his eldest son, whom the President demanded. "The reduction of Florence," writes Carew, "(although I cannot judge his heart less corrupt than before), gives an assured hope of a present establishment of this province, for upon him the rebels did build their last refuge; and, now that he is defected from them, strangers will be less willing (having no back in the country) to venture themselves therein" (p. 4). The President urged that a general pardon should speedily be extended to the inhabitants of Munster, exempting from it, as "children of perdition," five of the leading rebels, viz., James FitzThomas, and John his brother, Thomas FitzMaurice, the titulary Baron of Lixnaw, Edmund FitzThomas, called the Knight of the Valley, and Piers Lacy. Carew also desired that power should be given to him, with the consent of the Council of Munster, or of any three of its members, to exempt any persons from the benefit of the pardon. This was done, as he himself confesses, "especially in regard of the traitorly priests, who are the chiefest firebrands of these unnatural treasons" (p. 5).

On the 2nd of December, Sir Charles Wilmot captured, after a siege of sixteen days, the castle of Listowel in Kerry, and hanged all the ward. He sends interesting details of his success in two letters to Sir George Carew, under date of December 2 and December 5, 1600. But before this capture, Carew had taken the field once more, having received intelligence that the rebels from Leinster were entering Munster with 1,600 foot and 300 horse. The alarm proved to be a false one, but it enabled Carew to do some service between November 18, when he left Kilmallock, and December 13, when he returned to Mallow. On the one hand, he held sessions of gaol delivery at Kilmallock, Cashel, and Clonmell, and, on the other, to prevent the rebels being relieved, he burned all the corn and houses, and took all the cattle, "in Owhny O'Mulrian and Killequige, a strong country, not far from Limerick." The same work he accomplished in Muskerryquirk and Aherlo, and very nearly captured James FitzThomas and Bishop Cragh in the woods of Kilbarry. Castlemaine having been surrendered to the young Earl of Desmond, Carew was able to inform the Privy Council that there was no castle nor hold in Munster kept against the Queen. McMorris (who owned Listowel Castle), the Knight of the Valley, and Piers Lacy, who were in Ormonde for safety, had fled to Ulster with a few followers; and Carew said that, if Mountjoy wanted 1,000 men from the forces of Munster, they could be spared, but craved only that they might still be continued on his list, so that the "provincials" might know that there was power under his command "to keep them under."

One incident in the Munster wars was bitterly resented by the President and by the government of Ireland. Dermott O'Connor (brother-in-law to the young Earl of Desmond) asked Carew for a safe-conduct for himself and his men, that they might pass from Connaught into Munster, and render some service to the Queen. The safe-conduct was given, and, further, Carew obtained for Dermott several passes from Sir Arthur Savage, the acting Governor of Connaught, and from the Earl of Clanrickarde, to go through their places of command. Thus armed, Dermott, with a small force, proceeded on his journey. When he was in the Earl of Clanrickarde's country, within sixteen miles of Limerick, he was assailed by Tibbott Ne Longe with a great force, and defeated. Dermott was taken prisoner, and hanged. His head was then cut off by Tibbott and sent to Galway. This infringement of the Queen's protection was naturally held to be a flagrant crime. Tibbot was in the Queen's pay, and Carew and Clanrickarde considered that there should have been an example made of him.

The enmity of the larger corporations of Ireland to the English Crown (referred to in my former volumes) continued in all its intensity. Partly out of malice to the State on the score of religion, but especially for their own gain, these towns desired a continual war, which enriched them more in one year than seven years of peace did. The corporations in turbulent times received the Queen's treasure, issued their merchandise secretly to the rebels at excessive rates, and bought the country commodities at their own prices. When there came, as now, a prospect of peace in Munster, the larger towns elected professed lawyers to be their chief magistrates, either, as Carew thought, to continue the towns in their obstinacies, or to shift off with evasions the offences which they had committed. Simultaneously with this disloyal conduct in Ireland, the corporations had agents at the English Court, urging an extension of their charters. Carew wrote on November 2, 1600, to the Privy Council, "I understand, by divers lately come over, that most of the corporate towns in Munster have now their agents at the Court to sue for the enlargement of their charters. I humbly pray your Lordships to be sparing in any such grant, for the people are sufficiently insolent, stubborn, and proud already, and the increasing of their franchises will increase ill humours in them" (p. 3). Later on, he prayed the Privy Council to command these agents away, "for their lingering in England doth no good to the State" (p. 66).

Towards the close of December, 1600, Carew received intelligence from the Earls of Ormonde and Thomond that forces were coming to disquiet Munster, viz., 1,000 from Ulster and 2,000 more from Connaught. The President expected them within twenty days, adding, "all the chiefs of the rebels are run out of the country to hasten the coming of these rogues." He hoped, however, that McMorris, Piers Lacy, and John FitzThomas would be so well employed in the north of Ireland, negotiating for aid, that they would not be at leisure to lead forces into Munster. In this hope he was confirmed by Lord Mountjoy, and the latter wrote to Carew on January 27, 1601, requesting him to hurry up the reinforcements. The letter was received on January 30, and three days later Carew wrote to the Lord Deputy, stating that he had received letters from the Earl of Thomond and Mr. Comerford, the Attorney-General of Connaught, as to the rebels' proposed attack on Munster, and desiring Mountjoy to consider the same before the 1,000 men he had asked for were sent from the province. These, under the command of Captain Flower, were at the rendezvous at Clonmell, ready to depart, but the President awaited further orders from the Lord Deputy. His Lordship wrote on February 7, to say that, as Carew was so confident that the Earl of Thomond's intelligence was true, he would not weaken him by calling away any of the companies, though they would have been of great use to him in Leinster. Mountjoy, however, ridiculed in this letter the idea that 4,500 men from the north were coming into Minister, asserting that Tyrone was never able in his own country to draw 1,200 men together to confront him. On the 21st of April, 1601, Moriertagh McDermott McShee, examined before the President and Council of Munster, told them that, for the prosecution of the wars, Ireland had been "divided" between Tyrone and O'Donnell. Tyrone was to carry on operations in Ulster, Munster, and Leinster, and to see his forces paid and answered with money, victuals, and munition. O'Donnell was to carry on the war in Connaught, Tyrconnell, and Thomond; and for that purpose Tyrone had awarded him one-third of the money, powder, and munitions brought lately to Ireland by two Spanish vessels. McShee further stated that Teig O'Rourke had left Tyrone with 1,000 men for Munster, and that Redmond Burke had commission for 1,000 to infest Clanrickarde and Thomond. If Teig O'Rourke found himself too weak with his forces in Munster, then Redmond Burke was to cross the Shannon and go to his assistance. Tyrrell, also, had been sent by Tyrone with 1,000 men to infest Leinster. But, with all this intelligence, McShee declared that Tyrone was not able to continue these wars long without the aid of foreign princes. "His reason is, that Tyrone findeth no assurance in this kingdom. For in Connaught few are rebels; in Leinster, none of any reckoning in action; in Munster, very uncertain to have any assistance; and from Tyrone himself many of his people daily slip away, notwithstanding he and they are there very bragging and merry amongst themselves." The general pardon, for which Carew had been pressing, came in April, 1601, and on 1 May following, Mountjoy writes to the Privy Council, "Munster is not only long since reduced, and made new men by their pardons, but, as I hear, begins to taste the sweetness of peace, and to show good arguments of their desire to continue it." Accordingly he purposed to take 1,500 foot and 50 horse from the southern province, 1,000 to be employed against Ulster and the other 500 foot and 50 horse to be " borrowed for a time."

On May 15, 1601, Carew wrote from Cork to the Privy Council, thanking them for supplies of munition and victuals, and also for sending shipping to the south coast of Ireland, by which means the country was assured from invasion by sea. "Since the third of May (the date of my last letters) in this province hath been no alteration, and the external appearance of continuance in obedience better confirmed." But he would not warrant every part of Munster, for there was daily expectation of the return of Teig O'Rourke, Redmond Burke, and McMorris, whose coming would certainly lead to disturbances. At the close of May, Carew told the Privy Council that he had many times missed the taking of James FitzThomas. But almost whilst he was writing the words, the chief rebel leader in Munster was skilfully captured by Edmund FitzGibbon, the White Knight, in a cave by Slevgrott. The prisoner endeavoured to win over his captor by large promises, affirming that, before two months had elapsed, he would have the assistance of 6,000 Spaniards. But the White Knight was not to be taken, either by blandishments or threats, and handed over James FitzThomas to Sir George Thornton, who conveyed him safely to Carew at Cork. The latter wrote to the Queen on June 3, 1601, and expressed a hope that Munster would, through the taking of James, be made sure from any present defection. "And now that my task is ended, I do in all humility beseech that (in your princely consideration) my exile may end, protesting the same to be a greater affliction to me than I can endure." Carew warmly praised the conduct of the White Knight in this matter, and gave him the promised reward of 400l. head-money. James FitzThomas was described by the Lord President as "the most potent Geraldine that ever was of any the Earls of Desmond his ancestors." At first Carew thought he would send his prisoner straight off into England, but stayed him for a time. If, said the Judges in Ireland, James FitzThomas died before he came to his trial, the Queen (except by Act of Parliament) could not be interested in his lands; and his brother John was not by the law debarred from the title of Earl of Desmond. So Carew resolved to have James FitzThomas arraigned and judged in Ireland, and then sent into England, to be dealt with as the Privy Council thought good. However, as the lawyers told Carew that a man condemned by the law in Ireland could not on the same indictment be executed in England, the Lord President proposed to send with the prisoner two or three indictments, "ready drawn with sufficient matter, by the which he may be there at all times arraigned." In a deposition made by James FitzThomas, the action of Sir Thomas Norreys, who consigned him to perpetual imprisonment for John FitzThomas's offences, was given as the cause that drew James into rebellion; and it was argued that, if his life were sacrificed, there were three others of his sept and race alive to take the title; one being in England, one in Ulster, and one in Spain. If his life was spared, the Queen would win the hearts of her subjects in Ireland, and command the faithful services of himself and his alliance. The deposition was at first signed "James Desmond." Carew sent the document back to the prisoner, who blotted out the name, and wrote in its place, "James Gyerallde." Carew was so delighted with the capture of his great opponent that he wrote to Cecil, on June 4, "When I behold and look back into times past, and compare the strength which he was in, being able, as himself confesses, of the provincials and buonies to command 20,000 men, for so many he says he had at his pleasure, I do condemn my own indiscretion to undertake so hard a task with the small forces I had, and therefore do wholly attribute my good successes to God's providence, and the least part to myself. For it is beyond reason that in so small a time the province should be reduced as it is."

If Carew thought that the defection of Florence McCarthy from the rebels gave assured hope of a present establishment of Munster, his satisfaction must have been deep when he got that subtle chieftain under lock and key. The treasons of Florence were only too manifest, and as he had failed, in accordance with the provisions of his pardon, dating back from 7 April, 1601, to put in sureties for his future loyalty, Carew committed him to prison. Writing to Cecil on June 18, 1601, the President says, "With James McThomas I do purpose to send him into England, and then have I sent you two Earls of their own making, and the most powerful rebels that ever lived in Munster."

A letter from Sir Samuel Bagenall to Sir George Carey, dated 20 June, 1601, is inserted in due sequence, because the year written at its close, and also on the dorse, is undoubtedly 1601; but as the particulars of the siege and capture of Dunboy Castle given therein tally exactly with the details of the siege in 1602, it seems clear that Sir Samuel Bagenall put "1601" where he intended to have written "1602." The mistake, however, is not so great as that of Mountjoy, in one of the letters calendared in this volume, for the Lord Deputy has written "1900" for "1600"! (p. 222).

On July 6, Carew informed the Privy Council that he had definite news of the readiness of a Spanish force at Lisbon to sail for Ireland. In Munster he had no more than 1,350 foot and 200 horse in list, whilst the Spaniards numbered 6,000. Cork was said to be the place they intended to attack first, and Carew admitted that "Cork, by reason of the hills, which within a butt length on either side do overlook it, is in nature exceeding weak, and the people thereof no less affectioned to the Spaniard than the rest of the cities in this kingdom." Again he writes, on July 13, "without an infinite great charge, and long time in working, no art can make it defensible." However, Carew purposed, even if the whole province revolted, to throw himself into Cork, and to hold it to the best of his ability. Sir Charles Wilmot was to be second in command in the city. The President urged their Lordships, as soon as they heard of the Spaniards' arrival, to send over the 6,000 foot he had written for, and also supplies of munition and victuals. If these reinforcements came, he considered that he could meet the Spaniards (whose numbers were 4,000, according to Cecil) without any assistance from Mountjoy. Carew was aware that it would be said he was anxious to have the sole management of the war in Munster; but he foresaw that, if the prosecution of Tyrone in the north was abandoned, and the garrisons there withdrawn, the charges the Queen had already been put to would be lost, and Ireland would be in as ill or worse estate than ever. He accordingly wished Mountjoy to keep Tyrone busied in the north, otherwise the Irish commander would not only draw his men into Munster to assist the Spaniards, but his very personal coming would incite the inhabitants of the province to rebel. If no help came to Munster from England, then the northern garrisons must needs be drawn southwards. Carew stated that he would send away James FitzThomas and Florence McCarthy in the first large ship that arrived, "lest they may be snatched up in their passage by some petty man-of-war, of which sort many times this coast is frequented." Tyrone's son was in Spain, where he had entered a friary, much to the indignation of the King, who wanted to use him for his own political purposes. Philip sent to the friary to get the son out, but the friars said he was devoted to God, and refused to let him go. A sure precursor of trouble came in the person of Father James Archer, the Jesuit, who arrived in Munster once more, "to prepare the people to a defection." His task promised to be an easy one, for Gerrott Comerford, the AttorneyGeneral of the province, wrote on July 20 of "the insolency and wicked behaviour of divers of the inhabitants of these parts," that "gape for the coming of Spaniards." On July 20, the Privy Council of England warned Mountjoy, Ormonde, and Carew of the preparation of 5,000 or 6,000 Spaniards at Lisbon for Ireland, and stated that the Queen would with all expedition send 2,000 men to join her forces in Munster.

The province of Connaught, during the period covered by this volume, may be said to have been entirely in the power of the rebels, save for the towns of Athlone and Galway, and a small portion held by the Earl of Clanrickarde and his sons. The county of Clare, belonging to the Earl of Thomond, had, during the absence of that nobleman on Her Majesty's service, been ravaged by O'Donnell and his confederates. Sir Arthur Savage, the acting Governor of the province, had done good service there, and naturally expected to be formally appointed to that post. But he thought that some others, ambitious of it, were wholly in the favour of Mountjoy, and asked to be relieved of his duties, protesting however that he did not complain of the Lord Deputy, "for I never had better words of any man, whatsoever his deeds have been" (p. 37). The request was not granted.

Captain Thomas Lee had been repeatedly denounced by the Earl of Ormonde, and is once more attacked by the Earl in one of the letters here calendared. Lee was afterwards executed for high treason at the time of Essex's conspiracy. But a proof of the position he had once attained with those in authority is shewn in some correspondence on pp. 100-105. McWilliam had made an offer to Captain Lee that he would accomplish the killing of O'Donnell and other chiefs on certain conditions. These were, that McWilliam should obtain the Earldom of Mayo for himself and his heirs for ever; that he should have 150 foot and 50 horse for the better settling of his country; that he should receive immediately 1,000l.; that O'Rourke should be made Lord of his country and Her Majesty's Lieutenant of the same, with 100 foot for the better settling of his country; and lastly, that Captain Thomas Lee should be made Chief Commander of Connaught. All these conditions were accepted by the Queen and Sir Robert Cecil, with the exception of two, viz., the immediate payment of 1,000l. (that too was promised after the service in question had been accomplished), and the appointment of Captain Lee as Governor of the province, "but it may be she will rather appoint him than any other, but she will not be bound to it." The design, in which Captain Blackcaddell was the agent to McWilliam, was for McWilliam to invite O'Donnell and all the principal men of his country to a conference at the Abbey of Donegal. The subject was to be the arrangement of some plan to defeat the Queen's forces at Lough Foyle. McWilliam was to be well accompanied to the meeting, and was, at the first opportunity, to kill O'Donnell, Teig O'Rourke, and O'Connor Sligo. Brian O'Rourke, it was thought, could easily be drawn to join in the enterprise, because the removal of Teig O' Rourke would be of advantage to him. Tyrone, too, it was hoped, might come to the parley, and in that case, he was to be taken prisoner, and handed over to Her Majesty. For Blackcaddell's safe going into Connaught to see McWilliam, Sir Robert Cecil sent the Lord Deputy a letter, empowering Blackcaddell to confer with any traitor whatsoever for the space of three months. The reason to be given to O'Donnell for getting this warrant to confer with any in Connaught was, that it was through that province that the messengers and priests from Tyrone and O'Donnell passed to go into Minister and Leinster, and that Blackcaddell would rind means to apprehend some of them with their letters. Jeames Knowde, Captain Lee's servant, was to be employed to go to the Earl of Tyrone, to urge him to attack the garrison of Lough Foyle, but was not to be informed of the offer of McWilliam. Cecil, in a letter to Captain Lee, complains of the delay in putting the plot into execution, owing to Lee's illness, and suggested a plan for proceeding with it at once. The messenger that Captain Lee sent to Blackcaddell was to take with him a letter to Sir Henry Dockwra, signed by Her Majesty, and, when McWilliam was resolved to go on with the service, the messenger was to go to Lough Foyle with the letter. This, however, was not to be delivered to Dockwra until McWilliam had performed what he had undertaken. This done, the Lough Foyle garrison was to rescue McWilliam, unless he managed to get there himself. He was then to be embarked for England, where he should have all his demands fulfilled, including that for Captain Lee to be Governor of Connaught. Besides the 1,000l. to McWilliam, 1,000l. would also be paid to McSwyne, McWilliam's brother-in-law, and 1,000l. more to Blackcaddell. Sir Robert Cecil writes to Captain Lee, "There must be great secrecy used in the cause." No attempt to carry out this plot is recorded in these papers, but the correspondence is another proof that neither the Queen nor her great minister recoiled from employing the weapon of treacherous assassination.

There is a similar plot against Tyrone revealed in a letter of Lord Dunsany to Cecil on February 10, 1601, wherein we read, "In the mean I thought it my duty to signify this much unto you, that in the service of cutting off a bad graft, which when I took my leave of you I promised to set a work, I have essayed many ways. But, what for the difficulty and danger of the attempt, and for the distrust of requital in any proportion of a service of that consequence, I found mine endeavour still frustrate, until now, to my greater comfort and hope, I procured (with all circumstance of secrecy and oaths) the matter to be broken to one of greatest nobility, spirit, and valour amongst them, promising unto him the place and honour for his reward." Lord Dunsany then states that the person is Henry Oge McHenry McShane, lineally descended from Con O'Neill. "This my proceeding I have imparted to my Lord Deputy, which I hope in God will take effect." Sir George Carey himself writes to Cecil on May 21, 1601, with respect to Mountjoy and Tyrone, "I signified unto his Lordship that it was greatly expected in England, both of Her Majesty and Council, that the Archtraitor's head should not so long stand on his shoulders. His Lordship is not negligent therein, and hath good hope to effect the same, for he hath laid two or three plots for the doing thereof." Similarly, Sir George Carew writes to Cecil on June 18, 1601, "I am promised for 100l. to get Bishop Cragh, and for the like sum the Knight of the Valley, ere it be long. I hope to send you the one or both. Likewise, I am proffered for money to have McWilliam's head in Connaught, but being out of my government, I know not how to deal in it."

There was another claimant for the governorship of Connaught, in the person of Sir Oliver Lambert, who had served in Ireland for twenty-two years. He had occupied the post of Marshal of the army, and was highly thought of both by Essex and Mountjoy. Perhaps the most remarkable part of his letter to Sir Robert Cecil (7 February, 1601), asking for the governorship, is the conclusion, "If it shall please your Honour so much to bind me to you as to make me Governor of Connaught, which I doubt not but I shall sufficiently discharge, I will ever acknowledge so honourable a favour, and endeavour by all duty to make myself deserving it, and humbly desire your Honour to accept 500l., to be disposed of at your pleasure." The letter is holograph. One may gather from the proffered bribe what profits some of the Governors of Connaught made.

Sir Francis Shane, writing to Sir Robert Cecil from Lough Sewdy, on February 22, 1601, tells of the discontent of O'Rourke and of O'Connor Sligo at the distribution of the money and munition sent in the Spanish ships. O'Donnell had planted the county of Sligo with his people, driven thither by the garrison of Lough Foyle. The planting of Ballyshannon would probably drive him out of his country altogether. Shane said that Connaught had wanted government for almost two years. He did not reckon the time when the Earl of Clanrickarde and Lord Dunkellin had charge of affairs there. His earnest advice was the appointment of Sir Arthur Savage, "an old soldier, and well experienced in Ireland, one well acquainted with the situation of every part, and disposition of the people" (p. 197).

Captain Henry Clare served well with his company in the southern parts of Connaught. In a certificate given to him, on 13 February, 1601, by the town of Galway, it is stated that he had banished the rebels from Iar-Connaught, and had taken from them a strong castle, called Muckullen, to the great good of Galway. Formerly the rebels had daily spoiled quite close to the town, but after his operations they did not come near it. The certificate has fifteen signatures, including those of the Bishop of Kilmacduagh and of five Aldermen of Galway. Nevertheless, on the 10th of March, 1601, the Mayor of Galway wrote to Sir Robert Cecil, complaining of the wrongs offered to the town by the soldiery, and particularly by Captain Clare's men, and he prayed that Captain Blake, who was in service in those parts, and who was a native of Galway, might be put in Captain Clare's place. The latter, in his letter above referred to, stated that this Captain Blake had been with McWilliam, and that, when Blake had been asked for his authority for so doing, he said that he had sufficient from the Earl of Nottingham and Sir Robert Cecil. Clare further stated that Blake was held to be "a very dangerous man, having served the King of Spain, and been in rebellion with the said McWilliam." When Cecil wrote to Captain Lee about Blackcaddell's going to McWilliam, he styled him Captain Blage, so very likely the officer spoken of by Captain Clare was the same person as the accredited envoy. Captain Clare's complaints took effect, for the Mayor of Galway was censured by the Council of Ireland. They wrote, also, to Clare, assuring him that they still held their opinion as to the meritorious nature of his services.

Sir Theobald Dillon gave testimony as to the fear impressed on the rebels by the sudden and cleverly-managed incursions by Mountjoy both into the north and into Leinster. "They cannot prevent or shun their deserved ruin in every part, save in the unfortunate province of Connaught, where the rebellion seemeth to increase for lack of a settled sufficient Governor" (p. 239). When such was appointed, he should be directed not to reside continually at Athlone, since that had done great injury to the province, the Governor being "far from the more ticklish inhabitants." Early in March, Tibbott Ne Longe attempted to surprise McWilliam, who escaped in person, but lost many of his men, and most of his munition and arms. Tibbott's followers and friends then set up another McWilliam in place of the defeated man, who was O'Donnell's nominee. This faction fight would further the Queen's service in Connaught against O'Donnell, "and that being effected," writes Sir Theobald, "I would both parties were in Abraham's bosom, for in this world I think they will do little good." He impressed upon Cecil the importance of effectually planting Eallyshannon, for then the counties of Sligo and Leitrim, being severed from intercourse with Ulster, would be quickly reduced to obedience, and the haunt and passage of rebels to and fro would be stopped. Connaught, before this last revolt, had yielded to Her Majesty 5,000l. per annum.

Mountjoy confirms the general opinion as to the rebellious condition of Connaught, in his letter of May 1, 1601, to the Privy Council. "Only Connaught is of all others the most out of order, and yet the most easy to be reduced, insomuch that the only going through it with an army, to make the war in Ulster by Ballyshannon, [it] is thought will absolutely reclaim and assure it; which is my reason to plant Ballyshannon through Connaught, and with an army." This, thought Mountjoy, would "presently straiten, and very shortly banish, the two vipers of this kingdom, Tyrone and O'Donnell; and consequently make a final end of this war." There are papers in this volume shewing what demands both Sir Henry Dockwra and Sir John Bolles made, in order that they might be ready for the planting of Ballyshannon. The Lord Deputy's motive for reducing Connaught to obedience was, that the province would be such a convenient base of operations, from which to join Sir George Carew, should the Spanish forces arrive. Athlone was to be the Lord Deputy's starting point, and, to take away the chief dangers of the journey, he purposed beforehand to send 1,000 men from Galway to Sligo, this force to join him afterwards in his advance. Tyrone was negotiating for aid of men from Scotland, and there are several papers to shew that the English government was acting to gain the like assistance for its purposes in the north of Ireland.

Sir Arthur Chichester had returned towards the close of 1600 to his old government at Carrickfergus. He found that in his absence several alterations had been made through the treachery of Neill McHugh, who had for some time greatly assisted the English government, and had received high rewards on that account. Soon after Chichester's departure, Neill McHugh had betrayed the ward of Edenduffcarrick, and taken the boats that Chichester had built there. He had also stolen many goods from Carrickfergus, and concealed them in woods and other places. Yet his services had been such that he was not dealt with as an enemy. As soon as Chichester returned to Ireland, Neill McHugh fled to the Scots, but a few days after he came to talk with the English commander, yet not till he had first received a safe-conduct. Neill McHugh swore to give up the castle and boats the next day. Had a longer respite been granted him, there might have been a serious mishap for Chichester's men, because Neill McHugh had incited the Scots to fall upon them, and had himself defended the castle against the troops. Chichester was not in a position to storm the castle. He had not even a spade to cut a sod. So he had to temporise with Neill McHugh. The latter was at perpetual strife with Shane McBrian about the Lower Clandeboy. When Neill behaved so treacherously, Chichester sent to Shane, who immediately joined him with his family and some of his followers, and was shortly afterwards sent to Mountjoy, with Chichester's recommendations. The latter pleaded for reinforcements, begging Her Majesty to strengthen her garrisons at Lough Foyle, to place a thousand men at Coleraine, and to raise his own garrison to a thousand. He could not then bring more than 250 into the field, though in list his force was 650, and by the muster they actually paid 550 souls. Chichester considered that he and Dockwra conjoined could pass into Tyrone with far less danger than the forces of Leinster could advance to the Blackwater. Even if the Scots and the rebels were broken, they would gather again, unless the Queen took their castles and erected other holds in their fastnesses. "For this we have the poorest means that ever was afforded men of war; and, without this, let the Queen send thousands of men yearly, they shall die and consume away, not doing her one good day's service, as experience teacheth us" (p. 84). Chichester pressed for a supply of horse, with which he would do as good service as any place in the north. "We must kill and destroy all that comes to our hands, for there is little faith or obedience among them " (p. 84). He complained of a "dilatory war," and said that some other course must be taken to defeat the enemy. Until Tyrone was beaten or suppressed, Chichester had little hope of quieting his sphere of government. He had wasted a good stretch of country around Carrickfergus, but all the neighbouring country beyond was in the hands of the rebels. Chichester said he must have more assistance from the nearer English garrisons, or an increased force of his own. "Betwixt this and Carlingford, there lies never a man for the Queen." By placing garrisons at Coleraine and Lecale, there would be taken from the traitor more assistance than Spain afforded him, besides destroying two countries that yielded Tyrone many men and more fostering. Sir James McSorley, of the Route, who had slain Sir John Chichester, Sir Arthur's brother, had been treating with Sir Henry Dockwra, making show of submission and service, and had also sent a messenger to Mountjoy; but Chichester considered that these were mere pretences to cloak McSorley's real purposes. And, as if to prove this contention, McSorley had, at the beginning of January, 1601, put 300 bonnaughts upon his own country, and 100 upon Neill McHugh's.

In March, 1601, Chichester drove out of the Upper Clandeboye and Dufferin, Brian McArt, a nephew of Tyrone, and one of his greatest assistants in the north. Several times Brian's country was wasted, until the gentlemen thereof began to revolt from him, and offered submission and obedience to the Queen. Chief among these was Owen McHugh, who, after the death of Neill McBrian Ertoe, laid claim to the country. Chichester said, however, that he could not so wrong Con, Neill's son, as to give the country to Owen. The difficulty was solved by dividing it between them, and Sir Fulke Conway was left with his company to overrule the two competitors. Similarly, Chichester divided the Lower Clandeboy between the two rivals Shane McBrian and Neill McHugh. The former of these had 100 foot and 10 horse, in the Queen's pay; and the latter was promised by Chichester twenty shillings per diem. Writing, however, to Mountjoy, on May 14, 1601, Chichester said, "if your Lordship please to hang them both, you shall have cause enough against them, notwithstanding my endeavours to make them honest."

Sir James McSorley wrote to Sir Francis Stafford, offering his service to the Queen, if Chichester were withdrawn from the government of Carrickfergus, and he himself placed in it. Captain Willis was sent by the Lord Deputy to talk with Sir James, and Chichester was instructed to further the Captain and to treat Sir James justly. This the Governor said he had ever done, and would continue to do, though he knew Sir James to be " a false and treacherous traitor." The latter had, even when treating with Sir Francis Stafford, allowed a body of Scots, under Angus McConnell's son, to go quietly through his country to Tyrone, for the purpose of offering the Earl 1,500 men, if he would give them entertainment. Angus was quite impartial, for he had sent a messenger to Chichester, offering a like number of Scots for the Queen's service. Chichester temporised with Angus, in order to prevent, if possible, his concluding with Tyrone.

In some letters enclosed in Chichester's despatch of 12 April, 1601, we have the story of the mysterious understanding that arose between him and McSorley. After telling of the fight in which Sir John Chichester fell, McSorley declares he would have written to Sir Francis Stafford long before, only he thought Sir Arthur Chichester would intercept the letter, and when the latter was made Governor of Carrickfergus, McSorley considered that the Lord Deputy and Council were of opinion that he would never become a subject again. So he craved for a protection and for the displacement of the Governor, begging Stafford to come to Carrickfergus. Mountjoy, of course, saw the letter, and wrote in a sharp tone to McSorley, refusing altogether to remove Sir Arthur, but assuring McSorley that, if he desired to return to obedience to the Queen, he would find that Chichester would not only favourably hear him, but most justly perform what he promised him. Chichester was made acquainted with the letter to Stafford and also with that of Mountjoy, and himself wrote to McSorley, confirming what the Lord Deputy had said. "I ever thought," he declared, "my brother was slain by the accident of war, and not by your treason. And so believe I bear you no private malice." Chichester further stated, "I would sooner be a housekeeper to an honest subject, than Governor for the Queen in this place." Captain Willis might by contrary winds be driven to Lough Foyle, so the Governor desired McSorley to send him within ten days notice of his intentions, promising that meantime no harm should be done to him or his followers. Chichester also offered to send to the Lord Deputy or to any of the Council any letter that McSorley wrote, "for, seeing you trust not me, they shall end your business." McSorley wrote a very cordial and grateful reply, assuring Chichester that "it shall not be unknown to you worship what humility and kindness I shall shew to your worship in my loyal service to Her Majesty." He requested protection until the following 28th of May, a course upon which Mountjoy had severely commented some months before. Chichester stated that the reason of McSorley's demand was, "to delay time, rather to enjoy the quiet fishing of the Bann for this season, or to see that time to the end of May expired, within which Tyrone hath promised the assistance of Spaniards or others, or else leaves every man to shift for himself."

About the middle of April, 1601, Sir James McSorley died. Randall, his brother, returning from Scotland, met James McConnell coming from Tyrone with O'Hagan and some of the Earl's men in his company. Randall asked assistance from Chichester, and McConnell likewise applied for a safe-conduct on the ground that he wanted to confer about business concerning the Queen's service. Chichester trusted neither party, knowing them to be mortal enemies, and stood upon his guard. Before he came to the appointed place of conference, a messenger brought news that Randall had defeated McConnell, who was a prisoner in Dunluce, and that O'Hagan and some forty or fifty others were slain. A few days after, Randall asked Chichester for a protection, and this, after some discussion, was granted, though Chichester had little hope that the terms of Randall's petition to the Queen would be accorded, declaring, however, "Randall hath carried himself true of his word ever since I had first dealings with him."

In the Upper Clandeboy Chichester had placed some bonnaughts, with whom he was well satisfied. Tyrone sent a force of 400 men to those parts, where his nephew, Brian McArt, was already in action. Chichester, hearing of this, hastened from Carrickfergus, and inflicted a severe defeat on the rebels. Many Irish leaders were killed. The Governor wrote, "it was good service on both sides, for never an honest man was slain." He burnt and destroyed all along Lough Neagh, even within four miles of Dungannon, killing man, woman, child, and beast. His men were wearied with continual service, and were scattered over the country in divers forts. His money was exhausted; and he writes to Cecil from Massereene, on May 15, 1601, "I protest unto your Honour, all the men of war the Queen hath in this government have not been able to make ten pounds these twenty days. We can neither feed ourselves, nor reward spy, guide, or any other that shall draw us upon service." Chichester said that, if more men were sent to him, he would settle at Toom. "I cannot as yet hold it and these other places, not being strong in any place a (sic) 150 men." He looked forward to the Lord Deputy's northern journey, "the sooner the better," and had written to Mountjoy to that effect. His demands for money and necessaries for building certain boats were granted by the Lord Deputy, who instructed Sir George Carey to send what was needed. "In these matters," writes Mountjoy, "for the boats and such like, we must not be sparing of the Queen's purse, for then we shall overthrow the service." Chichester declared that Tyrone was "weak in men, weak in opinion; every catching knave is desirous to serve upon him" ; and the Governor hoped that, when Mountjoy and Tyrone met near the Blackwater, there would be no great resistance on the latter's part. The Lord Deputy sent two companies to reinforce Chichester, and declared, in a letter to Sir George Carey on June 22, "if I had reaped no other benefit of my journey into Lecale, but the speaking with Sir Arthur Chichester, I should not have repented neither the time nor the labour; for we do now perfectly understand one another, and I have taken a course to do the like with Sir Henry Dockwra by him, without the which we might have much erred in all our several ways." The garrison at Lecale received orders to join Chichester "in all his business."

On the morning of July 6, Chichester besieged and took Castle Rea, situated about eleven miles from Carrickfergus. Dockwra sent a cipher letter to him, stating that five ships had come into Killibeggs, and that O'Donnell had gone towards them with all his men. Fenton hoped that as soon as Mountjoy had made the fort he was building at the Blackwater guardable, the garrisons under Dockwra and Chichester would march so as to converge upon Dungannon, the objective of the Lord Deputy, and thus that Tyrone would be evicted from his stronghold, "if he be not driven into the sea." Chichester had sent useful information to Mountjoy as to the strength and designs of Tyrone, and asked that a time might be fixed for their joint operations against the enemy. He had beaten Brian McArt over the Bann into Tyrone, whence he could not return without assistance from the Archtraitor. Brian had taken refuge in the strong fort of Killultagh. Chichester likewise made a raid into Clanbrassill, which he found "as plentifully stored with corn as any part of England, and," he adds, "I will labour by all means to destroy it, which will cut their throats faster than our swords, from which flight keeps them."

Many of the letters in this volume throw a clear light on the personality of Mountjoy Sometimes we see him as delineated by himself; at others as those who knew him well depicted him. Take, for instance, this outburst in a letter to Cecil of November 27, 1600:—"Hitherto I desire God so to prosper my soul, as 1 have with an unmingled zeal and sincere affection intended to the uttermost of my power the Queen's service and the true duty of my charge; and do challenge all the world that can charge me with the contrary in the least fault or error. I am sure I can never be unfaithful to her; but for all other things wherein I have been hitherto extraordinarily precise, I will no longer undertake for myself, for I do not see it marked, or at the least regarded, and the general infection of this kingdom is such as I am afraid of myself, if you keep me here any longer; and yet whiles I am honest (and that shews me to be so yet), I give you this warning of it." Writing a fortnight later to the Earl of Nottingham, Mountjoy says, a little more buoyantly, "If your Lordship did see the present face of the affairs in this country, you would judge it much altered from the countenance it bare at my first coming; and there be few rebels in Ireland that have not already made means to me in another style than they were wont, from the chief traitor himself even to the meanest of them. But for himself, I do not think him fit to be hearkened unto; and for the rest, I stand with them upon the service they will first do to deserve Her Majesty's grace. Yet these people, if they be not well followed, will soon take heart again, and, if they be not followed, none shall be more sorry for it than myself, to lose so fair opportunity to do my mistress so great a service. And yet I doubt not to make it appear that the fault shall not be in me."

Nothing could be more cordial or discriminating than the eulogium passed on Mountjoy by Captain Nicholas Dawtrey, in a letter to Cecil on January 31, 1601:—"I never saw any Lord Deputy take the like pains in my life, for he gives his body no rest, and although he were a very sickly gentleman in England, yet he keepeth health here the best of any man; besides that he is endued with notable virtues befitting a general in such a country as this is; for he hath excellent temperance in all things, to discern between man and man, as matter and matter, that cometh before him. He hath secrecy in so excellent a measure, that his intent cannot be discovered before it be done. Also, he hath affability to please all men of service, and severity to make the wicked live in fear of him, valour to do as becometh his place, when he entereth unto (sic) any action against open rebels, [and] judgment to drive any rebels or rebel to draw good blood of the rebellion he cometh from, before he will take him to mercy. As for pledges or hostages, he regardeth them not. These virtues God hath endued him plentifully [with], and withal hath given him a great blessing, that all things that he himself, or any man by his direction, taketh in hand, prospereth and goeth forward, insomuch as his Lordship hath cast the coward out of Her Majesty's army, that sometime troubled it very much, and driven him amongst the rebels, where I hope he shall continue unto the end of this rebellion." Similarly, Sir Edward Herbert writes to Cecil on July 10, "I assure your Honour my Lord Deputy is a very honourable gentleman, and a nobleman who hath behaved himself as honourably in Her Majesty's service all these wars as any that ever I saw in his Lordship's place; and as good fortune he hath, God be thanked, to do Her Highness service as any that ever I knew. For mine own part, I protest I never got by his Lordship the value of a horse, yet according the honourable good service I see him daily do, I cannot but make bold with your Honour to declare of him my good opinion."

More than once Mountjoy craved leave to return to England, that he might personally report to the Queen on the state of Ireland. "I do think it necessary," he tells Cecil on February 4, 1601, "that all Governors employed here should sometimes give unto Her Majesty a personal account of their proceedings, before they do absolutely give over their work ; and I doubt not but thereby Her Majesty should find herself much better served." Like many of his predecessors in office, Mountjoy had spent much of his patrimony in Ireland. "Believe me, Sir," he says in this same letter to Cecil, "upon the faith of a Christian, that I am, for anything I know, two hundred pounds a year worse than I was when I first began to prepare for this journey; and, for anything I can see, am likely to return a mere beggar, except Her Majesty do graciously relieve me." If he is not relieved, he asks as a favour that he may shut himself up in the walls he had made at Wanstead, and be protected "in a quiet life though poor." He adds, "this I know I shall not enjoy without her favour, after this unfortunate government." The object of Mountjoy's policy is stated by himself (p. 254). "The scope I am at is, the absolute reducing of this kingdom to obedience, and after to be made firm and profitable to the Crown of England. For the effecting of so great a work, I think Her Majesty must continue her army as it now is, all this next summer and winter following." And, in the same paper, he writes, "If the garrisons be well chosen and sufficiently planted, I do confidently believe that the next winter will utterly end the war."

In a despatch to the Privy Council on February 6, 1601, Mountjoy expresses the following sagacious opinion:—"I must needs say that the statesmen of this country, as they that have once learned an evil accent of a language will be more hardly induced to pronounce it well than they which are new to begin to learn it, so that (sic) they for the most part love rather to maintain their errors than to amend them, and out of that love have gotten a habit to judge amiss." Sir Robert Cecil put the matter in a different form, when he wrote to Sir George Carew on April 30, 1601, "I never found yet but the Deputies would either follow their own projects or mislike others; and, for aught that I see, we are still the children of Adam." Carew himself, speaking of his heavy charges and small pay, told the Privy Council that he had not " any helps out of the country, as my predecessors in plentiful times had, and that I am free from taking of bribes" (p. 302). An example of a Lord Deputy receiving, or rather enforcing, bribes, is noted in a paper on "the causes of the rebellion in Ireland" (December, 1601), wherein a detailed attack is made against Sir William Fitzwilliams. The paper is a graphic tale of corruption and coercion, of division and disaster, penned evidently, too, by an Englishman. Sir Patrick Barnewell styled Ireland "a poor and worn-out country" (p. 166).

Mountjoy was as severe as anyone in his criticisms on the troubles in Ireland. He begins a paper that he wrote in March, 1601, with a glowing eulogium on the country itself, "one of the goodliest provinces of the world," and then goes on to relate some of the causes of its distress. Amongst others, he notes, absentee landlords; "the corruptions of the magistrates sent hither, and weakness of their counsels, directed most to private and no public ends, with the continual dissension of the English inhabitants"; the sending to Ireland for members of Council, clergy, and settlers, "such as England rather refuseth to dwell in it"; an undisciplined and thus unprofitable army; and the private factions of the Irishry. Again, in a letter to Cecil, dated April 10, 1601, Mountjoy states, "the baseness and dishonesty of the English-Irish inhabitants hath been the chief cause of the hazard of this kingdom."

The Lord Deputy was clearly afraid that his intimacy with Essex might endanger his reputation at the Court, and prove a ready handle for his detractors. He tells Cecil, in a letter of December 15, 1600, that he desires him "not to impute any jealousy of mine to an inbred humour of suspicion, from the which I know myself to be more free than any man, nor to any light belief of flying tales, by which I know no man more wronged than myself, and therefore I have the less reason to believe them of others." Further, in a letter of February 24, 1601, he admits to Cecil that "although my long and inward familiarity with the principal actors of this miserable tragedy" [the conspiracy of Essex] "may give just reason to a provident Estate to look upon me in this matter with some jealousy, yet I am confident in mine own conscience, and in my Prince's favour and justice, and doubt not but my proceedings, hitherto and hereafter, shall show themselves to be fruits that proceed from a root without all corruption." He begs Cecil to ask the Queen to believe "that nothing on earth, neither an angel from heaven, shall make me deceive the trust she hath reposed in me, and when she doth think otherwise, it shall be no punishment, but a benefit, for me to die." It must have comforted the Lord Deputy to have received friendly letters from Cecil, giving some details of the trial and execution of Essex. Sir Geffrey Fenton, writing to Cecil on February 26, 1601, respecting the conspiracy, openly advocates "Jedburgh justice";—"You are to remember that, in practices of treason against the person of the Prince, it cannot be safe to stand long upon ordinary formalities of justice, but to provide that the punishment of the parties do precede their judgment. For, in such a peril as this, that embraceth the whole kingdom, if you begin by execution of the traitors, it is a safe course ; for that, when you have prevented the danger of the State, by the death of some of the chief offenders, you may have time enough afterwards to use the wonted ceremonies of proceeding by course of law."

But Mountjoy's chief outburst, with regard to his connection with the Earl of Essex, is to be found in his letter of July 17, 1601, to Cecil. Sir Oliver St. John, who had been dispatched to the Court, had returned. Mountjoy expected some comforting message from the Queen, but did not receive it. She thought he was carried away with the glory of commanding a great army, that he had favoured Tyrone himself, and many other things which Mountjoy thought it vain to answer, "since my deeds have taken no better effect to give Her Majesty satisfaction. If anger and unkindness were not some physic to my melancholy, by God, Sir, I think it would break my heart; for it is one of the greatest curses to be mistaken and construed (sic) in all things, and one of the most insupportable pains of hell to labour in vain." Further on in the letter, Mountjoy desired as a favour, that whosoever was examined regarding him might be charged to say truly, whether he ever made profession of friendship to them, or to any other, living or dead, without this proviso, that himself would be the first to imbrue his hands in the blood of any person, who should at any time attempt anything against the present estate or person of the Queen. He inveighs against those who "wrest and reveal the secret though innocent meditations of an inward friendship," and he appeals to God to prosper him, as he has prayed for the Queen's prosperity, and sincerely served her. Sir Oliver St. John also writes to Cecil on the same day (July 17), telling of Mountjoy's deep sorrow, and stating that nothing could "comfort him, or appease the greatness of his grief, which I constantly believe to be such as, were it not that his public alacrity must uphold the spirit and courage of this army, he would rather confine himself to a chamber, than be seen of any."

Many of these papers touch upon the great hope of the Irish, viz., the arrival of Spanish forces, which were to crown the rebellion with triumph. In December, 1600, Dockwra heard news that some vessels had come from Spain, and had cast anchor off the coast of McWilliam's country in Connaught. He sent three messengers to ascertain the truth, but none of them returned. "If," he writes to Cecil on December 19, "I should speak too confidently, your Honour might worthily think me either too credulous or too fearful; and to pass them over altogether in silence, I might as worthily be condemned of obstinacy or mere negligence." A few days later, it was certified that there had arrived in the harbour of the Inver, in Erris, co. Mayo, two frigates, "laden with friars and munition from Spain." Sir Ralph Lane thought they might be a "piece of a squadron of the main fleet, which so long they have bragged of." He hoped that some of the vessels had been scattered by the winds, and that others were at the bottom of the sea, "according to the usual mercy of the Almighty God to Her most excellent Majesty." Sir Arthur Chichester writes from Carrickfergus on January 12, 1601, "Tyrone and O'Donnell are yet at Donegal about the late Spanish negotiations. The two ships brought 2,000l. in money, arms for so many men, and some store of munitions." A week later, Sir Geffrey Fenton had got more detailed news of these vessels, and remarks to Cecil, "your Honour may see what cold correspondence that King holdeth with these rebels, which is no other than complimental and ceremonious; for he leaveth them to stand in water up to the chin, and yet he suffereth them not to sink altogether." The very gifts brought by the Spaniards caused dissension among the Irish, in consequence of the method of distribution. Tyrone appropriated one half, and the other half was divided between O'Donnell, O'Rourke, McWilliam, and O'Connor Sligo. Captain Mostyn, who had deserted to the rebels, was "new christened" by the Spanish bishop, who came in one of the vessels.

There was bitter anger and disappointment among the Irish leaders at the brevity and coldness of the King's letters. O'Donnell "was like a madman, when he saw no kind of news, neither of men nor money to come; and presently swore he would go himself to Spain, and would have gone indeed, if the Captain of the Spaniards had suffered him." That officer adroitly pacified the leaders by declaring that, if the King was going to send an army into Ireland, he would not tell any one, even his own Council. It was decided by all parties to send back the Spanish bishop, and with him Robert Chamberlain, Tyrone's confessor, to solicit aid in men, and that these troops should arrive in Ireland by the following May. The bishop promised to return with reinforcements, and with the news of an honourable match for Tyrone's son in Spain. Tyrone, however much he bragged of Spanish assistance in public, had small hopes of aid himself at this time, as the Duke of Savoy and the King of France were at war, and the King of Spain would help the Duke, and thus not have men to spare for the Irish cause. With the aid of the money, two horseloads of which went to Dungannon, Tyrone was able to proclaim that any soldiers, English or Irish, who would come and serve him, should receive pay at the rate of 20s. a month. He further proclaimed that the Spanish money was to pass through all the country as other money, upon pain of death to any offender. When the two ships returned to Spain, we learn from the depositions of Moriertagh McDermott McShee that the Bishop took back with him to that country Friar Peter Nangle; Robert Mortimer, priest; Connogher O'Quin, brother to O'Quin; Donogh O'Hagan; and two more, whose names he knew not, but one of whom, doubtless, was the Robert Chamberlain just referred to. Sir Henry Dockwra, in writing to the Privy Council on May 12, 1601, states with regard to the Spaniards, "of whom your Lordships seem to be secure for this year, and so do I confidently give it out in the country, and doubt not but your Honours are sufficiently assured thereof by infallible advertisements. But Sir John Bolles can inform your Lordships what is the opinion of Hugh Boy in this matter, and what I said of it before I imparted anything thereof unto him. For he ever told me from the beginning, and so I wrote (as I remember) by Captain Vaughan, or at least he knew it as well as I, that it was the word between these rebels and the Spaniards, that when they should be advertised of a few forces ready for the Low Countries, they should be assured it was intended for them, and only so disguised to the end the letters being intercepted should not be rightly construed." That the Privy Council had good reason for their belief appears from what even the Irish leaders feared. Thus, on May 15, 1601, Captain Humphrey Willis writes from Derry:—"Tyrone and O'Donnell now with the rest are fully persuaded they shall have no help of Spaniards this year, and have for some part resolved in Council that, when they are fully put to it, they both will away for Spain, and leave their countries (as Tyrone to his eldest son Hugh, and Tyrconnell to Rory O'Donnell), with directions how they shall make means to the State, as innocents that have not offended, and so to seek to hold the countries, until they may have some relief."

Early in June news came to both Dublin and Youghal that eleven or twelve Spanish ships were in readiness at Cadiz to sail for Lisbon, there to embark 4,000 soldiers, and then to proceed to Ireland. Mountjoy was of opinion that Cork and Limerick should be made sure. Fenton considered that Galway was the port-town that the Spaniards would make for, but trusted at the same time that the news might refer to "a ship or two of advice, to be sent to Tyrone with some small bit of money and munitions," as before. Similarly, a few days later, Fenton thus expressed himself to Cecil, "I hope all these Spanish formalities, touching sending of forces into Ireland, will turn to a mountain of smoke." Mountjoy and the Council wrote the same day, "To judge what a wise and powerful enemy will do, by that which is best and easy for him to do, we have many reasons to think that Spain will send this year, and few to think otherwise, but that he hath so oft deceived that expectation. For if the malice of Spain continue to England, they have an easy and dangerous step thereto by Ireland; and, if they do not embrace the occasion of this year, there is no doubt but the next will for. ever lose it unto them." It was therefore urged on the Privy Council that they should have 6,000 of the trained bands ready for transportation into Ireland, on the first notice of the arrival of any foreign power. "And if it must needs fall out that Spain will have war with England, we shall be glad that the war of England may be made in Ireland." Tyrone had sent an agent to the Spanish court to seek for aid, affirming that without speedy help he was unable any longer to resist the English forces. Early in July, 1601, O'Donnell hastily left his camp for Killibeggs, on purpose, as was confidently given out, to meet the Spaniards. If the arrival of Spanish troops was true, Dockwra declared that the want of shovels and spades for his men would be an irrecoverable damage, and many other helps would be necessary, especially shipping.

More definite news of the approaching Spanish invasion came in July. In a letter by Richard Golborne, a merchant of Dublin, who received the news at Bordeaux, it was stated that the Spanish King had granted to the Pope's Bishop of Dublin and to two other Bishops of Ireland, 6,000 men for the relief of the Irish. The names of the commanders were specified, and that they were in readiness with fifty ships at Lisbon, with instructions to go to Cape Clear, and there open their orders.

Concerning the army in Ireland, we have the usual tale of corruption, want, disease, and desertion. The only bright spots are, the renewed discipline established by Mountjoy under many difficulties, and a measure of care taken for the sick and wounded men. Although the forces were weakened by sickness and diminished by death, the Privy Council, in November, 1600, wrote to Sir George Carey and Sir Geffrey Fenton, "We hope you will think it high time to fall into reduction of the huge army in Ireland, having longer continued at the height it is than yourselves or Her Majesty expected." Dockwra wrote more than once, explaining the stringent measures he had adopted to obviate the frauds in the musters, and asked for more men. Carew considered that he had brought Munster to such a state of quiet that he could spare 1,000 or 1,500 men for the Lord Deputy's operations, but declared that, if the Spaniards arrived, he himself would require a reinforcement of 4,000 men from England. All the promises and plans of the English commanders were contingent on the absence of foreign aid to the Irish. The Privy Council tried to put off the necessity of sending supplies from England, by authorising the engagement of Scotch and Irish mercenaries. It is an amazing fact that, in the martial affairs of Ireland at this period, when the fortunes of fighting were against the English, they immediately proceeded to hire some of the Irish to assist them in conquering the rebellion. It is still more amazing that the Irish were always ready to oblige. Mountjoy declared that the Irish mercenaries consumed many of the rebels, and that the rebels consumed many of them, and that both results were for the good of the service. And again, in a letter from the camp at the Blackwater, dated July 19, he says, "We hold it a very good piece of policy to make them cut one another's throats, without which this kingdom will be never in quiet." Two thousand boards were received at Lough Foyle out of the number appointed for that place, and Dockwra was asked why a storehouse had not been built with some of them, and the victuals allowed to suffer. The answer was that the wood had been used for the building of a hospital, a bakehouse, a smith's forge, and sheds for the horses. Some barrels of meal and salt had been placed within the walls of an old castle near the water's edge, and at high tide the sea had overflowed them, and had ruined the contents. The official in charge, when examined, said that if the meal and salt had lain in the bottom of the sea, it would have taken no hurt, "being in good and sufficient cask." But it was ascertained that the greater part of these barrels had been sent as supplies to Sir Samuel Bagenall two years before, and had become tainted through long exposure to heat and wet. Beer was sent from Chester for the troops, and the contract price was 6l. a tun. The charge was that the beer was "uttered" to the soldier at 16l. a tun. It was alleged that the Captains converted it to their own uses, "whereby the soldiers were enforced to drink water." The answer to this was, "although the same beer could not be uttered at less than 2d. a quart by the victualler, it was neither after the rate of 16l. a tun, nor so bad for the soldier as to drink water." On February 4, 1601, Mountjoy writes to Cecil, "I dare undertake upon my life that by your experience hereafter you shall find it true, that what course or care soever can be invented by you profoundly there, or diligently executed here, the army will never be kept strong, until it shall please Her Majesty to pay them well, and all with money and victuals, and not apparel. For I protest, before the majesty of God, that I do believe that it is the chief cause of the weakness of the army, and that, by the incommodities that do arise thereby, the Queen hath lost far more men's lives than by the sword." Mountjoy, indeed, offered to make the war with 12,000 men in list, well paid, and with money, than with 16,000 in list, paid as then they were.

Several details are given as to the gross neglect of the army horses, and it was averred that, "for the English horse, not one amongst three will live here" [i.e. Ireland]. Captain Dawtrey writes to Cecil on February 9, 1601, regarding the serving men that came over with him upon the horses that their several masters sent, the "horses were exceeding good, and the men tall men for action, but the worst keepers of horses, and the worst riders, that ever were found out. For they not only killed their horses, but themselves, with sloth, for they had not endured one month of ill weather; but they gave over either to stir to get horsemeat or shelter for horses or themselves; whereby many of them died with agues and fluxes, and some ran away for fear they should not have leave to pass into England; others that lay sick, hurt, and impotent, I gave passport unto, because they were good for nothing but to hang upon their master's beef-pot and his buttery. Insomuch as they have killed more than the one half of the geldings they brought over, and the rest are not like to recover, although that they have cost me a great deal of money, the physicking of them."

As to the men themselves, Lord Dunsany writes on February 10, 1601, "how weak our companies be, and how our Captains, for their greater profit, will have them none other," whereby the service was slackened, and Her Majesty much abused. Dockwra, in his letter of June 10, stated that his men had not been paid for five months, "as I think your Lordships are not ignorant," and declared there was danger of a mutiny. At times munition was allowed to run very low. On one occasion, there was not one barrel left in the Dublin store, whilst forty-four cartloads were waiting at Chester. There are some interesting details about preachers, physicians, and surgeons in the army, reference to which can readily be obtained in the index. Captain Humphrey Covert incurred the odium of the Captains in his attempts to repress the abuses of the musters. On April 22, 1601, he writes to Cecil, "the Captains with their officers are most violently bent against my proceedings in the musters, and daily myself, and such as in this employment for Her Highness's service I use, are boldly threatened to have our throats cut. I confess, in regard of my duty, I have been unto them as wormwood to the taste, and they, through their malice unto me, as a stepdame to her child. I have not studied more means to prevent their large musters than they have had lewd practices to betray my life. As a Jew is among Christians, so am I with them; and as a herd of wolves watching one lamb, are they unto me."

Even when provisions were in hand, the soldiers were often defrauded. Captain Covert writes to Cecil, on May 15, 1601, "I am an humble suitor to your Honour, in the poor soldiers' behalf, that you will be pleased to allow to the several companies at Lough Foyle, being twenty-five in number, a pair of wooden scales and brazen weights, sealed according to statute, viz., of four pounds, half-pounds, and ounces, which will not rise to any great charge, but be a special mean to preserve many a man's life ; for the clerks, being the Captains' servants, use stones for to weigh with, which, for want of true weights to compare them withal, we cannot disprove, but the falseness thereof is found in many of the soldiers' cheeks. When these complaints are by me urged in their behalf, the poor soldiers dare not appear for fear of worse usage; or if he do, the officers spare no oaths to avouch their dealing to be just." In the demands of Sir John Bolles (June, 1601), for the journey to Ballyshannon, we read amongst the items, "That there may be victual sent before winter for full six months, and six weeks' beer after our arrival, and that the victuallers may not be without scales or weights to deliver victuals by." Sir Arthur Chichester lays open another grievance of the men. He writes to Mountjoy from Massereene, on May 14, 1601, "We are in as great want of clothes as of money, and of them both more than ever I formerly saw in the Queen's wars. I can hardly keep our men in discipline, they so exclaim for those defects, and it is not reasonable to inflict punishment, where dues are so long withholden ; their daily employment, some killing, and a little booty, puts them out of minding of these wants many times. I beseech your Lordship to think of us, for I find we are not much thought of elsewhere, and we will do you very honest service, and give your Lordship good testimony thereof, if you come into these parts." A remarkable testimony is given by Sir Geffrey Fenton (May 25, 1601) as to the merits of "Captain Hansard, a man of great sufficiency in his profession, and of so good rule and government of his soldiers, as, being a Commissioner in the grievances between the country and the army, I have not heard so much as one complaint against him, which is rare, and without example in others. And in truth such as he is should be leaders of men in Ireland, who knoweth what belongeth to discipline, and will not suffer the rules thereof to be corrupted. Besides, he hath a very good insight in fortifications, and so qualified otherwise in the knowledge of wars, as he may be a leader of greater numbers than of 100 men. For my part, I have not found many of his capacity and gifts in his profession, and the same accompanied with a feeling mind of the miseries of his country." Captain Hansard had also "wounds of his body, which will be a perpetual maim to him."

On July 2, 1601, Dockwra complains to the Privy Council that the forces at Lough Foyle had only two axle-trees to their cannon, "whereof one was clean broken at the siege of Aynogh, and the other cracked, and only holding by the bands we have given it for the present, which cannot continue. A supply thereof must be had, or the use of that piece (which is the whole force of a battery) will be utterly taken away." He also declares that the match sent them " for the most part hath ever been rotten, and utterly unserviceable." Chichester also tells their Lordships, in a letter from Carrickfergus, dated July 8, " I humbly beseech your Honours to give order that our tools may be of better making, and that they may come unto us directly out of England. It is long passage betwixt this and Dublin, and those we have from them we new make before we work with them, whereby the Queen is doubly charged."

There are several miscellaneous items of interest in this volume. Sir Robert Cecil's love for hawks was remembered by suitors in Ireland. The Earl of Thomond regrets the ill carriage of some of these birds he had sent to Sir Robert, and promises others (p. 1). Sir Charles O'Carroll had long kept a cast of hawks for presentation to Cecil, but the birds were so bruised and crushed in their feathers and wings, by the time they reached Dublin, that they were considered unmeet to be forwarded. However, Mulroney O'Carroll, Sir Charles's brother, promised better ones before the beginning of the following season. Chichester, Sir Francis Stafford, and Captain Henry Clare, also write to Cecil on this same subject, on July 9, 16, and 23, respectively.

Carew asks Cecil in one letter (p. 6), "if any tobacco or Venice glasses come in abundance unto you, I beseech your Honour that some of them may fall to my share."

In the Exchequer of Ireland, the rents due to Her Majesty from divers lands in that country were in many cases fraudulently withheld from her, often on the plea that the lands had been wasted by the rebels, and that therefore the owners were unable to pay; "yet, where habitation is, the gentlemen of the Pale make their tenants pay more rent unto them than ever they did." Records, also, were not too safely preserved in the Exchequer. Carew complains that the record of the attainder of Sir Edmund Butler and his two brothers, Edward and Piers, had been either negligently lost or falsely embezzled; "for no such act is extant in the records here, by means whereof neither the title of Ormonde or his land doth or can escheat to the Queen, as hitherto the world was of opinion that it should do" (p. 6). The Earl of Kildare, in an application for a grant of land, says, concerning the Queen, who had promised reward to him, " I believe her words to be divine oracles, and therefore do only repose my greatest felicity in this world on her princely promise" (p. 229).

Attention may be called to the papers on William Udall's case, and on that of Meyler Magrath, Archbishop of Cashel; to those on the introduction of the new money into Ireland; to a long dissertation by the Roman Catholic Lords of the Pale on Tyrone's character and assumption of the rôle of defender of the Roman Catholic religion in Ireland (pp. 127136); to the examination of Dermond McMorris (pp. 296299); and to an interesting letter of Sir George Carew, touching on his pedigree (pp. 308, 309).

There is a remarkable characterization of the Earl of Essex in a letter written by Sir William Warren to Cecil, on May 28, 1601:—"His behaviour was very well perceived here, if man durst have either spoken or written of it. His greatness was such he was called here the Earl of Excess, which name he well deserved. For, if the wealth of England and Spain had been put into his hands, he would have consumed it, winning towns and towers in the air, promising much and performing nothing. I protest to Almighty God, I would not have lost the least part of your love for his entirest affection."

On May 15, 1601, Meyler Magrath, Archbishop of Cashel, wrote to Cecil:—"And where your Honour did write in the said letter, that I most irreligiously suffered the churches under me to lie like hog-stys, and that I was not so bare left by the wars, but that I might remedy the same, I do confess the churches in the most parts, and within five miles to Dublin itself, to be like hog-stys, or rather worse; yet am I not in fault thereof, but rather the three sorts of people against whom I have no power, namely, the traitors, the papists, and the soldiers ; and in this land [it] is hard to find so many as will suffice to build or repair a church, but the said sorts." He then alludes to the outrages committed by the soldiers in the times of previous Governors.

On July 15, 1601, the Mayor of Waterford writes to Cecil:—"For some show of gratuity, and yearly remembrance of our good wills, I have thought fit, in the behalf of this Corporation, to present your Honour with a pair of bedcoverings, and two small rundells of aqua vitæ, of our town's making, which you shall receive at the hands of the bearer hereof, our late and now agent, Nicholas Wyse."

There is, further, an interesting letter, on July 17, by Captain Charles Plessington, telling of his cruising on the coasts of Ulster and Connaught with his ship, the Tremontana, capturing or destroying any of the rebels' vessels that he came across.

Sir Theobald Dillon was much concerned at the report that Sir Robert Cecil was going into Scotland. In a letter dated July 9, he expresses the wish that it were not so, "considering how ill the people are given." If anything happened to Sir Robert, "otherwise than well, you may foresee what hurt might follow; and therefore I humbly beseech your Honour, for God's love, be not absent from Her Majesty in such a time as this is, and let some other trusty to Her Highness go thither fully and well instructed."

In accordance with the fifth instruction to Editors of Calendars, given by the Master of the Rolls, by which it is directed that "striking peculiarities of expression, proverbs, manners, &c., are to be noticed," the following examples may be cited, in addition to those already quoted in this preface:—"gratuitie" (gratitude), pp. 2 and 431; "meanable" (amendable), p. 5; "given us the slip," p. 8; "fett" (fetch), p. 10; "come in at the nick" (in the nick of time), p. 11; "cadgehouses," p. 21; "stood at a gaze upon" (awaited the result of), p. 28; "honyng" (groaning), p. 29; "in little better taking" (in little better condition), p. 33; "decipher his inward heart," p. 54; "a forenotice," p. 55; "umperage" (decision), p. 58 ; "made dainty to do anything," p. 74; "filchery" (stealing), p. 83; "cavysen" (safe-guard), p. 86; "aprovements" (claims to approval), p. 88; "haggards of corn" (stacks of corn), p. 108; "easilier," p. 118; "detainment" (detention), p. 139; "umpire of my carriages" (judge of my conduct), p. 139; "with hot foot" (in hot haste), p. 139; "rype" (raise), p. 149; "bequit themselves well" (acquit themselves well), p. 156; "gravelled" (annoyed), p. 157; "imbrother" (praise, ? embroider), p. 161; "gall-house" (gallows), p. 164; "ingenerally" (in general), p. 164; "agence" (agency), p. 170; "suppling up" (fully supplying), p. 182; "curates" (cuirasses), p. 183; "stoff" (boast), p. 184; "habilmcnts" (enabling means), p. 186; "improude him" (make him proud), p. 186; "an inkling thereof," p. 209; "necessity had no law," p. 239; "the more ticklish inhabitants" (the more troublesome inhabitants), p. 239; "in Abraham's bosom," p. 240; "naytheless" (nevertheless), p. 247; "naviable" (navigable), p. 250; "occupantie" (sic; unfit to be occupied), p. 253; "a man of great commandre" (a skilled commander), p. 256; "esperance" (hope), p. 258; "more prest" (readier), p. 258; "at the next door" (in readiness), p. 266; "fending" (touching), p. 271; "gratumlie" (in gratitude), p. 275; "willines and honest meanies " (willingness and honest meaning), p. 276; "rejected" (threw back), p. 289 ; "I pass not of a pin" (I do not care a pin), p. 290; "innated" (innate), p. 293; "bolt out the truth," p. 293; "burdenous" (burdensome), p. 295; "to be of any apparence" (to be at all likely), p. 304; "scited" (situated), p. 315; "linger the time," p. 321; "cogging companions," p. 322; "okecome" (oakum), p. 332; "habitations and holts of Islands and Inches," p. 336; "runagates" (renegades), p. 337; "tented to" (referred to), p. 337; " sommers" (main pieces of timber in a floor), p. 338; "to alien" (alienate), p. 344; "dainty" (slender), p. 345; "apply" (attack), p. 348; "slane," p. 355 ; " respectively " (exactly), p. 358 ; "chahst" (hidden), p. 365; "spritly" (spiritedly), p. 365; "are footed m" (have gained a footing in), p. 371; "adjoin unto them" (join them), p. 371; "fact" (deed or crime), p. 387; "acquit" (quit), p. 388; make no bones of it" (make no fuss over it), p. 398; "fyne" (end), p. 402; "appeached" (accused), p. 411; "submisse" (submissive), p. 412; "wete" (know), p. 416; "carrecter" (cipher), p. 420; "fraught" (freighted), p. 427; "spykeholes" (loopholes), p. 435; "tickles" (is restless), p. 445.

ERNEST G. ATKINSON.

22 April, 1905.