LYMINGTON BOROUGH
Lentune (xi cent.); Leminton, Lyminton,
Lymington (xiii cent.).
The quiet town of Lymington lies on the western
bank of the Lymington River, about 2 miles from the
Solent. The mud flats lining the little creek lie
exposed except at high tide, and behind them is a
level sweep of land rising to the west; the town
stretches from the river up the hill. The original
borough would seem to have been a strip of land
lying by the river bank and its wharf, and probably
included the High Street and the land to the south.
In evidence of this it would appear that when the
borough boundaries were extended in the middle of
the 13th century the 'extension' lay on the north
side of the church, which lies at the west end of the
High Street, a long wide way leading up the hill at
right angles to the stream. Here there are still some
houses with good 18th-century fronts, but the old
Town Hall has gone, (fn. 1) and with it the Blind House
and the permanent booths that stood in a row down
the middle of the street. Here must have stood in
1675 the 'Nagg's Head,' the 'George,' the 'White
Lion' and the 'Bugle' (fn. 2) —one of them doubtless that
tavern at which scandal said the vicar of Boldre
played tables one day while the congregation vainly
waited in church for evensong. (fn. 3) Parallel to the High
Street on either side there ran a lane, each connected
with the main road by a transverse way crossing just
above the Town Hall. Probably the original Town
Hall was that belonging to the manor, and described
in 1299–1300 as 'the hall with a garden containing
½ acre,' and worth 7s. per annum saving repairs. (fn. 4) In
the reign of Edward III it was spoken of as a house
with a little close used for holding courts, and worth
nothing beyond repairs. (fn. 5) In the 17th century the
hall had come to be regarded as the property of the
burgesses, but it was admitted that the courts of the
lord were always held there. (fn. 6) In the section thus
formed to the south lay Holme's Mead, belonging to
the town and let in 1676 for 17s. (fn. 7) Just east of it
lay the land of Christchurch Priory, and across the
road and to the south was a piece of land known as
Flushard at the close of the 17th century, and probably identical with the three closes called Fleshetts
in the tenure of John Pope in 1589–90. (fn. 8) Possibly
here, too, may have been 'the lord's mead.' (fn. 9) Both
these plots of land, however, seem to have been in
the manor of Old Lymington and without the limits
of the borough which was contained in 'the Hundred
Acres.' Within this 'Hundred Acres' was the Barfield, commonable land, on which the lord of Buckland had the right of 'breach' with ten kine and a
bull. (fn. 10) North of Barfield was Buckland Hill, with
further common and a pound wherein the stray cattle
of New Lymington folk were confined. (fn. 11) Some of
the waste of the manor was inclosed by John Long
in or about 1609, but part was still uninclosed in
that year, and on it was a certain green hill thought
to be butts and a 'summer bugg' (fn. 12) and a cross where
the farmers of Buckland 'at the time of the procession kept drinking.' (fn. 13) The earthwork known as
Buckland Rings was probably part of this waste. (fn. 14)
On the lower ground there was a water-mill in 1340
belonging to the fee of Buckland, (fn. 15) and in 1299–1300 there was at Peisford a second mill, held by
tenants paying a yearly rent of 1 lb. of pepper. (fn. 16)
Index Map to the Liberty of Lymington
Lymington has never played any notable part in
the affairs of the kingdom at large, though, according
to tradition, it has been thrice burnt in French
raiding expeditions. In spite of its mud flats it was
said to be growing into some repute as a wateringplace in 1778, (fn. 17) and baths were erected in about
1830. In the Boundary Commission Report of 1831,
however, the commissioners did not give a hopeful
prospect for the borough. From the general
appearance of the town, the absence of manufactures and trade and its unfitness as a bathingplace there was no likelihood of any considerable
addition in the number of houses, of which there
were then 427, only 232 being worth £10 a
year. The inhabitants were chiefly tradesmen
'of a middling description,' and there were only
260 ratepayers. The present yacht-building industry
dates from about this time, (fn. 18) and Lymington is now,
perhaps, best know n as a harbouragefor those yachting in the Solent. But if Lymington has never been
famous for political events it has latterly had several
well-known persons connected with it in various
ways. William Allingham held an office in the
customs here; Coventry Patmore lived here from
1891 until his death in 1896; Henry Francis Lyte,
the author of the hymns 'Abide with me' and
'Pleasant are Thy courts above,' held the curacy here,
and here wrote many of his works. (fn. 19) Its nearness to
Portsmouth made it in the 18th and 19th centuries,
as now, a favourite place for naval officers to make a
home.
The parish of Lymington contains the manors of
Old and New Lymington and the borough of New
Lymington. In 1086 the manor of Old Lymington
with its vill alone existed, (fn. 20) and no mention is made
in the Domesday Survey of the salterns here that in
1147 were already important. (fn. 21) About a century
later the vill was so prosperous that a fresh extent of
the manor was made and the rent of the tenants
increased by 10s. 9d. (fn. 22) ; apart from the salterns, some
of which were held in villeinage and some in
demesne, (fn. 23) the accounts of the reeve of the manor in
1269–70 present the usual items of a rural community. (fn. 24) At what date the manor of New Lymington was formed is not known, but the mesne borough
on the river bank probably came into being in the
12th century, (fn. 25) and owed its origin to the proximity
of the salterns and the conveniences of the wharfage
for the light ships of the time. The prosperity of
the settlement must have increased rapidly, for by the
middle of the 13th century Baldwin de Redvers
extended the limits of the borough, (fn. 26) so that from
this time it was comprehended within 'the Hundred
Acres' and was practically conterminous with the
manor of New Lymington. (fn. 27) The boundaries were
not, however, defined until 1795, (fn. 28) and as late as
1847 certain tenements within the borough area were
assessed not in it but in the manor. This fact was
well known in 1833, when tradition had it 'that at
some early period, on an incursion of some French, a
great part of the then town was burnt, that what
remained became incorporated as a borough, and that
all tenements erected after the incorporation, unless
erected upon the site of tenements standing at the
time of incorporation, or upon ground attached to
such tenements, are exclusive of the borough.' (fn. 29)
Moreover, by the charter of 1271 the two tenements
of the Abbot of Beaulieu were expressly excluded
from participation in the liberties and acquittances of
the borough. (fn. 30) It was doubtless concerning these
two tenements that a dispute arose at the beginning
of the 14th century (fn. 31) between the abbey and the
borough over tolls; in the end it was agreed that the
abbey might buy and sell free of toll while bound to
do its part in the defence of the town. (fn. 32)
Ampress Farm, Lymington.
Borough
The borough of Lymington was
a mesne borough held of the lords of
the manor of New Lymington. It
was apparently established under the charter of
William de Redvers (1184–1216), (fn. 33) which is only
known to us by a confirmation of his great-grandson
Baldwin de Redvers (fn. 34) (1246–62). This Baldwin
not only confirmed the charter of William de Redvers,
but, as has been already mentioned, extended the
borough on the north so as to include the Hundred
Acres which it afterwards covered. In 1271 Isabella
de Fortibus granted the burgesses a new charter, by
which they obtained all such liberties and free customs, quittances and toll as free burgesses enjoyed
throughout her land. (fn. 35) The borough, under this
charter, was to be held at a yearly rent of 30s., and,
further, the burgage rent was fixed at 6d. from the
messuages both of the original borough and of the
of 1688–9 by the mayor and burgesses, while 'the
scot and lot men' at a rival election returned Thomas
Jervoise and Thomas Cromwell. The mayor and
burgesses refused to recognize the claim of the
'popular' candidates, who presented petitions in
Parliament in 1690 and 1691. (fn. 63) In December of
the latter year the Committee of Privileges reported
that the Corporation of Lymington was a corporation
by prescription and that the mayor and burgesses
alone had the franchise. (fn. 64) To this the House agreed.
In 1695 a second petition was presented with a like
result, (fn. 65) and in 1710 the 'populace' made a last
attempt to participate in the election, but their claim
was disallowed. (fn. 66) Even at this date only fifteen or
sixteen out of seventy burgesses were inhabitants of
Lymington, (fn. 67) the rest being honorary burgesses whose
chief and recognized function was to support the
family in power at the Parliamentary elections. (fn. 68)
From this time onwards the elections became not
so much struggles between two political parties as
between the adherents of the rival families of Burrard
and Paulet. This may be illustrated by the events
of 1745 when the mayor, a strong partisan, knowing that most of his opponents were away from
Lymington, called a meeting and elected fourteen of
his own party as burgesses. (fn. 69) The contest between
the two families ended in an agreement by which the
Burrards obtained the patronage on condition that
the Paulet nominee was returned to the Parliament
of 1774. (fn. 70) The Burrards further secured their position
by first electing thirty-nine new burgesses and then
by obtaining the re-enactment of by-laws limiting
the number of burgesses to fifty, depriving the mayor
of power to elect burgesses unless the number were
under twenty and stipulating for six days' notice of a
meeting of the burgesses. (fn. 71) From 1774 until 1832
the patronage of the borough was regarded as the
private property of the Burrards, who at will elected
burgesses 'in order to strengthen and support their
family interest.' (fn. 72) In 1831 the constituency, which
returned two members to Parliament, consisted only
of thirty-eight electors. (fn. 73) With the reconstruction
of the borough in 1835 (fn. 74) this state of affairs came to
an end, but Lymington continued to return two
members to Parliament until 1867. By the Representation of the People Act (fn. 75) it still retained one
member until 1885, when by the Redistribution of
Seats Act (fn. 76) its representation was merged in that of
the New Forest division of the county.
Lymington: High Street
(From an old print)
The earliest extant charter of Lymington contained a clause directing that no burgess should be
made reeve of the borough but he who should
be chosen by common consent and presented to the
lord. (fn. 77) In 1269–70 Robert de Lisle (L'Isle) rendered
account as reeve of the borough, and among the
expenses of the year was 12d. paid to the reeve
and bedel, an item also mentioned in 1271–4 and
1297–9. (fn. 78) The first mention found of the 'bailiffs
and commonalty' occurs in a letter addressed by them
to Edward I, (fn. 79) and they received writs under that
style in 1308 (fn. 80) and 1346, (fn. 81) when they were ordered
to prevent the bringing in of papal bulls or instruments prejudicial to the king. Though bereft of its
glory the office of bailiff still existed in 1598, when
the burgesses passed a resolution that none but burgesses should be elected to this office, an order that
was afterwards cancelled. (fn. 82) In the 16th, 17th and
18th centuries the officers of the borough seem to
have been much the same as in 1833, when they
were a mayor, a recorder, a town clerk, a town
Serjeant and burgesses to an indefinite number. (fn. 83)
A mayor is first mentioned by that name in the
Town Books in 1508, when Robert Bishop held
the office, and with the lord of the manor signed
an agreement between the boroughs of Southampton and Lymington. (fn. 84) Like the bailiff, the mayor
was chosen by the burgesses, the day of election
being the Sunday after St. Matthew's Day, though
from 1651 until the Restoration the date was
changed to the Tuesday before Michaelmas (fn. 85) ;
from early in the 19th century the election was
made on the Monday following. (fn. 86) Before the
reform of 1835 the burgesses met on that day and
inspected the 'Record,' a list containing the names
of the outgoing mayor and two other burgesses.
They then struck off the Record the name of the
mayor, who submitted to them the names of three
burgesses suited to fill the vacancy; the burgesses
had, however, power to elect an entirely new Record.
If an individual burgess proposed a name of a
burgess other than those named by the mayor, the
mayor read out the whole list, and the Record was
filled by a majority of votes. When the Record
was completed the names upon it were submitted to
the outgoing mayor and the burgesses, who by a
majority of votes elected from among them the
mayor for the ensuing year. In 1677, 'for the
preventing of animosities and other inconveniences
which may arise at the choice of a fit person to
serve as mayor for this town,' the ballot was
adopted; but six weeks later the burgesses concluded
that the order was 'prejudicial and inconvenient,'
and rescinded it accordingly. (fn. 87) The new mayor,
generally the burgess whose name was last placed
upon the Record, then attended the court leet,
and, after paying homage, was sworn in and admitted to office. (fn. 88) In 1653 the court leet fined
William Burrard £5 'for not taking upon him the
office of mayor, as he was enioyned att the last lawday,' as well as £10 for not taking the oath of
office. (fn. 89) An entry in the town books implies that
before 1586 the 'rents, entries and forfeits' were
claimed by the mayor as his emoluments; but in
that year these were secured to the town, the mayor
being granted 'the benefit of the wool' (fn. 90) until the
expiration of the lease of Holme's Mead, (fn. 91) which he
was then to have 'in respecte of the greate trouble
and chardge he shall be put to by reasone of his
sayde offyce.' (fn. 92) In 1599 the finances of the town
were straitened by a dispute with certain 'disobedient persons,' and Holme's Mead was let, the
mayor being compensated by a yearly sum of 50s. (fn. 93)
This order was rescinded at a later date, and in 1833
the only emoluments of the mayor were one bushel
of coals from each ship unloading at the port and sixpennyworth offish from each fishing boat. (fn. 94) The chief
function of the mayor was the regulation of the tradeof
Lymington as affected by its markets and fairs, quay
and wharf. (fn. 95) He also acted as treasurer of the
borough, and in 1584 the burgesses threatened that
if he did not cause all forfeits to be paid in his year
of office and accounted for at its end he would have
'to paye the same in that case of his owne purse.' (fn. 96)
The stewards are mentioned in 1584, when two
burgesses were appointed to that office, (fn. 97) their duty
being to collect the dues from the market and quay
and account for them to the mayor. (fn. 98)
In 1596 a 'recorder' is mentioned, (fn. 99) though the
borough possessed no courts. The name was probably assumed in emulation of other towns, for in
1698 'recorder' was used as synonymous with
'steward,' and in 1833, though the name 'steward'
had disappeared, the recorder remained, without
either functions or emoluments. (fn. 100) In practice the
place of the stewards was taken by the town clerk,
first mentioned in 1699. (fn. 101) In 1727 the burgesses
'ordered that the town clerk do receive the rents
and do account for the same.' (fn. 102) The ale-taster
was always a burgess, and held office for a year, his
appointment being made at the time of the mayor's
election. Although it is probable that an officer of
the borough had been appointed ale-taster at a
much earlier date, he is first mentioned in 1602, (fn. 103)
and in 1652 the court leet fined Richard King 40s.
for refusing the office. (fn. 104) The town serjeant held
office at the pleasure of the mayor and burgesses,
and is first mentioned in 1675, when 30s. were
given him as his yearly wage, (fn. 105) a sum increased to
45s. in 1681. (fn. 106)
Of the origin of the Saturday market, which is
still held in Lymington, no record remains, but the
charter of Baldwin de Redvers speaks of the toll,
while in 1269–70 the reeve of the borough
rendered account of 30s. from the ferm of the toll
and market. (fn. 107)
The right to hold a fair on St. Matthew's vigil,
feast and morrow was granted by Henry III to
Baldwin de Redvers in 1257, (fn. 108) and is mentioned in
his grant to the borough. (fn. 109) In 1269–70 the reeve
of the borough rendered no account from the tolls
of the fairs, since the constable Hugh de Manby was
answerable (fn. 110) ; shortly afterwards these tolls yielded
17s. 4½d., (fn. 111) though in 1297–9 the amount had
dropped to 3s. 8d., (fn. 112) and the average in 1299–1300
was returned as 6s. 8d. (fn. 113) The stallage of the fair
had been granted by Isabella de Fortibus to the
burgesses in 1271, (fn. 114) and they claimed this with the
picage in 1578, (fn. 115) when the fair was said to be held
in the High Street. This fair is still held there on
2 and 3 October, but a second fair, said in 1578 to
be also held in the High Street on the feast of St.
Philip and St. James, has been discontinued during
the last thirty years. (fn. 116)
Concerning the internal regulation of trade apart
from the markets and fairs little information has been
preserved, but the orders of 1584 forbade, under a
penalty of 5s., the taking of a stranger as tenant
without the mayor's consent. (fn. 117) That some further
attempt was made to exclude aliens is evident from
the further order of 1587, by which it was enacted
that none 'shall use or occupye anie kinde of crafte
occup'ion or trade within the Towne' without first
compounding with the mayor. (fn. 118) In this connexion
may also be mentioned an agreement made in 1594
by the mayor and burgesses and sundry butchers of
the town, by which it was determined that all
tallow should be delivered to John Pratt, the town
chandler, at a fixed price of 2d. per lb., on the
understanding that Pratt sold candles at 3s. per lb.
to the inhabitants of the New Town and the
burgesses living in the Old. (fn. 119)
The manor of Old Lymington undoubtedly owed
its importance to its salterns, (fn. 120) the proximity of which
must have greatly influenced the growth of the town;
but while the tenants of the manor were labouring
at their salterns it is evident that the burgesses were
no less busily employed in faring over seas. The
first known mention of the bailiffs and commonalty of
Lymington occurs in their reply to the mandate of
Edward I for the supply of three ships for his navy. (fn. 121)
The larger ships, they said, were at sea and in the
keeping of God, they had only little cogges left and
these were not sufficient for war. However, they
offered to furnish one large ship at their own cost for
three weeks after the Assumption. (fn. 122) In 1324 the
king demanded two ships instead of one from Lymington, 'Boldre' and 'Kyavene,' (fn. 123) and two years
later Maurice de Brune and others were appointed to
survey the ships of over 50 tons burden in the town
of Lymington. (fn. 124) Some of the names of these merchantmen have been preserved. In 1349 Nicholas de
Stok, a merchant of Norwich, and Thomas de
Coventry, a merchant of Bristol, chartered the
Rode Cog of Lymington, John de Ouse, master, to
bring wine, mead, leather, canvas and other goods from
Harfleur to England. (fn. 125) Again in 1342 a barge of
Lymington was trading with wine and other merchandise between Brittany and Weymouth. (fn. 126) Salisbury
seems to have looked upon Lymington as a convenient
port, for in 1434 one of her merchants complained
of the arrest of his ship the Marie of Lymington, (fn. 127)
and in 1462 the citizens chartered the Trinity of the
same port as their contribution to the fleet that put
to sea under the Earl of Kent and Lord Audley. (fn. 128)
It is not likely that the men of Lymington confined
themselves to trade; acts of piracy, such as that
committed by two men of Lymington in 1426 against
the Christopher of Sluys belonging to John 'of Rows,'
were doubtless frequent. (fn. 129)
During the Middle Ages Lymington would seem to
have been particularly engaged in the wine trade,
and the prosperity of the town in 1325 was such
that the men of Southampton lodged a formal complaint with the Crown that whereas they had been
granted all privileges as a port between Hurst and
Langstone, in aid of their fee-farm, yet the men of
Lymington had taken customs from certain ships
putting in there. Southampton obtained a pronouncement from the courts in its favour, (fn. 130) but the complaint cropped up again and again. Thus in 1328
the town of Southampton declared that the men of
Lymington had taken and carried away customs to
the amount of £600, (fn. 131) and in 1330–1 two customers
were appointed for the port of Lymington, (fn. 132) while a
chief butler there is spoken of in 1334. (fn. 133) In 1346
there is record of the appointment of a king's yeoman
for the port, (fn. 134) and in the same year masters of ships
bringing in wine there were ordered to take security
from the assignees 'that they would take the same to
the accustomed places where the wines have been
wont to be gauged.' (fn. 135) A petition was addressed to
Parliament by 'the marchauntz and pooere inhabitauntz of the Havene of Lymyngton' in 1432, setting
forth that in the past 'many divase shippes and vesselx
with grete substaunce of merchaundises not staple
ware but other were wont to put in there, but that of
late there have been no customers, and the ships have
therefore discharged elsewhere.' (fn. 136) The result of
this was that the customers of Southampton were
required to supply deputies for Lymington and for
the collection of duty on goods other than staple. (fn. 137)
The arrangement was not entirely satisfactory, and in
1508 the two towns agreed on a schedule of goods
the duty on which was assigned to Southampton,
while keelage, wharfage and other duties went to
Lymington. (fn. 138) Disputes with Southampton on the
collection of duty continued until 1730, when a
judicial decision secured the petty customs to Lymington. (fn. 139) In the 17th century the carriage of New
Forest timber formed an important item in the trade
of the town, (fn. 140) and Lymington ships are mentioned
as trading with Bordeaux, (fn. 141) and as carrying salt and
hops to Ireland, (fn. 142) corn from Moran (fn. 143) and coal from
Wales. (fn. 144)
Passford Farm, Lymington.
Manors
Domesday Book records that one
Lening or Leving held 1 hide of land
at LYMINGTON in parage under
Edward the Confessor. Attached to this land was
woodland which William annexed to the New Forest,
and the assessment of the hide was lowered to half a
hide in consequence, the value dropped at the same
time from 20s. to 15s. The hide was granted to
Earl Roger of Shrewsbury, (fn. 145) who held it in 1088,
when Fulcuin was his tenant there. From Earl
Roger Lymington descended, with his other lands, to
his son Hugh Earl of Shrewsbury, who died in 1098,
and was succeeded by his brother Robert. (fn. 146) On the
accession of Henry I Robert took up the cause of
Robert of Normandy, and in 1102 suffered forfeiture. (fn. 147) Lymington was then granted with Christchurch (q.v.) by Henry I (fn. 148) to Richard de Redvers,
and like Christchurch (fn. 149) descended to Isabella de
Fortibus, whose right to Lymington was attacked
by the Prior of Breamore in 1267. The prior's
claim was based on a grant made by the will
of Baldwin, the late earl, who was buried in the
priory. He also produced a charter given by Isabella
herself confirming the gift and another confirmation
made by Henry III on the testimony of Eleanor the
queen. (fn. 150) Isabella admitted that Baldwin had granted
the manor to Breamore Priory for a term of years,
but since the prior had no seisin at the time of the
earl's death the royal charter was of no avail. Her
own charter of confirmation she maintained was
exacted from her during the barons' wars, when she
had remained loyal to the Crown in spite of the
persistence of Simon de Montfort. After the battle
of Lewes, while 'robbers and disturbers of the peace
of the kingdom rode ravaging with horses and arms
throughout England,' she had sought shelter at Breamore only to find in the prior a friend of Simon de
Montfort the younger, to whom she had been 'sold
seditiously' for 50 marks. In despair she had offered
the charter upon the altar of the priory church of
St. Michael of Breamore, and, the bribe proving
successful, she was allowed to escape from the priory,
though Simon de Montfort pursued her from place
to place with horse and arms, desiring to capture her
and seditiously abduct her until she found refuge in
Wales. That Isabella's version was true may be
inferred from the final agreement by which in return
for £20 land in 'Portbyri' the prior acknowledged her
right to the manor of Lymington, and returned to her
the charters in dispute. (fn. 151) Avelina, the only daughter
of the Countess Isabella, died in her mother's lifetime
in 1274, and in 1293 the countess sold to the king
the Isle of Wight with Christchurch and other
manors. (fn. 152) On her death in the same year Edward I
took the manor of Lymington, as a member of
Christchurch, into his own hands, (fn. 153) and in 1299
he assigned it to Queen Margaret as part of her
dower. (fn. 154) In 1302, however, Henry Courtenay, cousin
and heir (fn. 155) of Isabella, successfully claimed the manor of
Lymington, maintaining that
it had never been a member
of Christchurch Twyneham
and was not included in the
grant to the Crown. (fn. 156) In
1315 Hugh was empowered
to enfeoff his mother Eleanor,
daughter of Hugh Lord le
Despenser, in the manors of
Old and New Lymington, (fn. 157) and he was returned
as lord in 1316. (fn. 158) Hugh Courtenay died in 1340
and was succeeded by his son of the same name, (fn. 159)
who in the following year had livery of the 'manor
of Bremmore and Lymington . . . held in chief' by
the service of two knights' fees, (fn. 160) New Lymington
being assessed in 1346 at half a fee. (fn. 161) Hugh died
in 1377 and was succeeded by his grandson Edward, (fn. 162)
who in 1385 received licence to grant messuages,
land and rent in Old and New Lymington to
feoffees. (fn. 163) Dying in 1419 he was succeeded by his
son Sir Hugh Courtenay, (fn. 164) and he in 1422 by his
son Thomas, then a child but eight years old. (fn. 165) In
the Wars of the Roses Thomas Courtenay remained a
firm Lancastrian, and his principles were inherited by
his son Thomas, who succeeded his father in 1458, (fn. 166)
and, being made prisoner at the battle of Towton,
was beheaded in April 1461. (fn. 167) Lymington, with
his other lands, was confiscated, (fn. 168) but in the July of
the same year his brother Henry received licence to
enter freely into the manor of Lymington, (fn. 169) and in the
following February Edward IV granted him the manor
and borough, confirming them to him in 1465. (fn. 170)
However, after the death of Henry in 1467 the king
granted Lymington to Walter
Blount (fn. 171) created Lord Mountjoy in 1465. (fn. 172) He died in
1474 and was succeeded by
his son Edward, then a child
of seven years (fn. 173) ; the close of
his minority must almost have
coincided with the accession
of Henry VII, who in October
1489 restored Lymington to
Edward Courtenay as heir of
Henry, the grant being afterwards allowed by Parliament. (fn. 174)
As Edward died childless, the
manors passed to his sister Joan wife of William
Knyvet, and on her death without issue to her sister
Elizabeth, who had married Sir Hugh Conway, kt.
Possession of the manors was confirmed to them in
1490, but they too were childless. (fn. 175) In 1511
Henry VIII granted the reversion of the manors to
William Courtenay Earl of Devon and Katherine his
wife, (fn. 176) sixth daughter of Edward IV, but William
died shortly afterwards and the grant was confirmed
to Katherine in 1512. (fn. 177) From her it descended in
1527 to her son Henry created
Marquess of Exeter in 1511, (fn. 178)
and it was among the possessions
confiscated on his attainder and
execution in 1539. (fn. 179) Lymington remained in the hands
of the Crown until 1541,
when it formed part of the
jointure of Katherine
Howard. (fn. 180) On her execution
it was once more forfeited and
granted by Edward VI in
1553 (fn. 181) to his uncle, Sir
Henry Seymour, kt. One of
the first acts of Queen
Mary was to release Edward Courtenay Marquess of
Exeter, who had been imprisoned in the Tower
since the execution of his father, and Lymington
was restored to him in May 1554. (fn. 182) He died unmarried at Padua in 1556 and Lymington again came
into the hands of the Crown. (fn. 183) Portions of it were
leased in 1589 and 1590; in 1593 it was granted for
a term to Thomas and William Fortescue and seven
years later it was granted in fee to Nicholas Lord
Zouche and Elizabeth his wife. (fn. 184) The latter in
1601 conveyed Lymington to Charles Earl of
Nottingham and Katherine his wife, (fn. 185) who held it
for less than eight years, Abraham Campion, citizen
and cloth-maker of London,
being the lord in 1609. (fn. 186)
He died in London in 1611 (fn. 187)
and was succeeded by Henry,
his son, and Lymington is
said to have been held by his
descendants in 1664. (fn. 188) However, in 1665 Bartholomew
Bulkeley was in possession (fn. 189)
and was succeeded by a son
of the same name, whose son
Thomas was followed by a
son Bartholomew. (fn. 190) In 1733
the manor was in the hands of
Thomas Missing, (fn. 191) who, with Thomas Marday and
James Missing, conveyed it in 1778 to Clewer
Stares. (fn. 192) Mrs. Elizabeth Gwitton had become
lady of the manor by 1785–90 (fn. 193) and was still
holding it in 1795 (fn. 194) ; but in 1805 she sold
it to George Bishop of Lincoln and afterwards of
Winchester. In 1834 the bishop's eldest son
William Edward Tomline, sometime M.P. for Truro,
sold it to John Pulteney, who died in 1849, having
by his will devised this manor and his other estates
to uses under which his grandson John Granville
Beaumont Pulteney became tenant for life. Mr.
J. G. B. Pulteney died in 1875, leaving an only
son, Mr. Keppel Pulteney, the present lord of the
manor. (fn. 195)
Redvers. Or a lion azure.
De Fortibus. Gules a cross paty vair.
Courtenay. Or three roundels gules.
Blount, Lord Mountjoy. Barry wavy or and sable.
Courtenay, Earl of Devon. Or three roundels gules and a label azure.
Campion. Argent a chief gules with an eagle or therein.
The manor of NEW LYMINGTON followed the
descent of the older manor, and is practically conterminous with the borough.
As a member of the manor of Old Lymington the
overlordship of BUCKLAND (Boclande, xiii cent.)
followed the descent of that manor (q.v.). (fn. 196) Its recorded history begins in the 13th century when
Nigel de Buckland with the consent of Nigel his son
and heir granted a saltern to the monks of Quarr in
the marsh of Oxeheye; this was probably in the
early years of the century, for in 1299–1300 John
de Buckland, apparently a son of the younger Nigel, (fn. 197)
was holding 28 messuages, a water-mill and a saltern
of the manor of Old Lymington. (fn. 198) In 1316 William
de Percy, possibly a trustee, granted to this same
John 2 carucates of land, 45 acres of meadow, 57
acres of pasture in Buckland, Arnewood and other
places. (fn. 199) Before 1340 John had been succeeded by
William de Buckland, who in that year made a settlement of the land on himself and his wife Joan with
remainder to Robert, their son and heir.' (fn. 200) Robert
probably died before his father, or could only have
held the manor a short time, since in 1362 (fn. 201) a Sir
John de Buckland died seised of the manor, assessed at
one eighth part of a fee, leaving a brother and heir
Thomas.
A few years afterwards it must have come into the
hands of Walter Sydelyng, who died before 1397, (fn. 202)
leaving two daughters and co-heirs, Margery, who
married John Durneford, and
Amflesia, who married Thomas
Colyngton, to whom the
manor descended in two
moieties. (fn. 203) Both John and
Margery Durneford had died
childless before 1413, (fn. 204) when
Thomas Colyngton also died,
having survived his wife,
whose heir was her cousin
Agnes daughter of Emmote
the sister of Walter de Sydelyng. (fn. 205) The two moieties of
the manor thus became united
in the hands of Agnes, then a
woman of fifty, (fn. 206) and possibly married to a member
of the Popham family, for in 1417 it was held by
Henry Popham, who before his death in that year
had settled it on his younger son John Popham, (fn. 207)
and in 1444–5 certain trustees demised the whole
manor to Margaret widow of Henry Popham. (fn. 208)
Popham. Argent a chief gules with two harts' heads caboshed or therein.
Shortly after this the manor seems to have been
again divided into two moieties through the succession
of co-heiresses. In 1473 a John Long died seised of
the manor of Barton Stacey (q.v.) and half the
manor of Buckland in right of Margaret his wife. (fn. 209)
He was succeeded by Thomas his son, and he
in 1497 sold this moiety of the manor to John
Long, (fn. 210) who in his turn dealt with it by fine in
1567. (fn. 211) In 1601 he sold it to Sir Walter Long, (fn. 212)
mentioned as lord of half the manor of Buckland in
1609. He died in 1611 and was succeeded by Walter,
his son, then a minor, (fn. 213) who was still holding the
land in 1621, when he was party with John Long
to a settlement. (fn. 214)
The second moiety of the manor was held in
1524 by Sir Thomas Lovell, kt., (fn. 215) who by his will
bequeathed it to Thomas Manners Lord Roos in tail
male. In 1534 Richard Colville and others conveyed
it to Matthew Hardys. (fn. 216) Ten years later it was in
the hands of William Kellaway and Anne his wife, (fn. 217)
whose daughter Mary married William Button of
Alton and brought this moiety
into that family. (fn. 218) They were
succeeded by their eldest son
Sir Ambrose Button, (fn. 219) who
held it in 1609. (fn. 220) Settlements were made of the manor
on their younger sons Edward
and Henry Button, with contingent remainders to their
nephew John son of John
Button and others. Both
Edward and Henry died
without male issue, and in
1624 the succession passed in
accordance with the settlement. (fn. 221) The fourth
John Button of Buckland died without issue in
1679, when his lands were divided between his
sisters and co-heirs, Anne wife of Paul Burrard,
Cecilia wife of William Knapton and Elizabeth wife
of John Burrard. (fn. 222)
Button. Ermine a fesse gules.
The heritage of Elizabeth was further divided
between her daughters and co-heirs: Mary who
married Robert Knapton, Sarah, who married Hugh
Harsnet, and Betty wife of Ralph Hastings. (fn. 223) It
was their children who conveyed some rights in the
manor to George Midleton in 1713. (fn. 224) In 1705
the entirety of the manor passed to William son of
Cecilia and William Knapton. (fn. 225) His trustees in
1716 conveyed it to Edward Dummer, who left coheiresses, one of whom was Mary wife of John Bond.
In 1775 the co-heiresses made a conveyance under
which John son of Mary and John Bond ultimately
became tenant in tail of the manor. John Bond
lived at Buckland in 1790 and in 1802 sold lands in
Buckland, but not the manor, to George Tomline.
These lands have followed the descent of the manor
of Lymington and are now owned by Mr. Keppel
Pulteney. The old manor-house known as Little
Buckland was sold by Mr. Pulteney to Captain Cotton,
the present owner, in 1895.
Church
The church of ST. THOMAS OF
CANTERBURY consists of chancel
with continuous nave, north chapel,
transepts, and aisle with a north porch, containing a
stair to the gallery above, a tower south-west of the
chancel, a south aisle with gallery and a west gallery
approached by a stair from a passage and doorway at
the west end. There is little of real architectural
interest, but the north chapel dates from the end of the
13th century, and the chancel, retaining a mid-13th-century piscina, is doubtless older. Traces of an
arcade discovered in its south wall show that it had a
south chapel also, and the north transept is probably
on old lines. All other evidence of ancient work is
destroyed, but enough remains to show that the
church was of considerable size and importance by
the end of the 13th century.
The present tower dates from 1670, and possibly
represents an earlier one in this position. The nave
and aisles appear to be entirely of the 18th century
or later. Records of work done in 1682, 1756 and
1792 give the dates for these works, but in modern
times most of the windows have been fitted with
Gothic tracery, and the general external effect is that
of a much-restored Gothic building.
The east window of the chancel is modern of five
lights in 15th-century style. On the south wall is a
trefoiled piscina recess of 13th-century date, with
a well-moulded arch and shafted jamb and two
modern three-light windows.
The rear arches and jambs of the east and two
north windows of the north chapel are original and
of very good detail, with moulded labels, and in the
case of the east window engaged shafts in the jambs.
The pair of buttresses on the north-east angle are also
original, but the window tracery is entirely modern.
The window in the north transept is modern, of
three lights, and has some very poor foreign stained
glass representing the nailing of Christ to the cross.
West of this in the north aisle are three modern twolight windows.
The interior is full of galleries; a large one at the
west containing the organ, another in the south aisle,
and a third running the full length of the church,
from the east wall of the north chapel to the west
end of the nave. All have panelled wood fronts, and
are carried on pairs of plastered columns, with
similar pairs above them to support the roofs. The
principal entrances to the church are under the
tower and at the west of the nave, and over the
latter is a five-light window with modern tracery of
15th-century style.
The roofs of the chancel, nave, north chapel and
transept are of a mediaeval type common in the
district, with arched plaster ceilings divided into
panels by thin moulded ribs, with carved bosses at
the intersections. On the chancel roof is the date
1720, and some cherubs' heads at the east end are
certainly of this time, but in the main the roof must
be old work repaired. The bosses are crudely
coloured, and in themselves are of very poor workmanship; but some seem mediaeval, and this is
notably the case in the north transept, where the
Trinity emblem of the three fish in triangle occurs,
as well as an angel holding a shield with its lettering
in late Gothic. Much of the work looks to be
18th-century imitations of 15th-century details. The
altar table is dated 1673, with the initials I. K. P. W.,
but there are otherwise no old wood fittings, and
the font is comparatively modern. The only monument of interest is a small brass to Joan wife of
Francis Guidott, whose death on Christmas Day
is thus recorded, 'Natale Christi cum Christo celebravit. Anõ D[omi]ni 1668.' On a shield is Guidott
Party saltirewise nebuly or and azure with two
crescents gules in the or and a chief azure with a
leopard between three fleurs de lis or therein
quartering Party a griffon counter-coloured in an
engrailed border.
Lymington Church, Interior
There are nine funeral hatchments and many late
mural monuments throughout the church.
On the stair at the west end are the royal arms
of George I, dated 1716.
There are eight bells.
The plate consists of two silver chalices, of 1774
and 1840 respectively, two silver patens of 1774 and
one of 1840, and a flagon and two almsdishes of
Sheffield plate, one of the latter bearing the date
1806.
The registers are contained in seven books. Book 1
has all entries, 1662 to 1709 (incomplete to 1683);
2, the same, 1709 to 1754; 3, baptisms and burials,
1754 to 1812; 4, 5, 6, and 7, marriages only,
1754 to 1764, 1764 to 1772, 1772 to 1785, and
1785 to 1812 respectively. There are also two
volumes of churchwardens' accounts, 1669 to 1797;
vestry minute books, 1738 to 1812; and a minute
book of poor-house committee, 1775 to 1790.
Advowson
The earliest known record of a
chapel at Lymington is in a charter
of 1141–55 by which Baldwin de
Redvers granted to Christchurch Twyneham the
church of Boldre, with its chapels of Brockenhurst
and Lymington. (fn. 226) The right of presenting a chaplain
to the chapel probably belonged to the vicar of Boldre
from the first; at the close of the 16th century it
was still the custom for the churchwardens and inhabitants of Lymington to go to Boldre on Midsummer
Day and render a wax taper and 3s. to the churchwardens there, in consideration of a dinner for the
two priests, clerks and choristers. (fn. 227) The tithes were
also paid to the vicar, who appears to have paid the
salary of the chaplain, though the amount does not
appear. In 1657, on the petition of the mayor and
burgesses, the Commonwealth Council ordered the
trustees for the maintenance of ministers to allow the
minister of Lymington an augmentation of £50. (fn. 228)
In the early 19th century the practice was for the
vicar of Boldre to nominate a curate and for the
parishioners to present, (fn. 229) but in 1870 the chapelry of
St. Thomas of Canterbury was erected into a vicarage,
the Bishop of Winchester being patron.
The chantry of St. Edward the Bishop at Buckland
is first mentioned in 1396–7 when the advowson was
granted with 2 carucates of land by Edward Courtenay
to John and Margery Durneford. (fn. 230) It was held by
the successive owners of the second moiety of the
manor, being in the hands of Richard Colville in
1534 (fn. 231) and in those of Sir William Kellaway ten
years later, (fn. 232) when it is last mentioned. About this
date it is called a free chapel, founded for a priest to
sing for the ease of the tenants there. The value of
the chapel was 66s. 8d., which the priest received as
salary, and it was said that there were no ornaments,
plate, jewel goods or chattels appertaining thereto. (fn. 233)
It seems, however, to have been endowed with some
land, for in 1609 it was stated that the only land
round Buckland Common not belonging to Buckland
was the 'Chauntrie' Close. (fn. 234)
The Roman Catholic chapel of Our Lady of Mercy
and St. Joseph was built in 1859. There are also a
Baptist chapel, founded in 1688, a Congregational
chapel, founded in 1700, a Wesleyan Methodist
chapel and the Salvation Army have a meeting place.
Charities
Fulford's School, founded by
George Fulford by deed, 1668. (fn. 235) —In addition to land and buildings, the
school is endowed with £156 17s. 3d. consols, with the
official trustees, who also hold a sum of £313 14s. 6d.
consols, representing a legacy of £300 by will of Ann
Burrard, bearing date 4 July 1777. The income is
applied in support of the National school, conveyed
by deed 1835.
Charity of Thomas Brown (see under Christchurch).—The share applicable in Lymington amounts
to about £12 10s. a year, of which 10s. is paid to the
minister for preaching a sermon on 1 January, and the
residue is applicable in clothes, bread or otherwise.
In 1721 George Burrard, by will proved in the
P.C.C., gave to the poor £100 to be laid out for
their benefit. The principal was originally laid out
in the erection of almshouses, subsequently added to
the poor-house. Under order of the Poor Law
Board, 1853, a sum of £130 was invested in
£143 8s. 11d. consols in respect of this charity.
Rear-Admiral Thomas Rogers, who died in 1814,
by his will bequeathed £1,000, the income thereof
to be applied for the benefit of ten old and indigent
men and women, five of each sex. The trust fund
consists of £1,082 4s. 10d. consols, producing yearly
£27 1s., which is divided equally among the ten
recipients.
Howe's Charity.—In 1868 Lieut. Thomas
Rogers, R.N., by will proved at Oxford 27 May,
bequeathed £2,100 consols, to found a charity to be
called after his wife, the income to be distributed on
21 October in every year in overcoats, cloaks or
blankets amongst poor men and women attending
church, the minister to receive £1 and the churchwardens 10s. each. The stock is held by the official
trustees. In 1906 44 persons received £1 each.
Nonconformist Charities:—
The Congregational Church Endowments—The
official trustees hold the trust funds following,
namely:—
£544 0s. 11d. India 3 per cent, stock, income
applicable under deed of 6 November 1787 in
defraying expenses; £500 13s. 11d. like stock,
income applicable under deed of 2 August 1890 in
maintenance, clothing and education of poor children
belonging to Presbyterian congregation, residue for
poor of same; £255 India 3½ per cent. stock, arising
from gifts of Sarah Jefferey and Ann Burrard, by
deeds, dated respectively 2 May 1745 and 1 June
1787, for the minister, and £391 6s. 1d. India 3 per
cent. stock, also for the minister, under will of Charles
Rice dated 23 February 1854. See also under East
Boldre.
The New Lane Baptist Chapel, founded in 1688,
is endowed with a house in New Street, a garden in
Gosport Street containing 3a. 3r. 15p., and 5a. 1r. 6p.
of meadow-land, producing yearly £70 or thereabouts,
applicable under deeds of 1792 and 1878 towards
the pastor's stipend and repairs. In 1883 Robert
Wheeler, by will proved at London 9 March,
bequeathed £10,000 consols, the dividends of
which are applicable in the payment of £50 to the
minister of the same chapel, and the residue for poor
widows, children and indigent poor members of
the congregation. The stock is held by the official
trustees.