State Papers, 1654
August (1 of 5)

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History of Parliament Trust

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Thomas Birch (editor)

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1742

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'State Papers, 1654: August (1 of 5)', A collection of the State Papers of John Thurloe, volume 2: 1654 (1742), pp. 509-518. URL: http://www.british-history.ac.uk/report.aspx?compid=55336 Date accessed: 30 August 2014.


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August (1 of 5)

Mr. Bradshaw, resident at Hamburgh, to secretary Thurloe.

Vol. xvii. p. 1.

Sir,
By the last post I remitted you duplicates of some letters of importance, which went per the former.

It's now two posts since I received any from you, which gives me to beleeve you are too full of businesse to be diverted longe. I shall not therefore truble you further at present, but remayne, Sir,

Hamburgh, primo Aug. 1654.

Your humble servante,
Richard Bradshaw.

I have heard nothinge yet from the gentleman since he departed hence for the Spa. I am glad to heare of soe good an election of parliament-men.

Intelligence from resident Bradshaw.

Primo Aug. 1654. S. V.

Vol. xvii. p. 5.

From Bremen no other news, but that Koningsmark being recruited with fresh men, hath retaken the fort called Toninghasen (which the Bremers lately took from them) by force, having killed eighty men, and taken seventy prisoners: the certainty thereof by the next. Some two or three thousand men at the most are yet expected out of Sweden, to regain such places as the Bremers have lately taken and retaken from them, and thereby to vindicate the affront done to the crown, which the present king hath avowed to revenge, though it cost him very dear. The resigned queen is arrived at Antwerp, beyond the common opinion, who supposed (as indeed she gave out herself) that she would have gone for Holland. Her majesty hath taken up her lodging there by a Portuguese, and will continue at the place for the space of three months. The king of Denmark was at Altena the last week: it was supposed his majesty would have come into this town; but he went back again, and continues yet at Gluckstadt.

A letter to Mynheer Gysbert van Berestein.

Delst, 11/1 of Aug. 1654. [N. S.]

Vol. xvii. p. 19.

Sir,
The deduction of Holland in justification of their act of seclusion doth please and give content to all honest Hollanders. The pulpits do seem to be possess'd with perverse spirits. Yesterday a minister was sent for before the council, to make declaration of what he had said in the pulpit, of an answer, that was already made to it, which was printing; but he excused himself, that he was not the author, only he heard such a thing was a printing: thereupon he was dismissed.

Bordeaux, the French embassador in England, to Chanut, the French embassador in Holland.

Vol. xvii. p. 7.

My Lord,
I could wish, that the consequence of my negotiation may confirm you in the opinion, which you have of my moderation, and in the hope, which my former letters have given you of a happy success of those affairs, which have been committed unto me. My last, without doubt, hath made you to change your opinion, and prepared you for the news of this post, which will tell you, that after several conferences and particular discourses had, I do find no great inclination here to a peace, and my negotiation to stand very doubtful; and if so be that his highness will insist upon what my commissioners have declared unto me to be the intention of his highness, we are not like to come to an agreement. The letter of Zealand hath not given any satisfaction to the protector; and I make no doubt, if the differences increase in your parts, and that the affairs there be brought to an extremity, but that the protector will give assistance to those of Holland.

I long very much to hear the event of the fight, that was to be with the Spanish army, whereof the earl of Brienne writ me word in his last letter.

11/1. Aug. 1654. [N. S.]

A paper of colonel Bampfylde's.

The condition and designements of the titular king of Scots, and of those abroade, whoe are interessed in his affayres.

Vol. xxxii. p. 401.

His councille are his mother, the duke of Yorke, prince Rupert, the duke of Buckingham, the marquis of Ormonde, the earle of Rochester, the lords Percye, Jermin, Inchequin, Taff lately made, and Sir Edward Hide.

The foure firste, together with Jermin, are of a faction directly opposite to Hyde and the other party, who for the present intyrely governe in his councills; and theyr designes seem to be as different as theyr inclinations. Ormonde, Hide, and theyr party have, contrary to the sence of the reste, advised and prevayled with theyr king totally abandon both the party and principles of the presbiterians, and to relye intyrely upon his old episcopall party, which they perswade him comprehends the nobillity, gentry, and bulke of the kingdome of England, whoe would not rise with him in his late march into England, because he was believed to goe upon grounds disagreeable both to theyr affections, inter ests, and to the goode of the nation, and inconsistent with the ancient constitutions both of church and state: and to this purpose, aboute a year and halfe since, or a little more, there was employed over to him one Sir Gilbert Talbott with letters of creditt, and to strengthen them with a considerable some of mony from divers persons of consideration in this commonwealth to his majestie, with assurance, that if he woulde retyre to his first principles, and intruste the secret management of his affayres to such hands aboute him, as his frends might securely confide in, they woulde adventure both theyr lives and fortunes for his recovery. To second this, immediately after, one colonel Phillips was employ'd to him by others to the same purpose: and allbeit I beleve there was much of reallity in theise messages, yet I doe not doubt, but that the persons and theyr designes were represented by Hide and Ormonde, (whoe procured themselves to be recommended as fittest for truste) with greater advantages, then either could produce for the strengthening of theyr owne credit with their master; by which means they weaned theyr king from the government of his mother's councille, and have ever since bownde him absolutely up to theyr owne sence. The foundation of all theyr designes (as I have formerly mentioned) was to have caste himselfe totally one the episcopall party, that being likelyest to engage England. As for Scotland, it being (to use theyr owne phrase) under the slavery of the English conquest, they woulde now embrace theyr king's interest upon his owne terms, to free themselves from their present bandage: besides, Midleton and Glencarne, to get themselves into the chief power of managing all affayres relating to the king's recovery in that nation, undertook his service there, upon the aforementioned conditions.

Theyr designes for England were, first, the getting of a constant contribution of monyes for theyr king's supporte, from some of his friends, who were able and willing to spare it; the second, that they showlde rayse a banke of mony to be employed towards the accommodation and mayntaynance of forces, when occasion showlde serve.

The third was to prepare partyes in all parts of the kingdome to rise, to lay designes for the possessing guarrisons, where they showlde receive advertisments from theyr king, that it was seasonable.

The fourth was to use all possible means to engage some considerable person of the English armye, which wowlde bee both great security and encouragement to all others.

The fifth was the killing of the lord protector. This particular admitted of much dispute. Those whoe were for it aleadged, that the taking of his highness away woulde beget great confusion and contest, and soe give a very convenient opportunity at that present conjuncture of tyme for all the king's frends to rise.

Others were of oppinion, that if attempted, the designe was equally probable to fayle as to succeed; and if it did miscarry, wowlde pull a great disreputation and prejudice both upon his person, cause, and party: if it did take effect, and yet fayle in the mayne end of producing his recovery, it woulde in all likelyhoode sacrifice his party, through the vindicative rage of the soldiery, and fix a perpetual odium both upon him and his business; and that it might rather hinder then contribute to his restauration, in that some other (to use their owne words) of equal parts, and less obnoxious to the universality of the nation, woulde probably succeed in the lord protector's place.

As to the first, of raysing money for theyr king's subsistance, he hath received, theise tawe years past, (which his mother and Jermyn hath knowne of, besides what they have not been privye to) 14 or 15000 l. sterling per annum out of England. Theise somes following I have knowne, of from Mr. Seymour, about a year and a halse since, a thousand pounds; by Sir Gilbert Tallbot, about the same tyme, eightteen hundred pounds; by Mr. Villars, about fourteen or fifteen months since, either five or six hundred pounds to the king, besides some that he was permitted to reserve for himselfe: moneys were several tymes returned by Mr. Ashburneham, but what somes I knowe not; and by colonel Phillips: twice Mr. Seymoure brought over a considerable some, when he was lately there; but how much, I could not learne.

As to the second, of raysing a bancke of money for the publique use, I can say noe more, but that I have been informed from a very goode hand, that a hundred thousand pound were agreed upon to bee raysed for that purpose, upon the accounte of not many persons in number; but whither it was put in execution or not, I am not certayne, he, whoe was the chiefe promoter of it, being since dead. And in Walles, I have been tolde, the same course was agreed upon, thowgh for a smaller some.

Touching the third, concerning the preparing of partyes to rise, and of seizing upon garisons, when it showlde be judged seasonable, I knowe their has been much labouring in it; many emisaries have been sent to and froe, some of quality, that I have knowne, and many, that have met the king privately at my lord Hatton's, at the Twilleryes, at six a clock in the morninge, and at Jardin Renarde, especially this springe, that no man could discover but those particularly trusted; besides, I have seen great assurance, when I was in Scotland, written thither, of great and almoste infallible signes, which he hath layd in England. The persons employed in the agitation of his business, whoe I have come to the knowledge of, are Mr. Seymore, Mr. Villars, Mr. Ashburnham; col. Phillips, col. Myart, col. Digby, col. Morgan, and major Armorer. The chiefe places, where they had designed rising, (which I have heard of) were the West and the North. Of the designe in the North I had more particular knowledge then of the other. Newcastle was to have been possessed by landing some men there in some of the colliers ships, whoe were treated with to that purpose, whoe, they say, doe nowe pass Tinmouth-castle withoute either examination or searche, if they are knowne to be colliers belonging to the towne; soe that the men being stowed under deckes, they might remayne privately there, till in the night-tyme they might have landed and possessed the magazine and castle, where the king was informed there were store of armes and ammunition. This was so designed, as that the possession of it woulde have raysed the North of England, and the South of Scotland, whoe (by theyr computation, that were the designers) woulde have sufficient tyme to drawe to an orderly bodye, and fix themselves either for defence or offence, as they should judge moste expedient, before any considerable bodie of the forces of the commonwealth coulde give them interuption. A designe then was allso upon Carlile, but by what or by whome, I coulde never learne. Concerning the business of the West, I can say noe more of it, then that one of Fitz James his undertaking was the possessing of Portsmouth, which was to have been accomplished, as himselfe sayd, by giving a considerable some of mony in hand to a person, whome he woulde not name, and the assurance of a great pension, whenever the king recovered. Colonel Digby, Mr. Seymor, colonel Phillips, and Mr. Asheburneham, have had the transaction of the Westerne business. Some other designe of importance their was layd in London, which they have much rejoyced has never come into suspition, notwithstanding the late discovery.

As to the fourth, I may be able to say more hereafter, then I shall for the present.

To the fifth, concerning the assassination of the lord protector, I shall not need to say more concerning it, then what has been already informed and manifested, then that Mr. Gerard was very kinde to his master, to declare at his death, that he knew nothing of it, or at least approved not of it, since, to my positive knowledge, my lord Gerard and one of the king's chaplaynes were put upon another, to perswade him to undertake the conduct of the designe, assuring him that their were persons in England resolved upon the execution, soe the king would but send his commands concerning in it, as to the tyme and other circumstances, and employ a person of wit and resolution for the governing thereof. And this was agreed upon him, even thowgh he fell in the attempt, as a pious, virtuous, and glorious enterprize, long before Gerard or Fitz James came over; and the king was then soe farr from disapproving the effect, that he put them to perswade it, and met with the person to treat with him about it; but finding him more unapt then he expected, left him unsatisfied. For Jack Gerrard, he mett with the king in my lord Gerard's chamber two or three nights after his arrivall at Paris, about ten of the clock discoursed with him about it, and with Fitz James aparte, concerning all his designes; for he came full fraught with variety of projects. There were present in the chamber colonel Whitlye, lord Gerard, captain Griffin, Fitz James, and major Gerard. Hinshawe came over before the other applyed himselfe to one Mons. Chockey, a Frenchman, prince Robert's agent, and by his means had access to the prince, proposed his design to him, with what he desired. The prince acquainted the king therewith, whoe approved his undertaking, was resolved to speake to him about it, as soone as he could find a conveniencye; in the interem, advertisement came to the king out of England, that Hinshaw was employ'd thence by his enemies, and that his undertakings were but to abuse him. Upon this the king gave the prince caution of him, and my lord Gerard his cozen; but he justifyed him as a brave and an honest man, and one whoe was reall in what he pretended. Upon this you may relye, that the king both knew of it, approved of it, and looked upon it as the only and most necessary means to set all his other designes in motion; and of this particular I shall say more to confirme you in the assurance of it (if you are doubtfull, or the visibility of it bee needfull) hereafter, then is convenient in paper: only this I shall ad, which I had forgotten before, that towe cittyens, whoe fled upon the alarme, that some were apprehended, who had a designe upon the lord protector's person, when they heard in prints all that was discovered, sayd, their was another designe agaynst his highness by other persons, which they perceaved was not suspected. This they said in the garden at the pallace royall to my lord Gerard, colonel Whitly, colonel Barkley, one Mr. Floyde, and myself; the king, not long before his parting, (having till then been upon very ill termes with his mother, and communicated little or nothing of his affayres with hir) seeming to be very ingenious with hir, and to declare all the particulars of his business to hir, except one thing, which he said was of great moment, that he was bounde to conceall by the highest tyes of secrecye, it was designed, that all showlde breake out in the beginning of the somer; and I am confident had, (let the success have been what God would have permitted) if the discovery of some parte of it, in allmoste the very exigent of tyme, in which it was to be in practice, had not prevented it, and for the present deferred it. The best wayes to prove the particulars I have here mentioned, to discover what only in generall is inserted, and to prevent the reasuming of theise designes hereafter, I shall acquaint you with, when I know the particular quæryes relating hereunto, that you desire satisfaction in.

My lady Stanhop gives intelligence to her brother the lord Newburgh, and maynteynes correspondence betwixt the Scots king and others here. Some things she has given advertisement of, which are seiyd to have come from Mr. Peeters, rather, as I beleive, throwgh want of secrecye then fidility.

The lady Rochester pretends to have the information of divers things likewise from him: she brought a messenger to the king particularly (as the queen tolet me) from the earle of Warwick. She was trusted from others.

My lady Isabella Thinis holds a constant correspondence with the marquess of Ormonde. I saw a part of one of hir letters to him.

My lady Morton holds correspondence with Sir Edward Hide and Sir Jo. Barckley. I have seen many of hir letters to the one. The countess of Newport keeps correspondence betwixt the king and some of the nobility. She was a little more then twelve months since at Brucels to that end, not thinking fit to goe to Paris, for fear of suspition.

Lord Bellasis, Mr. Russell, and Sir William Compton, are certaynly believed to be engaged in the king's business. The circumstances, which induce both others as well as mee to be of that oppinion, I have given you soe fully, that I need not recite them.

My lord Lothian held a correspondence, sent in August twelve month the minister of Newbottle (the place where he lives) to the king. He came over in the habit of the soldier; his name is Layton: I sawe him both at Antwerpe and Paris.

My lord Roxborowe has sent excuses (for some things he has done to preserve himself in a capacity to act upon occasion) and messages to the king, to assure him of his constant affections to the king. He made many excuses to mee tow years since, with great protestation of fidelity; and by his cousin Will. Dromond, now in armes in Highlands, he sent a message to the king, a year since; but I believe he holds noe constant correspondence.

My lord Traquaire was privye to and gave counsel in transactions, in reference to the king's service in Scotland, for near these towe years paste; particularly he had a hand in major Rutherford's dispatch to the king aboute Christmass was twelve month, whoe, although he was prisoner, and no papers sounde aboute him, had credentiall letters in white inke, which he sent before him by the poste, directed to one Mooet, a merchand in Paris. My lord Traquaire had allsoe a hand in Sir William Bellendine's dispatch three weekes or a month after Rutherford's, whoe was concealed in London by a lady, and by her a pass procured him for his conveyance into France, and a message sent by him from hir to the king, to desire him to receive noe ill impressions from hir applications to my lord protector, (whoe was then general) since she did it only to be in a capacity to serve the king and his friends. She has conveyed many others out of the kingdome.

Captain Howarde, at the tyme of duke Hamilton's ingagement some years since, tooke commisions from the duke for a regiment of horse, and another of foote: coll. Atkins, whoe married one of his sisters, was to command the foote. After he heard of the defeat at Preston, he went to the parliament's committee at Newcastle, and profferred them his service, and did intercept many of the Scots in theyr returne home, and afterwards made great excuses for his soe doing, and equall professions of affection to the king. This if it be doubted, I can name several witnesses of quality and neighbours, that were at that tyme for the king, whoe has lately wrote a letter to him (but I cannot say he has received it, the coppy of which I have seen) to engage him in his service, when he shall have a prudent occasion: but I have been soe particular with you in this, as it woulde be superfluous to ad more here. Thowgh this may not be worth your fear, it may deserve your care.

Touching the late designe, I have advertised you of many, who have knowledge of it: amongst them Mr. William Ashburneham and Mr. Seymor are very capable of being terrifyed by menacing into a confession of all. This way you may trye them, as I shall another, which peradventure may give you more light, ere it be longe.

Whither there is like to bee a good accorde betwixt the towe princesses of Orange, the duke of Brandenburg, counte William, which is one of the chiefe designes, I shall (I believe) learne from Ballarres, with whome I intend to meet; and what influence it may have upon the provinces, and all upon ths Scotts king's business.

I acquainted you with the debate held about the Highlanders, when your newes came to the Pallace Royal of that peace betwixt the English and the Dutch, that since their was noe hopes of foraigne assistance, and consequently as little of their holding oute, that before they were forced to it, the king should give them private leave to capitulate; that soe they might preserve themselves free from garisons and all other restraints, till a more prudent occasion shoulde serve. The arguments used by Ormond and Hide agaynest it, were, that theyr continueing in armes woulde divert the greatest part of the English force, and give the greater advantages to theyr designes in England. Care may bee had, that since they are neer reduced, that they have not the same designe still of keeping themselves in reserve for hereafter. More of this I shall, I hope, advertise you of, when I knowe from Ballcarries, (as I believe I shall) what course they are upon, in reference to Scotland.

A letter of intelligence from Paris.

Paris, 12. Aug. 1654. [N. S.]

Vol. xvii. p. 15.

Sir,
It will not be amiss to give you the comfortable notice, that the state of things is very well changed since this morning in these parts, in which many people rose with sad hearts, and solicitous faces, and such a muse, just as you had in England on the eclipse last talk'd of before yours in the year 1652. for we had all the tricks play'd with our poor vulgar now, as you had then: books and pictures set out with calculations and disputes about them, full of hard terms, and harder presages, and disasters enough to make a dull people mad; and therefore much more a warm-pated nation, especially falling in such a warm month as this did.

I had lately a letter from my friend at Heydelberg, who writ me word, that prince Rupert is gone thence; some guess, on resolutions to serve the emperor, though others think he will settle on his plantation, his brother having given him lands to the quantity of twenty English miles in compass. Whichsoever of these projects succeeds, it seemeth he intendeth not his cousin's service, of whom there is nothing lately, being still at the Spa.

The king of France, having at length reduced Stenay, is now at leisure to attend the Arras business intirely, whither he is now gone, and is considently reckoned twenty-five strong, which is equal in number with the Spaniards, who have been wonderfully recruited with very considerable convoys. Their last attempt was on a counterscarp, which was so stoutly defended, that they lost 900 there, before it was taken. The French within the town have secured the inhabitants as all earnest for the Spaniard. It is conceived, the place is able to hold out three weeks or a month longer; but it is supposed, that the French without will engage the Spaniards in their trenches before that time.

A letter of intelligence from Mr. Augier's secretary.

Paris, 12. Aug. 1654. [N. S.]

Vol. xvii. p. 31.

The last letters come from Stenay confirm what I had the honour to inform you by my last; adding, that the besieged had only begun to compound, after a great breach a mine had made; that the capitulation had been made with a Spanish command; and that the count of Chamilli had particularly laboured to his peace, and had taken the king's amnesty by surrendering the place: whereupon the garison withdrew itself to Monmedy. We are moreover informed by letters from Sedan of the sixth of this instant, stylo novo, that the king and cardinal Mazarin were returned there from Stenay at midnight; and that the court intended to part from thence within two days for Rethel, and from thence to la Fere, and from la Fere to Peronne; through all which places they will try to increase their troops; that those of Guienne being arrived, they might all join M. de Turenne, for the relief of Arras; whereunto their majesties are resolved, although they were forced to assault the Spanish trenches this way: also the said mareschal's resolution by the last letters came from his camp, and we see he grounded himself upon the diversity of nations, whereof the besiegers army is composed; amongst which there were some, which will not fight, and will willingly cast themselves in the French party. But the resolution of assaulting in this manner is very hard to believe, unless the said court hath great intelligences amongst the said besiegers. And by reason there is some likelihood this place will have been taken before the relief, which is to come from Guienne and other parts, will have joined the said mareschal, some are of opinion, that a fight will only be given after the loss of the place, there being no question, but that the French are wholly disposed thereunto. The said letters from their camp bear, that divers encounters were daily made, wherein many were killed; and that they did often take some little convoys going to Arras, where both the besiegers and the besieged had been two days without shooting. Whereupon it is noted by some letters from Valenciennes, that the besieged compounded; but it is not believed. I am informed, that two thousand men of the troops of Guienne have certainly passed to Mante for the said junction.

Other news, confirmed by divers letters from Nantes, arrived here yesterday, bears, that the cardinal of Retz, having heard that orders had been given to keep him a closer prisoner, had escaped out of the castle of that place, and had withdrawn himself in Belle-isle, with his brother, who is lord thereof, accompanied with eight of his friends, who mounted him upon a fine horse in a place assigned, whither he went after he had saved himself. The business is very considerable, and some imagine it hath relation to England. This is all we have at present. Some tell me, that the queen of Sweden's rendezvous at Spa, is to conser about a marriage between the king of Swedland and the prince of Orange's widow; and that those who are interested therein, will do well to take notice thereof.

We hear by the last letters from Germany, that the emperor purposed to crown his second son king of Bohemia and Hungaria.

The embassador of Venice here hath demanded leave to cause the raising of some levies for his commonwealth; but the king hath answered, that he had need of his men in this conjuncture of affairs.

Monsieur Petit to Monsieur Augier.

Paris, 12. Aug. 1654. [N. S.]

Vol. xvii. p. 27.

Mr. du Vestrick's man is returned from court, with the consent he went to fetch concerning the business of Nismes, whereby all the differences seem to be ended. It were much to be desired, that all the Protestant party here should receive the same dealing: but as far as I perceive, nothing but mere force is considerable here. The other deputies have retired their remonstrances out of M. d'Aligre's hands, where the deputy of Aiguieres was yesterday treated as mutinous by the said M. d'Aligre's secretary, who told him, they were swelled with temerity, now they saw the English armado, as though they were always to be feared. I believe the said M. du Vestrick will soon return home: whereupon I will with God's help more particularly entertain you by my next.

Our merchants of Honfleur have only obtained main-levée, according as I had the honour to inform Mr. Thurloe by my last: but there are no charges to recover, as we had pretended.

I see at this instant by letters of our merchants at St. Malo of the eighth of August, that the town-council had that day met, and that they had resolved to write unto the count of Brienne, to give orders to their syndics to release the goods of the English upon bail; insomuch that I think all will go well.

A letter of intelligence.

Spa, 12. Aug. 1654. [N. S.]

Vol. xvii. p. 123.

Sir,
By my former you had of my arrival here, where I am still making my approaches to the work, which I hope to gain within a few days; for I have already access to R. C. his court, and I am confident very shortly to give you some account of his affairs.

Of the moneys you sent to me, being but twenty pounds, I disbursed the most part to put myself in an equipage to follow R. C. where-ever he goes; and in case he shall remove, as it is said shortly he will, I shall be streightened in following him: therefore to accomplish your desires, I pray furnish me with moneys necessary for such a work.

They are all here very merry, and we believed the queen of Sweden had met C. R. but now small hopes of it, that I can hear from these courtiers. One of them told me, he believed she would go into England, which is now much spoken of here; and the great marriage of the new king of Sweden with the princess royal of Orange is also vanished, that king being to be married to a princess of the house of Holstein: so our court begins to be more calm; yet we drink more Rhenish wine to comfort ourselves. Some small sums of money Wilmot gets for R. C. but the emperor's part being first promised, is not yet paid.

The princess royal is here pretty merry, and hopes great matters by the dissentions of Holland and the rest of the provinces.

It is said by some, that R. C. will go into some part of the United Provinces: others say, he will go into Germany; others, into Scotland: which of these he shall do, I do not yet know; but I am resolved to see the last of it, if you furnish me.

The news of Germany you have from other hands. I shall by the next, I hope, give you a better account of R. C. his affairs.

Those that follow him, receive divers letters weekly from London, but not of any great importance, yet known to, Sir,

Yours.

General Fleetwood to secretary Thurloe.

Vol. xvii. p. 11.

Sir,
I presume before this time collonell Jones hath given satisfaction concerning his comeing into England: he very well understands your affaires here, and wil be able to informe you in any thing relating thereunto. I understand, that you intend us but twenty thousand pounds per mens. which though it may be thought considerable, coming out of England, and that the enemy heere being neere supprest; yet considering the unsettled condition of this nation, by reason of the transplantation, and that we cannot have oportuinitye of transporting more of the natives, divers are run into rebellion, and more we must expect; insomuch that I doubt it will not be safe for you to reduce so considerable a number, as to bring us within that allowance, which I am informed is proposed for us. Consideration must likewise be had of the civill list, for that the tresuryes of excise and custome, which answered those payments, are now by the late ordinance brought to little. But what is intended as to our reducement, I wish wee might know it suddenly; or otherwise the season of the yeare wil be so far spent, as will make the business much more difficult and hard with those, that are disbanded. I am glad to understand from you, that the persons intended for the government of this nation are so suddenly to come: I am sure there is need thereof. I desire to know, what is intended as to that part of this army sent into Scotland, where they shall have there pay; for by collonell Allured's instructions they were to have provisions of all sorts from England: yet hitherto I have bine forced to supply them with money and provisions. According to my information, so considerable a partie will not be able to subsist there all winter. I wish I might suddenly know what is intended concerning them. I lately writt to general Monke my thoughts as to the business of Scotland; and I beleive they must be forced to draw all people from inhabiting neere all fastnesses, and put such places out of the lines of protection. Wee found heere a very effectuall means to reduce those in rebellion; and if those rules we have experimented heere, were put in execution there, I hope they would find the same blessing upon those endeavours, as, thorough mercy, we have had heere: and as long as Middleton's partie is able to subsist in the Highland, he will easily avoyd fighting. The season of the yeare will now come on apace, wherein any thing of that nature must be done, and the people of the Highlands injoyned to come into the Lowlands, or elce to be out of protection; otherwise those people will give continuall disturbance. The officers of this army now at London wil be able much to advise in this business. I shall not further trouble you, then with what I am,

Your affectionate friend and servant,
Cha. Fleetwood.

2d Aug. 54.

The commissioners of Bremen to the states general.

Vol. xvii. p. 43.

High and mighty Lords,
Your H. and M. lordships are abundantly acquainted with the sad condition of the innocent city of Bremen, and how the same, upon the confidence of alliance and natural affection to your lordships, hath taken their course to your lordships for some speedy relief in this extremity; and since that upon the former representation of the condition and request of our lords principals, your H. and M. lordships were pleased some months since to offer to her royal majesty their interposition in writing, we do find, that there hath been no declaration made there upon it; and in the mean time the oppression of the city of Bremen, by maintaining of the garison, and other inconveniencies, doth increase; neither do the hostilities in any wise cease: however we, after so long expectation, had hoped, that your lordships would have resolved upon some effectual assistance for the preservation of the good city, and the preventing of the ruin, that is threatened them: but we are informed, that your lordships have again thought fit to repeat to the present king of Denmark the duplicate of their former letter. We do thereby perceive your lordships real affection to the good city of Bremen, to deliver the same out of their miseries, by applying such amicable means. We could wish, that the good city might be freed after that manner; but by reason of the Swedish forces in the dukedom of Bremen, and the near adjacent places to the city fortified by them, and all passages secured, it is to be feared, that yet a strong army is coming out of Sweden, whereof several letters from Sweden make mention; the city of Bremen will be brought to extremity, and for want of maintenance will not know how to keep their garison on foot. Therefore we would not omit humbly to advertise your H. and M. lordships thereof, and to repeat withal our former request and humble prayer, that your H. and M. lordships would be pleased with out any further delay or expectation to resolve to give some assistance or subsidy, as your lordships think fit; whereby the city may be speedily relieved, and not be suffer'd to fall into utter ruin and destruction, being a neighbour frontier city, wherein this state is highly interested, as well by reason of their religion, as other politic considerations; and who under God have still built their greatest hopes upon your lordships. Upon all which, according to the constitution of the times, and the present necessity of the city of Bremen, they are expecting your speedy and favourable resolutions; remaining

Your H. and M. Lordships
Hague, 13. Aug. 1654. [N. S.]

humble servants,
The Commissioners of Bremen.

Mr. Edward Pashlowe to the protector's council.

Vol. xvii. p. 35.

Right Honourable,
In all humble manner I make bold to informe your honours, that this day an attachment was granted out against the Portugal ambassador's goods, at the suite of William Garfeild, whoe pretends, that the said ambassador owes him 52 l. and more (fn. 1) . And I, beinge desireous not to suffer the attachment to be perfectly executed without some directions from your honours, have caused my servants to forbeare, untill I can be informed from your honours, whether I shall give permission, that the same shall bee executed, or noe. Therefore I most humblie pray your honours to send me such order therein, as may tend to my securitie, and according to your honours good pleasures. I remaine (as in duty bound)

Your Honours
Gravesend, 3. Aug. 1654.

most humble and faithful servant,
Ed. Pashlowe, maior.

The marquis of Argyll to the protector.

Carrick, 4. August, 1654.

In the possession of the right honourable Philip ld. Hardwicke, lord high chancellor of Great Britain.

May it pleas your Highnes,
To give me leave, without trouble to your mor serious affaires, to intreate you, to tack a vew of sum particularis that concerne me, or prescrybe the way, that may bring thame best to your high knowledge with least incroatching upone your patience. I have desyred my servand Collene Campbele to follow any way your high. appointis him. I doubt not, but your high. hes a better accompt of your affaires in the Highlandis, nor I can give you. Thairfore I forbear to trubell you in thes thinges: onlie I assoor your high. that according to my professioune it shall be really found, I am stoudious for the publick pace, as becometh

Your High.
most obedient humbell servand,
A. Argyll.

For my lord protector his highnes, these.

Mr. Longland, agent at Leghorn, to secretary Thurloe.

Vol. xvii. p. 92.

Honourable Sir,
I should not hav sent you any more of the Roman intelligence, but that you might se the opinion and sense they have in Rom of the protector's disposition both to Spain and Genoa. Althoh this week we hav had fresh advys from Tollon, yet I can hav no good account from any of the French, what theyr fleet intends. Som are of opinion, they com not out at al, except their ambassadors mak peace with the protector; for they are very jealous of the Inglish fleet intended into thes seas. Others say, they only attend the coming of theyr general the duke of Guis, and cardinal Grimaldi a Genowes, whos desyn is thoht to be only to watch, on occasion of the breach 'twixt the Spaniard and Genowes, and to gain to themselves som advantage thereby. An Inglish ship, arryv'd at Naples from Ingland, met off at sea nere Cales the Spanish West-India fleet, being 28 gallions; the newes whereof chears up all that party in Itally, and contrarily the Genowes are somwhat dejected; for they believ, as they have reason, that the Spanyard wil value himself on the occasion; for at lest ¼ part of the plate belonges to them. I understand the Genowes ar sending an ambassador for Ingland; but as yet no acts of hostillity appeares betwixt them. Four Spanish gallyes arryved here this week from Genoa, not having 20 men apiece; for being man'd wholly with Genowes, the men wer commanded ashore. Thes petty affronts ar lyk picking a quarrell; they breed bad bloud, and prepare way for a wyder breach. They ar lyk our paper-conflicts in the beginning of the warrs, and the justling of the militia and army, the which soon grew into a flame. 'Tis very lyk, that Genoa is put on by the French; but such a remedy wil prov worse than the disease; witness Cattolonia, that is quyt ruin'd by the French. Sir, you wil very much obliege me now-and-then, when your greate affaires permit, to let me hav a word from you, how the protector stands in relation to Spain or France. 'Tis here reported, that a legue is made with the former. 'Tis supposed here the other provinces will fal out with Holland, which may produce som notable advantage to Ingland. The Spanyard in the kingdom of Naples raises quantety of hors, as if he meant to invade the pope. I am,

Honorable Sir,
Your most faithfull servant,
Charles Longland.

Leghorn, 14. Aug. 1654. [N. S.]

A letter of intelligence.

Boulogne, 4/14. Aug. 1654.

Vol. xvii. p. 59.

Sir,
Pray let me know, whether the news be true of Middleton's routing, as it is set down in the news-books: for divers here will not believe it, being possessed with contrary reports. All that I can send you from hence is, that the French have taken Stenay, and now hope to relieve Arras. They say, that at the death of the king of the Romans, there was a most terrible earthquake at Vienna, so that the people forsook their houses; and they report, that there was a tame eagle, that had lived in the palace twenty years, and never was known but to flutter from place to place; and now at the death of the young king he perched upon the highest tower of the palace, where he stayed about an hour, abundance of all sorts of birds gathering about him; and then he took his flight quite away, and was never heard of since, which makes many people presage it as ominous to the house of Austria.

Mons. Petit, to the marquis of Mons, governor of Honfleur.

Paris, 14. Aug. 1654. [N. S.]

Vol. xvii. p. 86.

I think you will have heard of the justice the king hath been pleased to grant us upon the detention of the English ships at Honfleur, by a decree of his council; after which we have only to receive it by your favourable intermission, and of the authority committed to your prudence, and to your deserts. You have shewed me such expressions of love in our meetings, and so much zeal for the peace and for the advancement of the good of the commerce, that I make no question but you will make it good unto us in this occasion, in causing his majesty to be punctually obeyed. This is that which I most humbly intreat you by this present, which will be delived unto you by Mr. Tomlin, one of the masters of the said ships; and I assure you, Sir, that on this occasion and all others, I will receive with much respect, and true feeling, the means, which shall concern the public rest, and your particular satisfactions, as being in truth, Sir,

Your most humble, &c.
Petit.

Footnotes

1 Whitelocke, f. 598. says, the embassador was arrested by some merchants of London, to whom he owed great sums of money, which they had lent him here.