Preface

PREFACE.

During the period comprised within the present volume of Calendar (April to December 1635), the great office of Lord High Treasurer remained vacant. For a brief interval after the death of the Earl of Portland, it was remarked that the King seemed "at more liberty" (p. 11), but his was not a nature that appreciated freedom. A parasitical clinging to something firmer than himself was a main ingredient in his character, and, deprived of one support, he soon made it apparent that he had discovered a nother.

From Weston to Laud was an easy step. In the individual characters of these eminent public functionaries there were many points of resemblance. Both were men of severe judgment and unyielding temper; both men who were a terror to suitors by sharpness of speech and strength of prejudice. As courtiers, both were animated by the most exalted notions of the Royal authority. In religion Laud's views of churchmanship and Weston's concealed Romanism approached each other so nearly as to be almost identical. In one particular they differed widely. Lord Portland had "an itching palm;" the fact is admitted by his colleagues, and the King sanctioned large payments to him by suitors, but no one ever accused Laud of anything of the kind. A winking at a little finesse, designed to accomplish some end supposed to be for the good of the Church, is all that may be brought home to him; his hands were never defiled by the touch of a bribe.

When the King made choice of a trusted adviser he never gave his confidence by halves. On this occasion the Treasury was immediately put into commission, and the Archbishop was appointed Chief Commissioner. His energy made him the leading spirit in all business in which he bore part. The intricacies of the King's financial position were explored by the Commissioners. The revenue was sought to be increased by the creation of fresh monopolies, and by hard bargains made with patentees, but in the judgment (perhaps prejudiced) of official men, the Archbishop's unacquaintance with matters of finance added to the confusion of the public accounts, and had a tendency to "spoil all." Besides being in fact Lord Treasurer and Minister of Finance, the Archbishop was also appointed Foreign Minister, or, as it was then termed, the "First of the Junto of Foreign Affairs." He had been previously a leading member of the Privy Council, at that time the real centre of the home government, and a member also of the Committee for Ireland. Thus almost all lay power was concentred in his person, whilst in the Church he was, if possible, more than absolute. Well might Sir Thomas Roe exclaim to the Queen of Bohemia:—

"This is the great man, made now of the Commission of the Treasury and the First of the Junto of Foreign Affairs, and in the greatest esteem with his Majesty of any in my observance; and I will hope (whatsoever the world hath sinistrously conceived) that he will prove a happy instrument of the public, both at home and abroad. I humbly desire your Majesty to believe it so far as to oblige him to it, and to your service, by your trust. Other letter than that for the contribution he hath received none, aud therefore yet your Majesty hath not tried him in particulars, and when you do, begin for yourself and in your great occasions, for they indeed oblige. Small requests, repeated, and for others, do abate the finest edge, and his nature had rather do you one great service than twenty trifles. For upon less than great actions he is not set, and being now so great he cannot be eminent and show it to the world by treading in beaten paths and the exploded steps of others. But he must choose and make new ways, to show he knows and can do more than others; and this only hath made the Cardinal Richelieu so glorious. Therefore your Majesty may expect a change, and if not, yet you ought to attempt it, and to show him the way to make himself the Richelieu of England."— (Vol. CCLXXXVI., No. 34.)

But Laud was equally devoid of the genius of Richelieu, and guiltless of the ambition which Roe attributed to him. His ideas of national regeneration were centred in the eradication of what he called Puritanism. Uniformity in the externals of public worship, silence upon what were esteemed the higher branches of theological teaching, and universal submission to King and Clergy, as divinely appointed authorities in Church and State,—these were Laud's objects, and were consistently and energetically pursued with a feeling of the most intense dislike of every one that opposed him. "That which is worst of all" remarks Lord Cottington, is that "they say he can never be reconciled where once he takes displeasure."

In foreign affairs, his first act was to involve himself in a dispute on a question of form with the Queen of Bohemia. The point was this;—ought she not, on behalf of her son, the young Prince Palatine, who was just about to come of age, to make a formal demand of the Emperor to grant him the investiture of his Palatinate? The Emperor had already over and over again declared the Palatinate to be under the ban of the Empire, and therefore forfeited; as a forfeiture he had given it away by solemn and public act, and had put his grantee in possession; but Elizabeth was advised to ignore all this, and to put forward her request for her son's investiture, not, as the Archbishop admitted, with any idea that it would be complied with, but as what he supposed to be the right thing in point of form, and to prevent the Emperor from falsely alleging at some future time, that he would have yielded the investiture if it had been demanded. The correspondence on this point between the English foreign minister and the poor exiled Quee long since worn out with the studied artifices of a deceitful diplomacy, may he read in our volume (pp. 288, 368, 415). Little good, as the Queen too clearly saw, could be expected from an adviser who would have had her introduce her son upon the bloody stage of the Thirty Years' War with the punctilios and etiquette of a master of the ceremonies. (fn. 1)

This incident comes in our way only by the bye, for our volume treats in the main of home and not of foreign policy. In our last volume we published many valuable papers respecting the first writ for ship-money, which was dated the 20th October 1634, and was addressed to the seaports and maritime places. This was the writ devised by Noy, and for which it is said some ancient precedents were to be found among the Records. Perhaps so; but the previous writs which were relied upon as precedents were grounded upon some great national emergency, as a threatened invasion, or some similar circumstance of peril. In the treasury of national defence provided by the constitution, there existed a power in such cases for the executive authority to call upon the seaports for that help which they only could give,— that of such ships as they possessed to be used in the national service. It may be doubted whether the ancient precedents authorized the indication in the writs of ships of a calibre which it was well-known no port but London possessed; and whether on the consequent necessary inability of the ports to comply with the requirements of the writs, what had taken place in former times justified the levy of a sum of money to be paid to the King, for lending the ports the very ships which he had required of them for the public defence. However this may have been, the sums directed to be levied by the first writs were in the main not unwillingly paid. The whole amount was 104,252l. (p. 3.), but five ships, equivalent to 20,688l., were assessed upon the city of London. The citizens elected to set forth the ships. This reduced the sum to be levied to 83,564l., which was paid, except about 2,000l., within twelve months after the issue of the writs.

Portsmouth was appointed as the place of rendezvous for the fleet, but by reason of an outbreak of small pox, the Downs was substituted, and in that famous roadstead there mustered in the month of May, 1635, a fine fleet of twenty ships-of-war, under the command of Robert Earl of Lindsey, appointed admiral, custos of the sea, and captain-general.

But now arose the question:—Where was the enemy ? What was the emergency that justified the outfit of such a fleet and the levy of ship money? The idea of a fear of invasion was kept alive by the Government; orders were sent to the Lord-lieutenants of all the counties to muster the train bands, and to see that their arms were in accordance with modern fashion. The men were to be appointed to be in readiness to join their colours at an hour's warning. The beacons were to be repaired and watched, and a provost-marshal was to be appointed in every county (pp. 45, 417). All this was done; but still, where was the enemy ?

The question cannot be fully answered at this time, and will never be thoroughly solved until our own foreign correspondence and the archives of Brussels and Simancas have been laid open to historical inquirers by the publication of calendars. But it seems from papers published by Clarendon, and from information kindly procured for us at Brussels by Mr. Gardiner, the author of the History of James I., that during the years 1634 and 1635 a multitude of those

"Hollow words Which states and kingdoms utter when they talk Of truth and justice," passed between the courts of England and Spain respecting this very ship-money fleet, and the enemy against whom it was designed to act. Among those "hollow words," we read in a despatch from Sec. Windebank to Mr. Arthur Hopton, the English ambassador in Spain, dated the 16th February 1633-34, that the affairs of the Spaniards—

"In Flanders growing every day into more desperate estate, and his Majesty, considering in his princely wisdom, how much it concerns him in his own interest to carry a jealous and a watchful eye over the growing greatness of the States, by whose insolencies he is every day much awakened, hath been pleased to direct the Lord Treasurer [Portland] to call the Lord Cottington and myself [Sec. Windebank] unto him, and to confer with Nicolaldi [the Spanish resident in England] upon some course to be held for giving assistance to the King of Spain, such as may stop the current of the Hollanders' conquests and peradventure draw them to a peace, yet not plunge his Majesty into a sudden, dangerous, and untimely war with those people. To do this it is of both sides thought fit, that his Majesty should put a strong and powerful fleet to sea, that may open the ports, prohibit all kind of depredation in these seas, and secure even the coasts of Flanders. And this to be done upon pretence of suppressing and punishing the great liberty which hath of late been taken, both by the States and those of Dunkirk, to commit hostilities one upon the other, even within his Majesty's safest harbours both in England and Ireland. And, when his Majesty shall so be armed at sea, it is conceived it will not be unseasonable for him to call upon his neighbours to accept good conditions of peace from the King of Spain; which if they should refuse, he may, peradventure, speak louder than is yet fitting for him to do." (fn. 2)

Here, so far as this letter may be depended upon, we see the origin of ship-money. The conference with Nicolaldi took the shape of a suggested league between England and Spain, and with a view to that league it was proposed that "his Majesty of Great Britain should presently arm twenty ships of war, of which five were to be wholly at the charge of the King of Spain, and that the pretext of this arming should be to secure the coasts of Great Britain and Ireland, and to free them from pirates and others that commit hostilities and insolencies there." (fn. 3) In the course of the discussions on this project it soon became apparent that the King of Great Britain was "not presently furnished with money necessary for so great an undertaking;" whereupon Mr. Hopton, well instructed from home, represented to Olivarez, the prime minister of Spain, that the King of England, paying in this matter "no regard to his own private interest," but to that of the King of Spain "and Christendom," it was thought "very reasonable" that the latter King "should bear his part in the expense of fitting out the fleet." (fn. 4) The "part" suggested to be borne by Spain was an immediate loan to England of 200,000 crowns, to be returned if the league were not ultimately concluded, and to be put to the account of the King of Spain's five ships if it were.

The progress of a negotiation, in which there was no truthfulness on one side and no confidence on the other, was necessarily slow. Whilst it was pending it occurred to Noy that, an emergency being supposed, the ports might, "upon ancient precedent," be called upon to supply the requisite aid. Thus the King's plan could be carried out even without the pecuniary assistance of the King of Spain. The pretext suggested in the proposed treaty with Spain was thereupon alleged as an emergency; twenty ships, the exact number proposed to Spain, were fitted out, and in the meantime Windebank and Hopton, Olivarez and Nicolaldi, were engaged in their several ways, endeavouring to secure by diplomacy some advantage to their respective countries, at the expense of the opposite party.

The English ministers were urged to perseverance in this negotiation by dislike of the Hollanders as Calvinists and allies of the Puritans in this country, and not a little also by the nonchalance with which they treated England. As the negotiation proceeded still another reason evolved itself. The Dutch entered into league with France, which thereupon declared war against Spain, and thus Holland, according to the view of the English government, not only disturbed the arrangement of nations which made England the balance-keeper between the two great and ambitious Roman Catholic powers of Western Europe, but, as it was thought, brought into danger her ancient maritime rights. The presence in the English Channel of combined Dutch and French fleets seemed likely to raise the question of the homage paid from old time to the English flag, and rumours were rife that the new allies really intended to contest this troublesome and annoying custom. One of Lord Lindsey's titles, "Custos of the Sea," plainly indicated the English determination not to surrender this ancient feather. His instructions (pp. 55, 71) were framed in the most stringent manner, and when he sailed it was evidently with the idea that a collision upon this point was not unlikely to arise.

In the volume now published we have calendared a very valuable series of Lord Lindsey's letters, detailing the events of his voyage in the most minute way, from his arrival in the Downs, on the 27th May, until the 8th October, when he was permitted to come ashore and report himself and his achievements to the King. Incidents of his voyage are also recorded in various other letters, especially those of Lord Conway, who accompanied Lord Lindsey, of Sir John Pennington, who was Rear Admiral of the Fleet, and of Captain Ketelby, the captain of the Merhonour, the Admiral's ship. From these various sources we acquire perfect information respecting everything that occurred on this occasion. A less profitable display of strength was never made. On the 6th June the ships sailed from the Downs to the westward; contrary winds detained them at St. Helen's, and it was the 20th before they reached Dartmouth. At Weymouth the people had been alarmed by the appearance of a considerable French fleet, driven by weather into Portland Road. To pacify them the French admiral wrote very civilly to the Mayor of Weymouth, and sailed westward as soon as the wind permitted. Lindsey followed as quickly as possible, but the same wind that carried him onwards bore the French fleet away, and he never so much as caught sight of any one of them. On the 21st he reached Plymouth, and thence proceeded to the "furthermost part of Scilly;" then returning along the coast, he was told that the French fleet had been joined by about an equal number of Dutchmen, and had proceeded, some said to the coast of France, others to the Bay of Biscay. Lindsey plied for some time between Plymouth and Ushant, but never met or saw the fleet of either French or Dutch, or fell in with any Turk or pirate, or enemy of any kind whatever. On the 21st July he was driven into Plymouth Sound by a gale of wind, and on the 4th August he returned to the Downs to victual. This important business occupied a full month. Early in September he sailed again to the westward, intending to range along the coast as before, but got no farther than St. Helen's, where he was detained by stormy weather until the 29th September. He then made all sail for the Downs, which he reached on the 5th October, and on the 8th resigned his command. Some little useful business was accomplished by the fleet in the way of convoying and conveyance of distinguished persons from England to the continent; the effect also of the presence of such a considerable fleet in the Channel may have been to raise the general opinion of the naval power of England, but beyond that the fleet only tended to prove that the emergency which was presumed to have called it forth did not exist, and therefore that there was no justification for the levy of ship-money.

Whilst Lord Lindsey was gaining his bloodless laurels the coast of England was treated with peculiar insolence by the Hollanders. The Dunkirkers sent a fleet of ships of war among the Dutch fishing boats in the North Sea, and the result had been the capture or destruction of many hundreds of them. Galled by the losses thus inflicted upon them, the Hollanders pursued every ship of Dunkirk that chanced to fall in their way with an earnestness almost ferocious, especially if there existed any reason to suppose that she had taken part in the raid against the fishermen. Several such cases occurred on the eastern coast of England, and when pursued the Dunkirkers made with all speed for an English harbour, as to the shelter of a neutral power. But even into the harbours of England the Dutchmen did not scruple to follow them. A Dunkirker was thus taken, after a smart engagement, in the very harbour of Scarborough (p. 273); a few days afterwards another occurrence, which promised similar results, occurred at the same place (p. 294); and at Blythe, in Northumberland, the Hollanders landed their men, armed with musketry, seized the boats of English fishermen, and in them followed and captured a Dunkirker which had taken refuge in a tidal creek. The Dunkirkers on this occasion forsook their ship and marched inland. They were followed by the Hollanders a distance of two miles from the shore, and were ultimately overtaken and plundered. Nor were the Dutch the only persons who thus defied the power of England. The mail boat from Dover to Dunkirk was several times stopped and rifled by men of Calais. The King's packet of letters, and that of the merchants, were taken, the boatmen were plundered even to their clothes and bread and cheese, and the passengers of their baggage and everything they had. These events were viewed with comparative coolness by the English Government. Probably they were treasured up against a meditated day of wrath, for the negotiation with Spain still continued, although with a total want of confidence on both sides. Hopton warned Windebank of the difficulty of concluding anything with the Court of Spain, which was never free from delays and over-speculations, whilst the King of Spain urged Nicolaldi to beware of the English as a people given to quibbles and trickery. Questions were started almost upon every point of the suggested agreeement, but that which, so far as King Charles's Government was concerned, was the most important point of all—the financial arrangement—seems to have been the one on which the negotiation finally broke down. The idea of a loan was soon abandoned. The King of Spain thought it should be a payment, and that it should be made by his brother the Infante Cardinal in Flanders; the Infante Cardinal was of opinion that the payment clearly belonged to Spain; then Spain wished for a stipulation that the payment should be made in that country; England thought it ought to be made here, and amidst these and many other tiresome "hollow words," the league and the agreement hung in suspense down even to the end of the year 1635. (fn. 5)

But, with or without the assistance of Spain, King Charles, proud of the display of naval power which he had made in setting forth his first ship-money fleet, determined that in 1636 it should be exhibited upon a much grander scale, and that for this purpose ship-money should not only be repeated, but should be extended from the seaports to the whole kingdom. Laud gave an account of the matter to Wentworth in a letter dated the 6th July 1635:—

"As the last year there was money raised upon the ports according to ancient precedent, for the setting out of the Navy, which is now at sea, and there God bless it, so we are now going on to prepare for a greater Navy against the next year, and because the charge will be too heavy to lay it upon the ports or maritime counties only, therefore his Majesty has thought fit, a paritate rationis, and for the like defence of the kingdom, to extend it to all counties and corporations within England and Wales, that so the Navy may be full, and yet the charge less as coming from so many hands. I pray God bless this business, for if it go well the King will be a great master at sea, and in these active times we by God's blessing may be the more safe at land." (fn. 6)

It will be observed, that in this explanation or defence of the extension of ship-money, the Archbishop abandons the ground of precedent, and rests the extension upon what he terms the parity of reason and the universality of the obligation upon subjects to defend the country by contributing to set forth a fleet. If England were not to be governed entirely by the royal will, it remained of course to be considered whether that parity of reason was a ground of taxation known to the law, and whether the universal obligation to contribute to set forth a fleet, if it existed at all, was not applicable only to some occasion of great and patent emergency, which Lord Lindsey's experience seemed to prove had no existence at that time.

The new writs were issued on the 4th of August 1635. In some respects they were more simple than their predecessors. There was one writ for each county, which was addressed to the sheriff with the governing bodies of the corporations within the county and "the good men" of the same. These persons were commanded to provide a ship of war of a certain tonnage with a stated number of men, together with guns, powder, and other stores and victuals for 26 weeks, and to have the same ready in Portsmouth harbour on the 1st day of March 1636.

The same reason was stated for issuing these writs which had been advanced on the previous occasion, and the same directions were given for distress and imprisonment in case of nonpayment. The total sum directed to be levied by these second writs was 218,500l., and the fleet to be set forth amounted to no fewer than 45 ships of war.

Each writ was accompanied by a paper of instructions addressed to the sheriff by the Council.

"It recited the writ, and then proceeded, by his Majesty's direction and express commandment, to let the sheriff know that his Majesty had upon most important and weighty reasons, concerning not only his own honour and the ancient renown of the nation, but the safety of themselves and all his subjects in these troublesome and warlike times, sent out these writs throughout the whole kingdom, that as all were concerned ni the mutual defence of one another, so all might put to their helping hands for the making of such preparations as (by the blessing of God) might secure the realm against those dangers and extremities which had distressed other nations, and were the common effects of war whensoever it took a people unprepared, and therefore, as his Majesty doubted not of the readiness of all his subjects to contribute thereunto with cheerfulness and alacrity, so he especially required the care and diligence of the sheriff addressed in the ordering of the business, that no inequality or other miscarriage might either retard or disgrace a service in itself so just, honourable, and necessary. To this end the sheriff was to understand that he alone was of the quorum in the assessments, and that he was neither to favour one corporate town above another, nor the county above the corporate towns. He was informed that the charge of the ship required was a total sum calculated after the rate of 100l. per ton, and that towards the total amount of that sum the Council considered that each of the corporate towns in the county of the sheriff addressed might pay a certain particular specified sum. When the general assessment of the corporate towns had been agreed upon, the rest of the county was to be subdivided, and the particular assessments were to be made to agree with other common payments upon the county, the sheriff apportioning the whole amount into hundreds, and each hundred into parishes, saving that it was his Majesty's pleasure that men of ability by reason of gainful trades or other personal estate, who in landscot would pay nothing, should be rated according to their worth and ability, and that the money levied upon such persons might be applied to the sparing of such as were weak of estate, or were charged with many children or great debts. Having fixed the amounts to be levied on each parish, the sheriff was then to send forth his warrants to the constables of the several hundreds, requiring them to call to them some discreet men of every parish and to consider how the amount charged upon each hundred might be distributed, which done, the sheriff was to give order for collection of the amount. Concerning the clergy, albeit his Majesty was resolved to maintain all their due privileges which they enjoyed in the time of his progenitors, yet it had not been made appear what those privileges had been touching payments of this nature, wherefore for the present the sheriff was to tax them as the rest of his Majesty's subjects, but with this care, to have a due respect to their persons and calling, not suffering any inequalities or pressures to be put upon them. In all other matters the sheriff was to be careful to govern himself according to the writ."

From the date of these instructions to the end of the year 1635, which is also the end of our present volume, our pages contain a great number of most important papers respecting the way in which these writs and instructions were carried out. Not only are these papers curiously illustrative of the characters of the several sheriffs, many of them persons of historical name, and all leading men in their counties, but most importantly so of their feelings and those of the country at large respecting this novel mode of taxation. In some few cases where the sheriffs were men of business, they treated the levy as a thing altogether appertaining to their office, and went right through with it at once; doing what was to be done in the quickest possible time; exhibiting no opinions themselves and ignoring those of other people; but gathering up the money with the most urgent speed, and paying it over, out of hand, to Sir William Russell, the Treasurer of the Navy, who was the appointed receiver. Of officers of this kind the well known and munificent benefactor to Manchester, Humphrey Chetham, then Sheriff of Lancashire, is a pre-eminent example. His letter sets forth so clearly what he, and in fact every sheriff had to do, and how he did it, that to print it will be preferable to pages of explanation. It is rather long, but it was the only letter he had to write about the business, until he reported payment of the amount, and solicited a discharge from his shrievalty.

"Humphrey Chetham, Sheriff of Lancashire, to the Council.

Dom. Car. I. Vol. CCCIV., No. 34.

"May it please your Lordships, that whereas I received his Majesty's writ the 25th day of August last, dated the 4th day of the same month, directed unto me, the Sheriff of the county of Lancaster, and to the Mayors, Bailiffs, and Commonalties of the several towns of Lancaster, Liverpool, Preston in Amounderness, and Wigan, and to the Bailiffs and Burgesses of the town of Cliderowe [Clitheroe], and to the Stewards and Burgesses of the borough of Newton, for the providing of a ship of war, of the burden of 350 tons, at the charge of this county and the corporate and borough towns aforesaid, as in the said writ is appointed.

"And whereas likewise (together with the said writ), I received a letter from your Lordships, bearing date the 12th day of August last, directing the execution thereof, wherein his Majesty, graciously considering of the difficulty, or rather impossibility, of such a service to be done by this county and the corporate and borough towns aforesaid, in manner and form as the the writ prescribeth, and especially within the time limited, and therefore finding the charge of such a ship to amount to the sum of 3,500l., is pleased to accept the same sum in lieu and recompense of the ship, and likewise in discharge of the writ.

"In all humble obedience unto both which, and in due consideration of the important service therein required, and the present necessity that calleth for all possible expedition, I forthwith assembled the aforesaid Mayors, Burgesses, and other officers of the towns aforesaid interessed in the same charge, where, after some reasonable time spent in the consideration of the equal assessing of the towns aforesaid, we concluded the same for the total setdown for all the towns in your Lordships' letter, although in the dividing thereof we made some small alteration.

"Thus far gone on without any interruption in the service, I proceeded, according to the particulars given me by your Lordships' letter, and divided the rest of the charge upon the hundreds of the county, by the direction of a Book of Rates, which is usual for our rule in other common payments, which done, I writ several precepts or warrants, according to the instructions of his Majesty's writ and your Lordships' letter, and directed them to the High Constables of the several hundreds of the county, and by special messengers made as speedy a conveyance thereof as I could devise, who (after the deliberate perusal of my warrants, and consideration of the instructions therein given) called unto them the petty constables, and such discreet and sufficient men of every parish, town, and hamell within their several hundreds as they thought fit to assist them in the equal and indifferent dividing and distributing of such respective charge, as was assessed on every hundred throughout the county, and after many days spent in debating the premises, at length an assessment was concluded on every town and hamell, and returned to me under the hands of the said High Constables and their assistants respectively of every hundred throughout the county, which when I had perused, and the Assessors strictly examined of the integrity of the assessment, I made htem out several warrants under the seal of my office, for the collecting thereof, with such observations therein to govern their proceedings as was prescribed unto me by his Majesty's writ and your Lordships' letter, with limitation of forty days to pay me the money.

"And for their more ease I appointed Preston in Amounderness as a place most indifferent for convention of the county; but in the interim, when they came to apportion out every man's particular share which they thought equal for him to bear, according to his ability in proportion to such respective assessment, and the same to collect according to the same assessment, although the same was done with good advice and great circumspection, (as the assessors professed unto me), yet many and grievous complaints were made by all sorts of people (especially the clergy and poorer sort) of the unequal dividing and distributing of the said assessment unto particular persons, many denying and withholding payment, which principally and above all other interruptions did most retard the service, which myself (as a stranger both to their persons and abilities) could not judge and determine, but rather thought it most agreeable to the good success of the service, to pursue your Lordships' direction in that case provided, to remove such impediments.

"Several days almost in every week thus spent, both by myself and other officers interessed in this service, for the preparing of the said sum of 3,500l. appointed to be paid at Preston in Amounderness, according to the tenor of the aforesaid warrants, I went thither, and took with me such assistance for the safe conveyance of such a charge as was meet; where expecting that money should readily have come to my hands, I met with nothing, for the first two days, but complaints against unjust and unequal taxations by particular men in their own behalfs, which so soon as I had appeased and reduced the confusion unto some order (that this honourable service might receive no disgrace by such differences) I called the High Constables (so many as were there), to give an account how they had collected their several sums given them in charge, and performed the rest of the service committed to their care and trust; but I found a general defect, none of them having received the aforesaid sums which unto them were assigned, which they did strongly avouch was no neglect or remissness in them but rather in the sub-constables who had not brought it to their hands.

"The sub-constables likewise for their excuse protested, that though they had given all diligence to have collected the money, yet some non-solvants which they were forced to distrain, and some refractory persons, which they could not find, nor yet goods to distrain, and other indigent persons which had not wherewithal to pay, had been the chiefest impediments in the service, which to help, I took such course as the present necessity required, whereby with much ado, in some few days, I gained the receipt of the total sum that was charged upon four of the hundreds in the county.

"The rest of the county (to wit the other two hundreds) having made little proceeding in the service assigned to them, by reason (as they said) of the impediments before alleged, craved twenty days longer time for their payments, which I was forced to grant; at the end of which twenty days with much difficulty (as they affirmed) they brought all the rest of the money for the whole county, except only for some very poor people where they could find nothing to levy upon, and other refractory persons which they could not find within their liberties to answer their contempt.

"This being the effect of my real proceeding in execution of his Majesty's writ by the instruction of your Lordships' letter, I not only in all humbleness offer the same as a conclusion of the service, but also have appointed the said sum of 3,500l. to be paid according to your Lordships' directions in that behalf, which I presume before the receipt hereof is perfected, and therefore I humbly crave your Lordships' furtherance and direction for my discharge for the same sum, and that I may be removed from my office of Sheriff, having performed above a year's service. And so in all humbleness (tendering the premises to your Lordships' consideration) I take leave, and (as in duty obliged) rest

"Your Lordships', in all duty,
to be commanded,
Humphrey Chetham,
Vic. Lanc."

"Clayton,
the 16th day of December 1635.
[Addressed] To the Lords of his Majesty's
most honourable Privy Council
these present.

Such a letter, followed by prompt payment of the money, procured for Humphrey Chetham a return of thanks from the Council, with an intimation that his Majesty had been apprized of his diligence and accepted it as a valuable piece of service.

Far different was the conduct of most of the sheriffs. A multitude of questions were soon propounded to the Council, and so many difficulties suggested, that it became necessary to create a department of the Government for the management of this new business. Edward Nicholas, who had been secretary to the Admiralty, was, on the death of Trumbull, appointed one of the ordinary clerks of the Council (pp. 420, 437), and on the 8th November, 1634, the sheriffs were one and all turned over to him. They were ordered to send to him immediately an account of what they had done, and to report to him in future from time to time what progress they made (p. 469). Finally, in order to keep both Nicholas and the sheriffs up to their work, the King held a special meeting of the Council every Sunday afternoon, at which Nicholas reported how the receipt was going on, and what difficulties he met with. To that meeting dilatory or troublesome sheriffs were summoned, and the King himself took them to task. The sheriffs of London were in this way "rebuked for being so slow," and were "commanded by the King to attend every Sunday till this service be finished" (p. 509). A few of the questions that arose may be quoted as illustrative of the contents of these valuable papers.

Sir John Dryden, sheriff of Northamptonshire, thought it right in his assessment of his county to put a larger amount on the eastern than on the western division. Such inequality was unusual, and under the leadership of Lord Montagu of Boughton, the eastern men promptly objected. Sir John Dryden assigned his reasons, (p. 442), but the complainants petitioned the Council in great strength (p. 446). In all these cases the principle which guided the Council was to discourage the raising of new questions, the consideration of which would take time and excite jealousy. Sir John defended himself by records and reason, but the Council looked only to what had been, and ordered that the county should be assessed over again, in conformity with the previous practice. Sir John obeyed, and when the troublesome work had been completed, wrote to the Council that he had done as he had been directed, but that his year of office had expired, and that an Act of Parliament of Henry VI., which he very indiscreetly urged upon their attention, was fatal to his continuance in the service any longer, wherefore he prayed for his discharge (p. 482.) But he reckoned without his host. Acts of Parliament were not popular with the Council, and he was ordered, Act of Parliament or not, "to still execute the King's writ" (p. 486). Again Sir John resumed his unpalatable task. He sent forth his warrants to the constables of hundreds, and they summoned the principal inhabitants to meet them to make the assessments on their particular parishes; but here came new trouble; the parochial assessors could not agree "in regard of differences among themselves." Wearied with continual checks, and taught the folly of further appeal to the Council, Sir John seems in sheer despair to have thrown all the responsibility upon the high constables. He sent warrants to them to collect the money, coute qui coute, by the 1st January (p. 560), and here the curtain drops upon him at the close of our volume.

The difficulty which arose in Northamptonshire met the sheriffs in various other counties. In a part of Oxfordshire it assumed the most definite form. The two chief constables of the hundred of Bloxham (which lies in the northern part of the county near puritanical Banbury, and includes Broughton, the seat of Lord Say), received the customary warrant from Sir Peter Wentworth, the sheriff, to assess 209l. upon their hundred. These men—whose names were Nickoles and Harris—called together the inhabitants, and read to them the sheriff's warrant for dividing and assessing the amount. The inhabitants answered that they had no authority to assess or tax any man, neither did they conceive the warrant gave them any power so to do, and therefore they humbly desired to be excused. Such strong words took the sheriff by surprise. He called upon Nickoles and Harris to return the names of the men who gave this answer. They refused. The sheriff then ordered the chief constables themselves to assess their hundred. Again they refused. Baffled on every point, he reported the circumstances to the Council, and prayed that the rebellious chief constables might be sent for (p. 505). The lords on the contrary sent for the sheriff. At the customary Sunday sitting, Sir Peter was called in, and "was told by his Majesty and the lords that if those men will not assess, he must do it himself, or by his own bailiffs." (p. 509). It is known that Lord Say was one of the first to refuse the payment of ship-money, and that he was willing to have contested its legality, as Hampden did. It is probable that he was one of the inhabitants who gave the bold answer before mentioned, or if not, that the whole proceeding was prompted by him.

Among refusers we also find notice of Denzil Holles. This was in Wiltshire, under Damerham South. The sheriff, Francis Goddard, a poor timid invalid, suffering from "disability of body," which made him unable to travel, called together the justices of the peace at Devizes, and requested their assistance in the assessment. They declined, evidently not liking the business, and saying "they had no power given them by the writ." The sheriff then taxed every hundred and borough himself, and sent out the customary warrants to the high constables. Their return was tardy, but it came at last, and the collectors were set to work. By the 1st of December, 6,000l. had been collected, and the sheriff was now full of fear at keeping so large a sum in a single weak house, standing far from neighbours, and all the country being acquainted with the fact of the money being in his possession He laid his cares before the lords, and entreated them to tell him how he was to send this great sum to London; at the same time he reported Denzil Holles and John Low as refusers. The King and lords at their Sunday meeting passed a resolution thanking him for his diligence, and told him they understood that Denzil Holles and John Low were now ready to pay; he was therefore to receive their amounts, and then to send up what he had collected safely by persons for whom he would answer (pp. 537, 545, 560.)

Several of the sheriffs, unable to find means of remitting the money, and afraid to trust it out of their own hands, solicited permission to bring it up to London themselves, which the Council uniformly granted.

The power of distress given by the writ was freely used. In Derbyshire, the sheriff complained that no one would purchase the articles distrained. The Council directed him to send the distress up to London, with a certificate that it was for victualling one of the ship-money fleet. He was to pass it on in that way, from sheriff to sheriff, and in view of that possible contingency, he was to distrain goods proper for victualling, as wheat, peas, no horses, but beeves, muttons, or hogs (pp. 537, 611). In the same county it occurred that a distress levied upon goods of Sir John Stanhope of Elvaston was rescued by his men. The sheriff was directed to make another full distress, and to keep the names of the men who were the actual rescuers. At the same time a warrant was issued to bring up Sir John himself to the Council table (pp. 537, 558), on the charge of refusing to pay moneys assessed upon him, and rescuing the distress taken by warrant from the sheriff (p. 558). Sir John was probably the first refuser against whom actual proceedings were taken, but he had placed himself legally in the wrong by rescuing the distress.

In Essex there was considerable trouble. At Chelmsford the constables refused to assess, and on their example others who had already assessed began to withdraw; the sheriff was ordered to keep the names of those who had refused (p. 537); and in cases in which not only the constables and inhabitants refused to make a rate, but refused also to produce to the sheriff their books and rates for other services, he was directed to summon all the parish officers, the parson of the parish, the churchwardens, the overseers of the poor, the constables and the surveyors of the highways, to attend him with their books of rates, and a list of their parishioners; if, on attending, they refused to produce the required information, he was to bind them to appear before the Council, with their books, and if they refused to be bound he was to commit them to prison (p. 594.)

In Shropshire the sheriff was active, but living twelve miles beyond Shrewsbury, and his best conveyance for his letters being by the carrier, he could not communicate with Nicholas more frequently than once a fortnight (p. 503). A company of drapers in Shrewsbury enabled him to remit his money as it came to hand, but he could not persuade the collectors to accept their office until he promised them 6d. in the pound, as had been accustomed for collecting money for the King's service, which he hoped would be allowed. He was told that no allowance was to be expected or had been given way to, in any county; the service had been cheerfully performed both last year and this, at the charge of those who were employed therein, and he was required to pay in the whole sum without abatement (p. 545). Some gentlemen, he said, were "refractory," but he forebore to report their names, in the hope they would pay "without further noise" (p. 539).

In Yorkshire, where Sir John Hotham was the sheriff, and was very zealous in the service, Sir Michael Wharton refused to pay an assessment of 4l. 4s. 6d., but his objection seems to have been that he was doubly assessed. The sheriff reported him to the Council, but no order was made during the time comprised within the present volume (pp. 290, 479); indeed, the impression produced by all that one sees of the conduct of the Council at this time is, that they were peculiarly desirous to avoid contests with individuals, except in such glaring cases of wrongdoing as that of Sir John Stanhope. In the county of York also, Sir William Pennyman raised difficulties respecting the rating of Aislabie. Upon his objection Sir John Hotham added the amount (4l.) to the assessment of Guisborough, which the inhabitants of course disliked, but Sir John reported that he did not hear of any refusers (p. 507).

In many of these cases the documents contained in the present volume disclose but the beginnings of long histories which will be evolved hereafter. Enough has been stated to show the character of these important papers, and that in them for the first time we read what was the nature of the reception with which the second writ was greeted, and how ready the country was to follow the lead of Hampden or any other person, who would openly dispute its legality.

Of Hampden himself this volume does not directly contain anything, nor any letter or account from the Sheriff of Bucks. There is indeed in one place a passing allusion to a circumstance in which Hampden was interested, and which ought not to be overlooked. In our last volume we pointed out that a presentment was made against him for keeping musters of the trained band in the churchyard of Beaconsfield, which he smothered up by some submission to the Vicar General. In the present volume we have a long letter from the incumbent of Beaconsfield to Sir John Lambe, bemoaning the ecclesiastical condition of that part of the country, the irreverent treatment of consecrated buildings, the dislike of the book concerning lawful recreations, the disregard of the King's injunctions, the preference of Perkins's Six Principles to the Catechism of the Church, and finally that "if a parson or vicar complain, the whole country cries out upon him, and watches to do him displeasure." To this very significant utterance of distress, the writer (Dr. John Andrewes, several of whose letters have occurred in previous volumes) adds:—"Since I caused notice to be given that musters had been kept in my churchyard, the gentry of the county have had a spleen at me." We see, then, by whose influence the presentment of Hampden was procured to be made, and what was thought of it by persons of Hampden's station in the neighbourhood.

Of papers relating to the ecclesiastical condition of the country, presentments at visitations, private letters, and other documents—there are many of great importance, but a report made to Archbishop Laud by Sir Nathaniel Brent, the Vicar General, of the results of his visitation throughout the dioceses of Norwich, Peterborough, Lichfield, Worcester, Gloucester, Winchester, and Chichester, is of such paramount interest that we have purposely reserved it for printing entire in this place. It needs no preface, therefore we shall give it at once as it stands.

"An Abstract of the Metropolitical Visitation of the Most Reverend Father in God William, by God's Providence Lord Archbishop of Canterbury his Grace, holden in the Year of Our Lord God 1635.

"Dom. Car. I. Vol. CCXCIII., No. 128.

"Norwich, April 6, 7, 8.—The cathedral church is much out of order. The hangings of the choir are naught, the pavement not good, the spire of the steeple is quite down, the copes are fair, but want mending. The churchyard is very ill kept; there is a necessary house at the west end of the church. There is likewise a window that letteth smoke and casteth an ill savour into the north side of the church. These and many other things I have ordered. The Dutch and Walloon congregations are admonished according to your Grace's directions, and an Act is made of it. Many ministers appeared without priests' cloaks, and some of them are suspected for non-conformity, but they carried themselves so warily that nothing could then be proved against them. There is an hospital in Norwich, of 96 poor men and women, very well ordered. The mayor and his brethren came not to visit me at my coming in. Afterwards I convented them for walking indecently ni the cathedral church every Sunday in prayer time before the sermon, and I admonished them to forbear for the future, and an Act was made of it in their presence. After this they visited me often, and gave me ample satisfaction for their former neglect, protesting that they will be always ready to desire your Grace's good opinion of them.

"Swaffham, April 10.—Few puritans in this place, but much drunkenness, accompanied with all such vices as usually do attend upon it. The church is very fair and very well kept. Half of it was built by one Chapman, a pedlar.

"Lynn, April 13.—Since the Court of High Commission took in hand some of their schismatics, few of that fiery spirit remain there or in the parts thereabout. But there are divers papists who speak scandalously of the Scriptures and of our religion; they are already presented for it, and I have given order that they shall be brought into the High Commission Court. The three churches in Lynn are exceeding fair and well kept, and the three ministers are very conformable and agree exceeding well, only in the principal church, called St. Margaret's, the communion table wanted a rail, and at the upper end of the choir instead of divine sentences of Scripture, divers sayings out of the Fathers were painted. I have ordered these two things. The mayor and his brethren showed very great respect unto your Grace's visitation in visiting of me and feasting me twice. They likewise went with me to the Town Quay, when they caused all their ordnance to be shot off. The town's arms is St. Margaret beating the Devil in the shape of a Dragon. The chief monument of the town is a goodly antique cup and a sword, given them by King John. In these parts divers parsonage houses have been ruined, and much glebe land is embezzled. I have made a reference concerning these two things wherewith the parties complaining are well satisfied.

"Fakenham, April 15.—One Mr. Sline, a vicar, standing excommunicate, did officiate in his parish church, for which I have suspended him, and think fit he should be called into the High Commission Court next term. In these parts many parsonage houses are ruinous, for the repairing whereof a strict charge is given.

"Yarmouth, April 17.—I was there entertained by the magistrates with very great solemnity. The town is now in quiet, and the chiefest promise absolute obedience to the laws of the church. Their church is very fair; it had two pulpits in it, standing one against the other, one of which I have caused to be taken down. The east end of the chancel is severed from the residue. The roof of the church is very ruinous. Two doors at the west end kept shut in time of divine service, and the churchyard thereunto adjoining is kept very undecently. All these things I have put in order, though I made as much haste out of the town as I could, because the plague was there very hot. The magistrates desire a lecturer, but I find no inclination in them to give the choice of him to your Grace.

"Bungay, April 20.—There are two churches, the one very fair the other very ruinous. The steeple and chancel of Trinity Church are unserviceable by reason of fire, but a collection will be made shortly for it, and I gave them 20s. to begin. In the other church many things were unseemly, which are now put in order. Mr. Fairfax, curate of Rumborough, was charged with divers points of inconformity, but hath renounced all upon his oath, and hath faithfully promised to read the King's declaration for lawful sports. Mr. Daines, lecturer of Beccles, a man of more than seventy years of age, did never wear the surplice, nor use the cross in baptism. I was told that all the bishops there have tolerated him because he is a very quiet and honest man, but now he hath promised reformation.

"Ipswich, April 22, 23, 24.—In my way thither I ordered many things in the church of Wickham (where Mr. Eaton spread his antinomian doctrine), and in the churchyard of Woodbridge. The magistrates of Ipswich brought me into the town with great solemnity. The town is exceeding factious, and yet the better sort are conformable in a reasonable good measure. Mr. Samuel Ward is thought to be the chief author of their inconformity. I ordered many things in their churches and churchyards. I suspended one Mr. Cave, a precise minister of St. Helen's, for giving the sacrament of the Eucharist to non-kneelants. I excommunicated divers churchwardens in that town, who were so precise that they would not take their oath. But afterwards they all submitted with protestation to reform their opinions, and many do believe that a good reformation will follow. I hear that in these parts there are some that do teach that none have right to the creatures but the godly. But those who complained either could not or would not tell their names. There is but one hospital in this town, and that very well governed.

"St. Edmund's Bury, April 27, 28, 29.—I was entertained by the magistrates with great respect. The town music played, and many trumpets sounded at my entrance and departure. This town was formerly infected with puritanism, but now is well reformed. They have two curates and two lecturers, all very conformable men. I took away a licence to preach from one Mr. Peartree, a young man, in regard of his great ignorance, being not able to tell me what 'Ecclesia,' did signify, and in regard of his great boldness in the pulpit, because that with stentorian vociferations and secret glancings at the ceremonies of our Church, he drew many after him from neighbouring parishes. He liveth at Edwardstone. One Mr. Nathaniel Rogers, minister of Assington, is an absolute inconformitan. I am told he hath resigned his benefice, purposing to go into New England. However, I have suspended him de facto, though, if he have resigned, the suspension will be but brutum fulmen. The two churches in Bury are very fair and well ordered, except in some few things which I have caused them to amend. Many churches in this diocese are thatched, and I have given order that where the parishes are not exceeding poor they shall be tiled out of hand. Sir Lionel Tollemache and Sir Simonds Dewes showed me much respect in this and other places in keeping of me company and inviting me to their houses, although I had not time to go so far out of my way.

"Peterborough, May 2.—In my way thither I was used with much extraordinary kindness at Cambridge; although I laboured to conceal myself, I was met on the way by some of the Doctors, visited by the Vice-Chancellor, and had an oration and a feast in Magdalen College. Before I came to Peterborough I was met by the Bishop and the prebendaries of the church, the Dean being absent upon just causes. The Bishop lodged me in his house, and gave me very great entertainment during the time of my abode there. The cathedral church is very fair and strong, except in some few places which are ordered to be repaired. There is no consistory for the Bishop, but order is given for one to be made shortly. The schoolmaster is very negligent by reason of his frequent preaching. He is admonished, and promiseth amendment. The church hath no statutes, but is governed by orders of their own making. They are to send up answers to the articles, and a copy of their orders, to Lambeth before Midsummer day next. From this place I wrote to Dr. Goad concerning a monument in the chancel of Monks Illith [Eleigh] in Suffolk, and since he hath certified me by letter that the information is quite mistaken.

"Stamford, May 4.—The church there is not well kept, but the minister and people very conformable. The ministers were generally in priests' cloaks, and they, with the laiety, were all the time of divine service uncovered, and still bowed at the pronouncing of the blessed name of Jesus.

"Oundle, May 6.—The church and churchyard there were very much out of order, but the churchwardens have undertaken to amend everything as was prescribed. I have given a canonical admonition to the schoolmaster here, one Mr. Cobbes, for instructing his scholars out of a wrong catechism, and for expounding the ten commandments unto them out of the writings of a silenced minister. He refuseth to bow at the name of Jesus, and order is taken for his suspension in case he reform not before July. The ministers appearing at this place were generally canonical for their habits, except only those of the peculiars, of which there was but one man in a priest's cloak.

"Rowell, May 8.—In my journey thither I went to Brigstock where I gave order for the repair of the chancel as your Grace had given me direction by letter. I found Mr. Lewis, the vicar there, reading prayers (it being Ascension Day) without a surplice, having but the day before at Oundle received a canonical admonition for the constant wearing of it, for which I have suspended him, with purpose that he shall so stand a long time. The schoolmaster of Kettering, one Mr. Seaton (who was complained of unto me for a non-conformitan) doth protest that he is absolutely conformable and zealously given that way, and no man could be found that would accuse him in any particular. The college at Higham Ferrers was dissolved by King Henry VIII., the land sold to the predecessors of Sir Thomas Dacres, who dwelleth at Chesson [Cheshunt] near Theobalds. The last Lord Archbishop recovered the patronage of the vicarage, and that is all that doth now belong unto the see of Canterbury. The building is almost quite demolished. The parish church of Glendon, within one mile of Rowell, is utterly decayed, and one Mr. Gage hath promised to bring me true information against one Mr. Lane, the lord of the manor and author of this ruin, which if he perform, I think the business will be fit for the High Commission Court. There is an hospital in Rowell which I visited, but the master, one Mr. Bowdon, knowing of my coming, went out of town before I came, so that I could not redress many things that were there amiss. I have taken a particular note of them, and have given authority to Sir John Lambe to proceed in the business, because he dwelleth in the same town, if he please to accept of it. There are twelve poor men, of which one hath been and is a recusant papist this twenty-six years. My opinion is that his place is void, but I gave order that nothing should be done against him until another hearing.

"Northampton, May 11, 12.—At my first entrance the aldermen (the mayor being newly dead) came all unto me and brought me a present. The next day, being Sunday, I observed that in time of divine service many put on their hats at morning prayer, but in the afternoon (having marked what I did in the morning) they were all bare, and so continued Monday and Tuesday, when I visited. No man boweth at the pronouncing of the name of Jesus, and it is the greatest matter they stick upon. By reason of much importunity, and ad convincendam malitiam, I have respited them until the beginning of August, having assured them that all offenders afterwards shall answer their contempts in the Court of High Commission, and I hope your Grace will be pleased to give leave. Mr. Ball, the chief minister of the town, was accused to have given the sacrament of the Eucharist to nonkneelants, but because he protested of his innocency, and offered to take his oath, and proved, by witnesses, that he had refused many in that kind, I was contented to let him escape with an admonition, and I have told him that if the town do not reform he (because his power is great amongst them) will and ought to suffer in a very high degree. I have ordered divers things in the churches and churchyards there, and have caused a legal act to be made thereon. Harrington hath been visited; it belongeth to the other Lord Stanhope, not the Earl of Chesterfield. Canon's Ashby and Adsom [Adstone] have in them but one house a-piece, viz., Sir John Dryden's and Mr. Harvey's. There is neither churchwarden nor minister, though they be parochial churches; the one of the ministers is going out of England because he will not conform, and the other is suspended for inconformity. Both the gentlemen, who are patrons, came to Northampton and, before many witnesses, made me a faithful promise to provide conformable ministers without delay, and likewise to send churchwardens to be sworn. They alleged many reasons why this latter could not be done upon the sudden, and at their earnest entreaty I have given them time for it. And Dr. Clarke hath faithfully promised me to look to this business very exactly. I make no doubt of a perfect reformation in these two places. The tomb at the upper end of Wappenham chancel is respited, because it is the tomb of the founder of a chantry there. Mr. Wilde, a commissioner, who shortly is to receive tithe in Roade, hath promised me to order the tomb in the chancel there. These two towns are Sir John Lambe's peculiars. Mr. Dod, of Fawsley, appeared not; he is 85 years of age, and faith was made that he was very sick.

"Lichfield May 15, 16.—The cathedral church is very fair, the east end of the choir, where the communion table standeth, is undecent in many respects; the organs not beautified, the pulpit and pulpit cloth exceeding mean; the house erected to teach the choristers diverted from the right use; the close of the church not well paved; the churchyard not well fenced; the bells not as they should be, and there are too many seats in the body of the church. All these things I ordered in the presence of the dean and prebendaries. I suspended Mr. Leigh of Wolverhampton for nonconformity, as also a young curate of Dr. Burgis, who wanted his canonical habit, and would not be called curate but assistant. Likewise I suspended one Mr. Pegges of Weeford ex nunc prout ex tune, in case he did not read the King's Declaration for Sports on Sunday se'nnight following. There are many great papists in these parts.

"Shrewsbury, May 20.—The magistrates here were extraordinarily observant of me, being always ready to go with me when I went abroad. The people here about are somewhat addicted to preciseness, but not very much. All the peculiars submitted to your Grace's visitation, except St. Mary's in Shrewsbury, who protested they would submit only to the King's commission. I rejected their protestation, and they were visited. The notes of the bishop of the diocese were most of them mistaken. Dr. Botton of St. Mary's is as conformable as any. Nothing could be proved against Mr. Madstar of Bridgenorth, but only that he married one couple before the canonical hour, for which I suspended him. And because I mistrusted him for some other things, I have made him believe I will call him into the High Commission Court. In all the churches in Shrewsbury many things were out of order, especially about the communion table. But the officers of every parish most willingly submitted to what I ordered. There is a chapel at St. Mary's of which there is no use at all. The fabric of it is very fair, but the roof and glass much in decay. Pity it were it should fall to utter ruin, but who is to repair it ? Whether the parish or the school is shortly to be tried in the Chancery. Mr. Bedford, the curate there, is suspended for nonconformity, but he protesteth against it, and so I let him pass with an admonition, because I could find no witness against him. Most of the great persons in this county of Shrewsbury come unto the visitation, were present at my charge, and invited me to their houses; but I troubled Sir Richard Newport only, whose house lay on my way to Stafford.

"Stafford, May 22.—No ceremony performed by the town, but only that the mayor, like a good fellow, came to sup with me. The clergy of this division is exceeding poor, but generally conformable for aught I could learn. Only Mr. Burton of St. Chad's in Stafford is much suspected, but I could prove no inconformity against him, although I questioned publicly, and I hope the better of him, because he is intimately acquainted with the diocesan. In these parts the churches and churchyards are kept very undecently, which cost me much pains in ordering of them. In Uttoxeter, a market town, the walls of the chancel were almost quite covered with verses made by one Mr. Archbold now living (who, as the common opinion is there, was 14 years of age when King Henry the VIII. died) in commendation of divers learned divines whom he hath heard preach in that church, which I ordered to be wiped out and divine sentences of Scripture to be put in their place, whereat the old gentleman was much offended. His intended monument, and a box wherein a book of his verses were kept, did much trouble that chancel. Divers churches near Stafford are turned to barns or worse. The abuse hath continued so long, that I know not whom to question for it, but some ministers near adjoining have promised me to make diligent inquiry and to inform me in Michaelmas term.

"Derby, May 25, 26.—Mr. Harvey, vicar of Hartington, a peculiar belonging to the Duchess of Buckingham, never visited before, paid xij^d for procurations with much ado. The churchwardens appeared not, but a time was given them to be sworn by Mr. Adams, a commissioner, and were excommunicated ex nunc prout ex tunc casu quo &c. Mr. Broxham, minister of Buckston [Buxton] is suspended for absence and inconformity. The chapel there, and the chapel of Dore, are both interdicted for want of consecration. Mr. Woorkeman, a curate in Derby, was heretofore unconformable, but hath not offended since he received a canonical admonition about two years since. Once he refused to assist in the perambulation of the parish, for which I have given him a canonical admonition, and done no more, because he was sorry for it, and hath promised amendment for hereafter. I was constrained to suspend one Mr. Cooke, who is in aspect a very grave man, foa using much extortion (being surrogate to the Archdeacon of Derby) and for making many very foul clandestine marriages to the great offence of the country. And because he is no graduate, I pronounced him uncapable to execute any ecclesiastical jurisdiction. There is hope that in Allhallows Church in Derby a pair of organs will be set up; I have put it in a good way. The difference concerning the school of Duffield was referred the last assizes by the judges to some gentlemen in the country, and the parties hinc inde are willing to stand to their award. The cause is long and intricate, and could not be ended by me in so short a time, especially in the absence of Sir Edward Leech, whom it doth principally concern. Mr. Stansey, curate of Wingerworth in the parish of Chesterfield, and Mr. Wickson, curate of Chapel-le-Frith, are suspended for having made many clandestine marriages. This is done only in parte pœnœ, but they are so poor that I doubt no man will prosecute against them in the High Commission Court. William Turner of Ashford in the Water is guilty of three adulteries, and doth now keep another man's wife in his house. Mr. Heathcock, the minister of that place, hath made me a faithful promise to prosecute against him in the High Commission Court. I have taken order that one Goodwin of Fairfield, who saith that to kneel at the receiving of the communion is idolatry, and one William Thorpe of Eyam (where Mr. Adams is minister), who spake bitterly against the repairing of St. Paul's, shall be prosecuted in the High Commission Court. Mr. Moore, curate of Baslow, and Mr. Wofendall, rector of Whittington, are notorious drunkards, for which I suspended them, but I absolved them the day following upon their great submission and promise of amendment, and at the earnest intercession of divers grave ministers who conceived much hope of their reformation.

"Coventry. May 28 et 29.—In my journey thither the Earl of Chesterfield made me a great feast, and professed much respect unto your Grace. The Clergy met me five miles before I came to the town, at which place of meeting Mr. Dent, one of them, made a very eloquent oration in Latin, much tending to the honour of your Grace's person and visitation. This city is wholly conformable, except some six or seven inferior, not considerable, persons. The Ministers, Mr. Panting and Mr. Carpenter, are very learned and discreet. The two churches (in one of which there is a fair pair of organs) are very beautiful and well kept, except some few decays in one of them, which I have ordered to be amended. Their freeschool and hospital are well governed. Their sermons were at such times as that every one might be at both if he pleased, and so Mr. Carpenter had no time to catechise. I have now ordered that service and sermons shall begin at one time in both churches, as is usual in other cities. The Mayor invited me to a feast before he visited me, and therefore I refused to go unto him. It is said that the Mayor is to visit the King only, yet at the last he ame in person to see me, and so I went with him to supper, where I met the Lord Bishop of the Diocese, who that morning returned into his jurisdiction. I suspended one Mr. Moore, minister of Frankton, for administering the holy communion to non-kneelants. There is a chapel in Ascott, near Ladbrooke in Warwickshire, utterly ruined, and hath been so a long time. The place is all turned into pasture, so that there are very few families, who live at random, and nobody presents them for any fault because they are of no parish. In the Trinity Chapel in Coventry I have ordered all things that are amiss. I suspended one Mr. Smith, a puritan minister of Honily. The school of Sutton Coldfield is now under commission, and the difference about it not like to be ended a long time, so that the Lord Bishop of the diocese needed not to have said anything about it.

"Worcester. June 1, 2, et 3.—In my journey thither I passed by the Wich, where the bailiffs made me two banquets, showed me the salt works, and the picture of St. Richard, whose holy day they celebrate every year with great devotion. He was Bishop of Chichester, born in the Wich, and by his intercession the salt water came into that place, as the fable goeth. The cathedral church at Worcester was much in decay until my Lord of London was Dean, who repaired it greatly in his time, and put it in so good a way that they have gone on ever since, and now they have a time set them to finish all. They have no copes, but are ordered to buy some before the Feast of the Annunciation. There is much walking in time of divine service, which they promise (upon my order) shall be amended. Their brass desk is not as it should be, and they have promised to make it better. The Bishop did not use to give the benediction at the latter end of the Morning and Evening Prayer, but it is ordered that he shall do it whensoever he is present. All the city do bury in the Cathedral churchyard, as it is at Exeter. The prebendaries have complained, and the Mayor and his brethren have promised to get a new burying place consecrated, but the churchmen are not willing to believe them. I have ordered many things to be amended in the churchyard, as it will appear by the Act made thereupon. The church of Allhallows, where I visited, is very beautiful; there are organs, singing men, second service at the communion table, &c. There are two schools in this city very well governed, one hospital only, of [on ?] which Dr. Fell is now in bestowing much cost.

"Stratford-upon-Avon.—The bailiffs of this town gave great respect unto the visitation. Here are many contentions about seats in the church. I suspended Mr. Wilson, minister of the place, for grossly particularizing in his sermons, for suffering his poultry to roost, and his hogs to lodge in the chancel, for walking in the church to con his sermon in time of divine service, &c. I think to release him after he hath stood so one quarter of a year, if your Grace be not of another opinion, because he is said to be a very good scholar, and was the son of a very grave, conformable Doctor of Divinity, and doth promise a serious amendment for the future. In Warwick (to which place they say Coventry is gone) there are two ministers; Mr. Hall, who is conformable, and Mr. Roe, an Emanuel College man, who is much suspected. I could not fasten anything upon him, though I charged him with many things. A petition was delivered to me against him, but the petitioner was proved to be a drunkard, and the contents of his petition were disproved by many of good credit.

"Gloucester. Junii 8 et 9.—Here was much solemnity, many orations, and great entertainment. In the Cathedral church many things amiss. No cope; the fabric in decay; an annuity of 20l. per annum given by one Mr. Cox is scarce well bestowed. The churchyard is much pestered with buildings. The schoolmaster refused to take his oath. He is a very good schoolmaster, but thought to be puritanical. I suspended him, but decreed the execution thereof should be stayed until they heard from me again. I visited the great hospital near Gloucester, and find that the information given to your Grace is utterly mistaken; yet some things are said to be amiss, of which I was promised a particular relation, but the promisers failed me. The Bishop made and sealed in my presence a deed of gift unto your Grace and to the Dean and Chapter of Gloucester, of all his household stuff at the Wyniard, and at his palace in Gloucester, to the use of himself whilst he lived, and of his successors after him. In these parts they are much given to straggle from their own parishes to hear strangers, which fault I have much laboured to suppress both there and elsewhere.

"Moreton in Marsh, Julii 11.—In this place very few parishes met, yet we were constrained to hold the visitation in the churchyard, because the church was so little. These parts are more free from schism than drunkenness. A widow came to be sworn churchwarden, there being in these parts an ill custom to choose churchwardens by houses. Here is a great difference between Sir Thomas Edmundes and Dr. Temple about a seat in the church of Bourton upon the Water.

"Cicester [Cirencester], Junii 13.—One Mr. Caple, who was formerly suspended, resigned a very good living before I came into the diocese. He was fellow of Magdalen's and tutor to Dr. Fruyn [Frewen]. Some ministers in these parts are much suspected for inconformity, but now every one of them doth profess conformity, and would seem ready to fight for it. Thraske hath been lately hereabouts, and laboureth much to disperse his antinomian doctrine; but doth it more in private conference than in the pulpit, where he preacheth only for faith.

"Chipping Sodbury, Junii 16.—The high sheriff of Gloucestershire met me with all his retinue many miles on the way, and conducted me to his house, where I had great entertainment. Mr. Fowler, the minister of his parish, who is called his chaplain, was absent, and 'tis thought he is factiously addicted. I have therefore suspended him until he can clear himself.

"One Mr. Kerig, curate of Marshfield, conformed himself at the visitation, protesting that his judgment is convinced. I have suspended a notorious popish schoolmaster in Ruardean in the Forest of Dean, whose name I have forgotten. Mr. Exon (of whom Mr. Dean of Christchurch complained) protesteth that he is clearly conformable, neither could Dr. Iles fasten anything upon him but some small neglects, wherein he hath promised a constant reformation.

"Winchester, Junii 19, 20, 22, et 23.—The cathedral church is very much in decay. Of late they have bestowed much money, and now are in bestowing much more. The choir is ill served, because some of the chiefest (Mr. Frost, &c.) are of the King's chapel. The almsmen are always absent, being placed by the King and dwelling far off. They have no copes. Some do not bow when they come into the choir, nor at the blessed name of Jesus. These things and many others I have ordered, and they have all so willingly submitted that I make no doubt but that all things in that quire will be in perfect order. The cloisters are mean, but I think they were never better, nor can they be well mended. Their churchyard is ill fenced, hath many houses built, and some miskins made upon it. I have decreed a reformation for all these. The state of Kalender Church [St. Mary Calender], where the bishops of Winton are installed, is declared in a paper by itself. The bishop of this diocese hath told me his clergy have given 1,700l. towards the repairing of St. Paul's, to be paid in seven years. In these parts popery doth increase more than puritanism, and many children are christened by popish priests. One Polwhele, dwelling in Winchester, is a dangerous papist. He teacheth music, and his son, of the age of 17 or 18 years, teacheth grammar in his father's house, and many who come to school there are infected by them. Likewise one Agnes Francis in St. Michael's parish in Winchester, is a dangerous schoolmistress in that kind. I have inhibited all these.

"Southampton, Junii 25.—The mayor sent me an offer of a burgess's place, which I refused, because he came not to visit me. In this diocese almost every minister was licensed to preach before the inhibition went out. I found no puritans in this place on whom anything could be fastened, yet there are many that do straggle to other parish churches from their own.

"Chichester, Junii 27 et 30.—The cathedral church somewhat out of repair, especially one tower, for the mending whereof I have limited a time. The churchyard is somewhat profaned, but not much. I have ordered timber to be removed out of it, and some doors to be shut up. I have likewise ordered divers things for reverence in the church, which before were not observed: 1. That every one shall sit bare in the church when divine service is said in the choir. 2. That there shall be no walking or talking, either in the body of the church or the aisles, in time of divine service. 3. That no man shall during that time pass through the church with his head covered, nor be covered at any time from the beginning of the service until the blessing be passed. The choir is well furnished, though their allowance be small. They present to your Grace a bill of fees to be confirmed, if in your wisdom you shall think fit. There are no copes. They are willing to buy some, but protest they are exceeding poor. They have many seats in the body of their church, but there is left between them a fair broad passage, leading straight up into the choir, and the seats on each side are very handsome. They cannot well want these seats, because the sermon is in this place, and the Lord Bishop, the Dean and Chapter, the Mayor and his brethren, &c. are to be fitted there. Yet they most readily submit to your Grace's pleasure herein. Mr. Speed, of St. Pancras in Chichester, confessed his error in being too popular in the pulpit, and is very willing the gallery in his parish church should be pulled down, which was built to receive strangers, and at their charges. He promiseth to hasten the business, and to certify at the time appointed, as also to remove the seats which stand even with the altar. For which readiness and because the dean doth assure me that he is a very good scholar, and may do much good in the church, I have forborne to proceed against him. The mayor and his brethren came not to visit me, because I lodged in the close, there being some difference between them and the dean and prebendaries. They are puritanically addicted, which caused me to convent publicly, and canonically admonish one of the aldermen for putting his hat on in time of divine service.

"Arundel, July 1.—Mr. Nye, rector of Clapham, Mr. Salisbury, curate of Warningcamp, Mr. Hill, vicar of Felpham, are so vehemently suspected to be non-conformitants, that although nothing was confessed or proved against them, I thought fit to inhibit them to preach until I could be better satisfied of them. As I was going from Arundel I was told that not long before Mr. Hill, being in his pulpit, spake unto four of his neighbours, who sate before him in one seat, that he was certain three of them should be damned. The fourth was his friend, and therefore he saved him. One of the churchwardens of Arundel, by name John Alberry, having heard my charge in the morning, at night before he went to bed, made a violent extemporary prayer, and pronounced it so loud that divers in the street did hear him. The effect was to be delivered from the persecution that was now coming upon them. The choir of the parish church of Arundel is almost quite filled with tombs of the predecessors of the Earl of Arundel, and is therefore kept locked all the year long. There is adjoining to it a chapel called Our Lady's chapel, which hath some tombs in it, and is likewise shut up all the year, so that there is a necessity of placing the communion table in an aisle of the church. I have now set it in as decent a manner as that place will afford.

"Lewes, Julii 3 et 4.—Mr. Bunyard, Maynard, Russell, and Gyles refused in open court to bow at the blessed name of Jesus, being by me questioned for it. After long conference, and late at night, they all submitted, confessing that they were convinced in their opinions, and that hereafter they would observe that law of the church and persuade others to do the like. This caused me to revoke my suspension. I inhibited one Mr. Jennings to preach any more for particularizing in the pulpit. He called one of his parishioners "arch-knave," and being questioned by me for it, he answered me that it was but a lively application. The man abused did think he had been called "notched knave," and fell out with his barber who had lately trimmed him. Mr. Harrison, once a Fellow of University College in Oxford, hath exchanged his parsonage house in Stanmer, a peculiar of South Malling Deanery, and of your Grace's donation, with Sir Richard Michelbourne, Lord of the Manor there. It may justly be feared that the church will suffer wrong in a short time. He saith it was done by special order from the last Lord Archbishop. I purpose to examine the truth hereof (because I believe it not) in Michaelmas Term next.

"Gutldford, Julii 7.—There is much faction in these parts. One Prior, a shoemaker in Guildford, is much suspected to be a conventicler. But he denied it very strongly, and I could prove nothing. Here is much straggling to strange parishes. I have given a strict charge to the churchwardens to present them all for it, and have left order in the office that they shall be severely prosecuted. Much irreverence is used in churches by putting on hats in time of divine service, not kneeling when the Ten Commandments are read, &c., and catechising is much neglected. I have beaten down these abuses as much as possibly I can.

"Kingston, Julii 9.—This town is very factious, yet the Bailiffs gave great respect unto your Grace's visitation. The church is very fair, but much obscured witha great gallery. The Bailiffs told me that money was given for the building of another gallery, but I refused to give leave for the setting of it up. There are divers in Surrey that refuse to read the King's declaration for lawful sports on Sundays, beside those that stand suspended for that fault. Dr. Howell, a very worthy divine, gave me a note of their names. They are Mr. Whitfield of Ockley, Mr. Geary of Wonersh, Mr. Wood of Pepper-harrow, and Mr. Farrell of Pirbright; all of them are of the lecture of Guildford, and some of them of the lecture at Dorking.

"Southwark, Julii 14.—In this place was the smallest meeting of all, being but of thirteen parishes. All the ministers appeared, but only Dr. Paske, for whose absence no cause was so much as alleged. I have decreed him to be suspended, but because I know him to be both discreet and conformable, I have stayed the execution thereof for a time, presuming he had some just cause to be absent."

A peculiarity of this time which becomes very apparent in the present volume is the number of cases of what were presumed to be grievances affecting ecclesiastical persons which were brought before the Council, and were dealt with by them in a summary manner. The case of Stradbroke in Suffolk is an example. The Rev. James Bucke, the vicar, complained that a lease of the impropriate rectory having been obtained for the augmentation of his living, the trustees taking offence at his endeavours to bring his parishioners to conformity, applied the profits of the lease to other purposes, and gave out that they would deal with them at their pleasure. After what in these days would be deemed very insufficient investigation, the Council held that the Trustees had committed a manifest and foul breach of trust, and directed the Lord Privy Seal to unite with Archbishop Laud and some others, to whom the King had referred the matter, in ordering the same for the good of the vicar (pp. 528, 567 (2).) This is only one case, but there are many others of the same kind in the course of this volume.

Ecclesiastical matters indeed occupy more and more of our space. The Primate's dealings with the foreign churches come before us in many papers. One letter of the Archbishop upon this subject, which we have calendared very fully at p. 340, is a striking example of the way in which he managed to do what he thought right, in such manner as necessarily to make himself unpopular. Many of the cases in the High Commission will be found to be extremely important; those, for example, of Abbott (p. 185, 189), Egerton (p. 187), Workman (p. 194), Middleton and Thorne (p. 203), South (p. 203, 234), Sir Robert Howard and Lady Purbeck (pp. 181, 190, 197 (2), 202, 205, 227, 384), Murray (p. 212), Hill (p. 228), Chauncey (p. 489), and others. A paper also (at p. 394), containing an account of the services of the celebrated Dr. Roger Mainwaring at Worcester (by way of petition for a bishopric—which he obtained) is worthy of attention. On a former occasion we commented on the leaning of Archbishop Laud towards peculiar severity in his sentences in the Star Chamber. It is a pleasure to record an instance to the contrary. James Maxwell and Alice, his wife, persons attached to the Court, were deemed to have libelled the Lord Keeper. Lord Cottington moved for fines of 3,000l. to the King and the Lord Keeper; Lord Chief Baron Davenport wished, in addition, that the woman should be whipped; Lord Chief Justice Finch concurred in the suggestion of his learned brother. Sec. Windebank improved upon their cruelty by proposing that she should be whipped both in London and in her own county of Kent, which was concurred in by Sec. Coke. Sir Henry Vane, Sir Thomas Edmondes, and Archbishop Neile were all for the double whipping. From the disgrace of such a sentence the Court was rescued by the Earls of Carlisle, Bridgewater, Pembroke and Montgomery, Arundel, the Duke of Lennox, and finally, to his credit, by Archbishop Laud (p. 31).

The King's attention to public business appears in almost every page. There is very little written matter in the volume that proceeded from him, but it is full of his opinions, his resolves, and occasionally his very words. Everything reported of his conduct in state affairs exhibits him as a quick, clever man, full of sense and shrewdness, and ever animated by a regard for strict literal justice,— which is too often, as everybody knows, the very acme of injustice. In small matters in which he did not take advice, he was accustomed to utter offhand his expressions of opinion, in a rapid, unreflecting way, and when, as frequently happened, he thus involved himself in difficulties, he too often sought extrication by flying to distinctions and little quibbling sophistries which justly brought upon him charges of disingenuousness and insincerity. Occasionally a little perversity of temper showed itself in his dealings with those about him, which strangely puzzled and baffled those who were not acquainted with it. Examples have occurred in our previous volumes, and there are several in the present. One which happened to Nicholas is related at p. 330. Some people about the King had procured from him an authority or patent to investigate the old accounts respecting prizes taken early in the reign, during the wars with Spain and France, under the authority of letters of marque. It was hoped that the investigation would produce money to the Crown, of which the patentees were, of course, to have a share. The attempt excited a great outcry, and when the patentees began to call for these old accounts, vehement complaints were sent in from the outports. During his Majesty's absence from London, on a hunting expedition in the New Forest, Sec. Windebank wrote to him on this subject, and sent the letter by Nicholas, who, as Secretary of the Admiralty, was intimately acquainted with the business. Nicholas delivered the letter to his Majesty, who read it, and told Nicholas to wait upon him "in the New Forest, where he dined." At the time appointed Nicholas presented himself and explained the subject, and especially dwelt on the great discouragement it would be on any future occasion to persons inclined to set forth ships of war, if their accounts were to be reopened long after the wars were ended, and the prize tenths paid. The King heard him in a cold, sulky silence. Nicholas tried again with some further explanations, but could extract little or no answer. Tired of his unpleasant interview, he suggested, by way of putting an end to it, that perhaps his Majesty would have the business further considered at his coming to Windsor. The King answered "Well," and so the audience ended. Nicholas had with him a paper on another subject of some moment, but was glad enough to get away without producing it. "I can frame no judgment on this," he reported to Windebank, "and therefore send your Honour this bare relation only of what I have done, which I beseech you to vouchsafe to accept, as the best account I can give of it." (p. 330.)

The miscellaneous papers in this volume will be found even more valuable than those in its predecessors. A few references here and there will satisfy every one what a curious hoard of historical truth is here laid open. At p. 260 is a very remarkable letter addressed to the elder Sir Henry Vane from his son, the younger Sir Henry, on his making preparations for his departure to New England. The prejudices excited in the mind of the father, an officer in a court in which Archbishop Laud was predominant, by the rigid puritanism of his son, led him to imagine strange things against his son, who thus vindicated himself:—

Sir Henry Vane the younger to his Father.

Dom. Car. I., Vol. CCXCIII., No. 63. Extract.

"Sir, believe this from one that hath the honour to be your son (though, as the case stands, judged to be a most unworthy one), that howsomever you may be jealous of circumventions and plots that I entertain and practise, yet that I will never do anything (by God's good grace) which both with honour and a good conscience I may not justify, or be content most willingly to suffer for. And, were it not that I am very confident that as surely as there is truth in God, so surely shall my innocency and integrity be cleared to you before you die, I protest to you ingenuously that the jealousy you have of me would break my heart; but as I submit all other things to the disposal of my good God, so do I also my honesty amongst the rest, and though I must confess I am compassed about with many infirmities, and am but too great a blemish to the religion I do profess, yet the bent and intention of my heart I am sure is sincere, and from hence flows the sweet peace I enjoy with my God amidst these many and heavy trials, which now fall upon me and attend me. This is my only support in my loss of all other things, and this I doubt not of, but that I have an all-sufficient God able to protect me, direct me, and reward me, and which in his due time will do it, and that in the eyes of all my friends."

Garrard, in a letter printed in full at p. 340, attributes what he esteemed to be young Vane's religious crotchets to his education at Leyden.

Walter Montagu, another wanderer from the paternal fold for conscience sake, appears here in a copy, or perhaps the draft, of his letter to his father, the Earl of Manchester, on his conversion to Roman Catholicism (p. 497). His contemporaries attributed his conversion rather to vanity than to conviction, and saw but little merit in his letter of defence.

At pp. 451, 478, we have two valuable letters of Ulick Earl of Clanrickard, in connection with the illness and death of his father, Richard Earl of Clanrickard and St. Alban's, an event which was attributed to the persecution he sustained at the hands of Lord Wentworth. "This young nobleman," remarked the imperious Lord Deputy, "speaks very loud concerning me, yet I am too "far off to hear him." (Strafford Letters, Vol. I., p. 495.)

One of Sir Henry Wotton's excellent letters, written, as we have supposed, to Lord Cottington on a prevalent rumour that he was to be appointed Lord Treasurer, will be sure to attract attention (p. 413); so also will one from the Friar Francis à Sancta Clara [Christopher Davenport], which gives information respecting Panzani and the Roman movements for English conversion, and also respecting the Friar's famous book "Deus, Natura, Gratia" (p. 488). A letter of Archbishop Laud to Archbishop Spottiswood at p. 522 is a singular monument of the indiscretion of the English prelate. To have written in such terms to the head of another Church—the Church of a people zealous and sensitive of English interference, especially in matters of conscience, proves his curious ignorance of the character of the people upon whom he was about to impose what they esteemed to be almost a new religion.

"Archbishop Laud to Archbishop Spottiswood.

Dom. Car I., Vo. CCCIII., No. 11.

Salutem in Christo.

"My very good Lord,

"I have but one thing at this present to trouble you with, but that hath much displeased the King, and not without very just cause. For now while the King is settling that Church against all things that were defective in it, and against the continuance of all unwarrantable customs, unknown to or opposed by the ancient Church of Christ, the new Bishop of Aberdeen hath given way to and allowed a public fast throughout his diocese to be kept upon the Lord's Day, contrary to the rules of Christianity and all the ancient canons of the Church. I was in good hope that Church had quite laid down that ill custom, but since it appears the now Bishop of Aberdeen hath continued it, and perhaps others may follow his example if this pass without a check, therefore his Majesty's express will and command to your Grace is, that you and my Lord of Glasgow take order with all the Bishops in your several provinces respectively, that no man presume to command or suffer any fast to be upon that day, or indeed any public fast upon any other day, without the especial leave and command of the King, to whose power it belongs and not to them. And further his Majesty's will and pleasure is that if the canons be not already printed, as I presume they are not, that you make a canon purposely against this unworthy custom and see it printed with the rest. And that you write a short letter to the Bishop of Aberdeen to let him understand how he hath overshot himself, which letter you may send together with these of mine if you so please. This is all which for the present I have to trouble you with, therefore leaving you to God's blessed protection, I rest your Grace's very loving friend and brother, W. Cant."

A letter of Sir Thomas Wroth to Dr. Stoughton on the state and prospects of puritanism is remarkable not only for the condition of alarm which it discloses, but for the fact that by way of concealment, the writer addressed his letter not to his correspondent Dr. Stoughton, but to Lady Elizabeth Cleere, at her house in Coleman Street (p. 377.)

At p. 366 we have a royal letter for the preservation of Thomas Bushell's curious rock and water works at Enstone in Oxfordshire, "a rarity of nature," as it is termed, ornated with groves, walks, fish-ponds, gardens, and water works" which the King had recently visited. At p. 404 is a grant to Archibald Lumsden for the sole furnishing of all "malls," bowls, scoops, and other necessaries for the game of pall mall, within his grounds in St. James's Fields. Pall mall, it may be remarked, was a larger kind of croquet, and many of the implements with which it was played were of the same kind as those used in the modern game. At p. 385 we are told of a lottery set up in Smithfield "for bringing water in an arched vault from about Hoddesdon, 17 miles to London." The returns of strangers domiciled in London contain many curious entries; the notices of Vandyke (p. 592) and Le Sueur (p. 593) will of course be observed. From that of Le Sueur we find that he was born in Paris, came to England in 1630, dwelt in the parish of St. Bartholomew the Great, and in 1635 had three children and an establishment of four men servants, probably employed by him in connexiou with the labours of his profession (p. 596.)

At p. 443 will be found Lord Wimbledon's letter recommending the people of Portsmouth to take down the signs before their inns and houses, that they might not interfere with the sight of the King's "figure or statue" (probably the bust inserted in the town wall or some other building at the end of the High Street), and intimating that he should command the officers and soldiers of the garrison not to pass by it without putting off their hats.

Notices occur of George Wither's Hymns at p. 118, and of Sandys's Paraphrases at p. 523; at p. 483 is a Report of the Stationers' Company, on a petition of Journeymen Printers, which gives a good deal of information respecting the numbers of the impressions of books and the usages of the printing trade. An impression of what was probably one of poet Donne's seals occurs at p. 358. "Not long before his death," remarks Isaac Walton, "he caused to be drawn a figure of the body of Christ extended upon an anchor . . . . . this he caused to be drawn in little, and then many of those figures thus drawn to be engraven very small in helio-tropium stones and set in gold; and of these he sent to many of his dearest friends to be used as seals or rings, and kept as memorials of him and of his affection to them." (Walton's Lives, p. 53, ed. 1823). Notices of Anne Vaux, well known in connexion with the Gunpowder Treason, and the friend of the Jesuit Garnet, occur at pp. 302, 420; of Praise Barbone (known afterwards as Praise God Barebones) at p. 609; and of various old trees used as sea marks, at pp. 310, 410 (2), 412 (2). There are many papers relating to the great ship then on the stocks—the future Sovereign of the Seas—which the Index will disclose; there are several papers also about Robert Lesley's patent for establishing an office for recovering fines incurred by profane swearers, and a curious proof of the rate at which these obnoxious privileges were obtained, and the severity with which they were enforced, in an obligation entered into by Lesley to Secretary Windebank to pay him 1,000l. as soon as the office was established, and 200l. per annum during its continuance.

A treatise by Lord Herbert of Cherbury on the Ecclesiastical Supremacy, occurs at p. 71, and the development of Secretary Coke's great reform of the system of transmitting letters, which was the foundation of our old mode of forwarding letter bags, at pp. 166, 299. In a former Preface we noticed this great public improvement as under consideration. We now find it put into practice. Coke's labours in this respect entitle him to take rank among unquestionable public benefactors.

Mr. William Douglas Hamilton and Mr. Alfred Lowson have continued their valuable assistance to the Editor throughout the present volume. Mr. Hamilton labours principally on the undated papers and the acts of the High Commission, both very important and difficult portions of our work; Mr. Lowson compiles the Index, and is always ready to render any other assistance with unfailing industry and intelligence.

John Bruce.

1st March 1865.