The singularities of the City of London.
Whatsoever is said of Cities generally, maketh also
for London specially: Howbeit these thinges are particularly
for our purpose to bee considered in it. The scituation: the
former estimation that it hath had: the seruice that it hath
done: the present estate and gouernment of it, and such
benefites as do grow to the realme by the maintenance
thereof.
This Realme hath onely three principall Riuers, whereon
a royall Cittie may well be scituated: Trent in the north,
Seuerne, in the southwest, and Thames in the southeast: of
the which, Thames both for the streight course in length
reacheth furthest into the bellie of the land, and for the
breadth and stilnesse of the water is most nauigable vp and
downe the streame: by reason whereof London standing
almost in the middle of that course, is more commodiously
serued with prouision of necessaries, then any towne standing
vpon the other two Riuers can be, and doth also more easily
communicate to the rest of the Realme the commodities of
her owne entercourse and trafficke.
This Riuer openeth indifferently vpon France and Flaunders,
our mightiest neighbours, to whose doings wee ought to haue
a bent eye, and special regard: and this Citie standeth
thereon in such conuenient distance from the sea, as it is not
onely neare enough for intelligence of the affayres of those
Princes, and for the resistance of their attempts: but also
sufficiently remoued from the feare of any sodaine daungers
that may be offered by them: whereas for the Prince of this
Realme to dwell vpon Trent, were to turne his backe, or
blind side to his most daungerous borderers: and for him to
rest and well vpon Seuerne, were to be shut vp in a cumbersome corner: which openeth but vpon Ireland onely, a place
of much lesse importance.
Neither could London be pitched so commodiously vpon
any other part of the same riuer of Thames, as where it now
standeth. For if it were remoued more to the west, it
should lose the benefit of the ebbing and flowing: and if it
were seated more towardes the East, it should be nearer to
daunger of the enemie, and further both from the good ayre,
and from doing good to the inner parts of the Realme:
neither may I omit that none other place is so plentifully
watered with springs, as London is.
And whereas, amongst other things, Corne and Cattell,
Hay and Fuell be of great necessitie: of the which Cattell
may be driuen frome afarre, and corne may easily be
transported.
But Hay and Fuell, being of greater bulke and burthen,
must be had at hande: onely London, by the benefit of this
scituation and Riuer, may be sufficiently serued therewith.
In which respect an Alderman of London reasonably (as me
thought) affirmed, that although London receiued great
nourishment by the residence of the Prince, the repaire of the
Parliament, and Courtes of Justice, yet it stoode principally
by the aduantage of the scituation vpon the Riuer: for
whenas on a time it was told him by a Courtier, that Queene
Mary, in her displeasure against London, had appointed to
remoue with the Parliament and Terme to Oxford, this
playne man demaunded, whether she meant also to diuert
the Riuer of Thames from London, or no? and when the
Gentleman had answered no, then, quoth the Alderman, by
Gods grace wee shall do well enough at London, whatsoeuer
become of the Tearme and Parliament. I my selfe being then
a young scholler at Oxford, did see great preparation made
towards that Tearme and Parliament, and do well remember
that the common opinion and voyce was, that they were not
holden there because prouision of Hay could not be made in
all the Countrey to serue for ten whole dayes together, and
yet is that quarter plentifully stored with Hay for the
proportion of the shire it selfe.
For proofe of the ancient estimation of London, I will
not vse the Authoritie of the Brittish Historie, nor of such
as follow it, (although some hold it credible enough that
London was first Trinobantum ciuitas, or Troia noua, that
famous Citie in our Histories, and then Ludstoune, and by
corruption London, as they report) because they bee not of
sufficient force to drawe the gaynesayers. Neither will
I stand much vpon that honourable testimony which Geruas.
Tilberiens. giueth to London in his booke de otiis Imperialibus,
saying thus, concerning the blessing of God towards it,
In Vrbe London, exceptione habet diuulgatum id per
omnes æquè gentes Lucani prouerbium:
Inuida fatorum series summisque negatum
Stare diu:
Nam ea annis 354. ante Romam conditam numquam
amisit principatum nec bello consumpta est.
But I will rather vse the credite of one or two auncient
forraine writers, and then descend to latter histories. Cornel.
Tacitus lib. 14. Annal. sayth, Londinum copia negociatorum
et comme atuum maxime celebris; and Herodian in the life of
Seuerus the Emperour sayth, Londinum vrbs magna et opulenta.
Beda, lib. Hist. Ecclesiastic.1. Cha. 29. sheweth that Pope
Gregoryappointed two Archbishops Seas in England, the one
at London, the other at Yorke; king Ethelstane in his lawes
appointing how many Mint maisters should be in each Citie,
allotteth eight to London, and not so many to any other
Citie. The Penner of those lawes that are said to be made
by Edward the Confessor, and confirmed by William the
Conqueror saith, London est caput Regni et Legum. King
Henry the first, in the third Chapter of his lawes, commaundeth that no Citizen of London should be amerced
aboue 100 s. for any pecuniarie paine. The great Charter of
England, that Helenafor which there was so long and so
great warre and contention, in the ninth chapter saith, ciuitas
London habeat omnes suas Libertates antiquas &c. About the
time of King I. London was reputed regni firmata Columna,
as Alexander Necham writeth, and in the beginning of the
raigne of Richard the second it was called Camera regis, as
Thomas Walsingham reporteth. I passe ouer the recitall of
the Saxon Charter of king Williamthe Conqueror, the latine
Charters of Henrythe first & second, of Richard the first, of
Iohn, and of Edward the first, all which gaue vnto the
Citizens of London great Priuiledges, and of Edwardthe
third, who reciting al the grants of his predecessors, not onely
confirmed but also increased the same, and of the latter kings
who haue likewise added many things thereunto. Onely
I wish to be noted by them, that during all this time, all
those wise and politique Princes haue thought it fit, not onely
to maintaine London in such plight as they found it, but also
to adorne, increase and amplifie it with singular tokens of
their liberall fauour and good liking. And whether there be
not now the same or greater causes to draw the like or better
estimation and cherishing, let any man be iudge, that will
take the paines to compare the present estate of London, yet
still growing to better, with the former condition of the same.
It were too much to recite particularly the Martiall seruices
that this city hath done from time to time: neither do I think
that they be all committed to writing, only for a tast as it
were, I will note these few following.
Almost 60. yeares before the Conquest, a huge armie of the
Danes (whereof king Sweyne was the leader,) besieged king
Etheldredin London (then the which as the storie sayeth
then he had none other refuge), but they were manfully
repulsed, and a great number of them slaine.
After the death of this Sweyne, his sonne Canutus (after
warde king of England) besieged London, both by land and
water: but after much labour finding it impregnable, he
departed: and in the same yeare repayring his forces, he
girded it with a new siege, in the which the Citizens so
defended themselues, and offended him, that in the end he
went away with shame.
In the dissention that arose betweene king Edward the
Confessor & his father in law Earle Goodwin (which was the
mightiest subject within this land that euer I haue read of) the
Earle with a great armie came to London, and was for all
that by the countenance of the Citizens resisted, till such
time as the Nobilitie made reconciliation betweene them.
About 70. years after the Conquest, Maudethe Empresse
made warre vpon king Stephenfor the right of the Crowne,
and had taken his person prisoner, but by the strength and
assistance of the Londoners and Kentishmen, Maudewas
put to flight at Winchester, and her brother Robert, then
Earle of Glocester, was taken in exchange, for whome King
Stephenwas deliuered. I dispute not whose right was better,
but I auouch the seruice, seeing Stephenwas in possession.
The Hystorie of William Walworththe Maior of London
is well knowne, by whose manhoode and policie, the person
of king Richardethe second was rescued, the Citie saued,
Wat Tilarkilled, and all his straglers discomfited, in rewarde of which seruice, the Maior and other Aldermen
were knighted.
Iacke Cade also hauing discomfited the kinges Armie, that
was sent agaynst him, came to London, and was there
manfully and with long fight resisted, vntill that by the good
policie of the Citizens his company was dispersed.
Finally, in the tenth yeare of the raigne of king Edwarde
the fourth, and not many dayes before the death of Henric
the sixt, Thomas Neuell, commonly called the bastard of
Fauconbridge, armed a great companie agaynst the king,
and being denied passage through London, he assaulted
it on diuerse parts: but he was repulsed by the Citizens,
and chased as farre as Stratford with the losse of a great
many.
Thus much of certaine their principall, and personall seruices,
in war onely, for it were infinite to repeate the particular aides
of men and money which London hath ministered: and I had
rather to leaue it to be coniectured at, by comparison to be
made between it and other Cities, whereof I will giue you this
one note for an example. In the 12. yeare of the raigne of
king Edward the 2. it was ordered by Parliament, that euery
City of the realme should make out souldiers agaynst the
Scots: at which time London was appoynted to send 200.
men, and Canterburie, being then one of our best Cities, 40.
and no more. And this proportion of fiue (fn. 1) to one, is now in
our age increased, at the least fiue (fn. 1) to one, both in souldiers
and subsidie. As for the other seruices that London hath
done in tymes of peace, they are to be measured by consideration of the commodities, whereof I will speake anon. In the
meane season let the estate and gouernment of this City be
considered to the end that it may appeare that it standeth
well with the policie of the Realme.
Cæsar in his Commentaries is witnes, that in his time the
Cities of Britaine had large territories annexed vnto them, and
were seuerall estates of themselues, gouerned by particular
kings or Potentates, as in Italie and Germany yet be: and
that Mandubratius was king of the Trinobants, whose chiefe
citie London is taken to haue beene. And I find not that this
gouernment was altered, either by Cæsar, or his successors,
notwithstanding that the Countrie became tributarie vnto
them: but that it continued vntill at length the Britons themselues reduced all their peoples into one Monarchie, howbeit
that lasted not any long season: for vpon Vortiger their king
came the Saxons our Auncestors, and they draue the Britons
into Wales, Cornwall, and Britaine in France, and in processe
of Warre diuided the Country amongst themselues into an
Eptarchie, or seauen kingdomes, of the which one was called
the Kingdome of the East Saxons, which hauing in maner
the same limits that the Bishoprike of London now inioyeth,
contayned Essex, Middlesex and a part of Hertfordshire, and
so included London. Again, it appeareth that in course of
time and about 800. yeares after Christ, Egbert (then K. of
the west Saxons) Vt pisces sape minutos magnus comest, ouercame the rest of the kings, and once more erected a Monarchie,
the which till the comming in of the Normans, and from thence
euen hitherto, hath continued.
Now I doubt not (whatsoeuer London was in the time of
Cæsar) but that vnder the Eptarchie and Monarchy it hath
beene a subiect, and no free City, though happily endowed
with some large priuiledges. For king William the Conqueror
found a Portreeue there, whose name was Godfrey (by which
name he greeteth him in his Saxon Charter (fn. 2) , and his office was
none other then the charge of a Bayliffe, or Reeue, as by the
selfe same name continuing yet in Grauesend, and certain
other places, may well appeare. But the Frenchmen vsing
their own language, called him sometime a Prouost, and sometime a Bayliffe: whatsoeuer his name and office were, he was
perpetuus Magistratus, giuen by the Prince, and not chosen by
the Citizens, as it seemeth, for what time king Richard the
first needed money towardes his expedition in the Holy land,
they first purchased of him the Libertie to choose yearly from
amongst themselues two Bayliffes: and king Iohn his successor,
at their like sute changed their Bayliffes into a Maior, and two
shriffes. To these Henrie the third added Aldermen, at the
first elegible yearly, but afterward by king Edward the third
made perpetuall Magistrates, and Iustices of the peace within
their wards, in which plight of government it presently standeth.
This shortly as I could, is the Historical and outward estate of
London: now come I to the inward pith and substance.
The estate of this Citie is to be examined by the quantitie,
and by the qualitie.
The quantitie therefore consisteth in the number of the
Citizens, which is very great, and farre exceedeth proportion
of Hippodamus, which appoynted 10000. and of others which
haue set downe other numbers, as meete stintes in theyr
opinions to bee well gouerned, but yet seeing both reason
and experience haue freed vs from the law of any definite
number, so that other things be obserued, let that bee admitted:
neither is London, I feare me, so great as populous: for well
sayth one, Non idem est magna Ciuitas & frequens, magna est
enim quæ multos habet qui arma ferre possunt, whatsoeuer the
number bee, it breedeth no feare of sedition: for as much as
the same consisteth not in the extreames, but in a verie medio
critie of wealth and riches, as it shall better appeare anone.
And if the causes of English rebellions be searched out, they
shall bee found in effect to bee these twaine, Ambition and
Couetousnes, of which the first raigneth in the mindes of high
and noble personages, or of such others, as seeke to be gracious
and popular, and haue robbed the hearts of the multitude,
whereas in London, if any where in the worlde, honos vere onus
est, and euery man rather shunneth then seeketh the Maioraltie
which is the best marke amongst them, neyther hath there
been any strong faction, nor any man more popular then the
rest, forasmuch as the gouernment is by a Paterne, as it were,
and alwayes the same, how oftensoeuer they change their
Magistrate. Couetousnesse, that other Syre of sedition, possesseth the miserable and needy sort, and such as be naughty
packes, vnthrifts, which although it cannot be chosen, but that
in a frequent City as London is, there shall be found many,
yet beare they not any great sway, seeing the multitude and
most part there is of a competent wealth, and earnestly bent
to honest labour. I confesse that London is a mighty arme
and instrument to bring any great desire to effect, if it may be
woon to a mans deuotion: whereof also there want not examples
in the English Historie. But forasmuch as the same is by the
like reason seruiceable and meete to impeach any disloyall
attempt, let it rather be well gouerned then euil liked therefore, for it shall appeare anon that as London hath adhered to
some rebellions, so hath it resisted many, and was neuer the
author of any one. The qualitie of this Citty consisteth eyther
in the law and gouer<n>ment thereof: or in the degrees and
condition of the Citizens, or in their strength and riches.
It is besides the purpose to dispute, whether the estate of
the gouernement here bee a Democratie, or Aristocratie, for
whatsoeuer it bee, being considered in it selfe, certayne it is,
that in respect of the whole Realme, London is but a Citizen,
and no Citie, a subiect and no free estate, an obedienciarie, and
no place indowed with any distinct or absolute power, for it is
gouerned by the same law that the rest of the Realme is, both
in causes Criminall, and Ciuill, a few customes onely excepted,
which also are to bee adiudged or foriudged by the common
law. And in the assembly of the estates of our Realme (which
we call Parliament) they are but a member of the Comminaltie,
and send two Burgesses for theyr Citie, as euerie poore Borough
doth, and two knights for their Countie as euery other shyre
doth, and are as straightly bound by such lawes as any part
of the Realme is, for if contribution in subsidie of money to
the Prince bee decreed, the Londoners haue none exemption,
no not so much as to assesse themselues: for the prince doth
appoint the Commissioners.
If Souldiers must be mustered, Londoners haue no law to
keepe themselues at home, if prouision for the Princes housholde bee to bee made, their goods are not priuiledged. In
summe, therefore, the gouernment of London differeth not in
substance, but in ceremonie from the rest of the realme, as
namely, in the names and choise of their officers, and in their
Guildes and Fraternities, established for the maintenance of
Handicrafts, and Labourers, and for equitie and good order,
to be kept in buying and selling. And yet in these also are
they to be controlled by the generall law: for by the statutes
28. E. 3. Chap. 10. and 1. H. 4. Chap. 15. the points of their
misgouernment are inquirable by the inhabitants of the Forren
shyres adioyning and punishable by such Iusticiars as the
Prince shall thereunto depute. To conclude therefore, the
estate of London for gouernment is so agreeable a Symphony
with the rest, that there is no feare of daungerous discord to
ensue thereby.
The multitude (or whole body) of this populous Citie is two
wayes to bee considered, generally and specially: generally,
they bee naturall Subiects, a part of the Commons of this
Realme, and are by birth for the most part a mixture of all
countries of the same, by bloud Gentlemen, Yeomen and of
the basest sort, without distinction, and by profession busie
Bees, and trauellers for their liuing in the hiue of this common
wealth, but specially considered, they consist of these three
parts, Marchantes, Handicrafts men, and Labourers. Marchandise is also diuided into these three sortes, Nauigation, by
the which Marchandizes are brought, and carried in and out
ouerthe Seas: Inuection by the which commodities are gathered
into the Citie, and dispersed from thence into the Countrey
by lande: and Negotiation, which I may call the keeping of
a retayling or standing shop. In common speech they of the
first sort be called Marchanted, and both the other Retaylers.
Handicrafts men bee those which do exercise such artes as
require both labour and cunning, as Goldsmithes, Taylors, and
Haberdashers, Skinners, &c. Labourers and Hirelings I call
those quorum operae non arts emuntur, as Tullie sayeth, of
which sort be Porters, Carmen, Watermen, &c. Againe these
three sortes may be considered, eyther in respect of their
wealth, or number: in wealth Marchants, and some of the
chiefe Retaylers haue the first place: the most part of Retaylers, and all artificers, the second or meane place: and
Hyrelings the lowest roome: but in number they of the
middle place be first, and doe farre exceede both the reset:
Hyrelings be next, and Marchantes bee the last. Now, out
of this, that the estate of London, in the persons of the
Citizens, is so friendly enterlaced, and knit in league with
the rest of the Realme, not only at their beginning by birth
and bloud as I haue shewed, but also verie commonly at their
ending by life and conuersation (for that Marchantes and rich
men, being satisfyed with gaine, doe for the most part marry
theyr Children into the Countrey, and conuey themselues after
Ciceroes counsell, veluti ex portu in agros & possessiones): I doe
inferre (fn. 3) that there is not onely no danger towardes the common
quiet thereby, but also great occasion and cause of good loue
and amitie; out of this, that they be generally bent to trauell,
and doe flie pouertie, per mare, per saxa, per ignes, as the
Poet sayeth, I draw hope, that they shall escape the note of
many vices, which adle people do fall into. And out of this,
that they beea great mutitude, and that yet the greatest part
of them be neyther too rich nor too poore, but doe liue in the
mediocritie, I conclude with Aristotle, that the Prince needeth
not to feare sedition by them, for thus sayth hee: Magnæae
vrbes magis sunt a seditione liberæae, quod in eis dominetur
mediocritas, nam in paruis nihil medium est, sunt enim omnes
vel pauperes vel opulenti. I am now to come to the strength
and power of this Cittie, which consisteth partly in the number
of the Citizens themselues, whereof I haue spoken before,
partly in their riches, and in their warlike furniture, for as
touching the strength of the place (fn. 4) it selfe, that is apparant to
the eye, and therefore is not to be treated of.
The wealth and warlicke furniture of London is eyther
publicke or priuate, & no doubt the common treasure cannot
be much there, seeing that the reuenew they haue
hardly sufficeth to maintaine their bridge and Conduits, and
to pay their Officers and seruantes. Their Tolle doth not any
more then pay their Fee Farme, that they pay to the Prince.
Their Issues for default of Appearances be neuer leuied,
and the profites of their Courtes of Iustice do goe to particular
mens handes. Argumentes hereof be these two, one that they
can do nothing of extraordinarie charge without a generall
contribution: an other that they haue suffered such as haue
borne the chiefe office amongst them, and were become Bankrupt, to depart the Cittie without reliefe, which I think they
neyther would nor could haue done, if the common tresure
had sufficed to couer their shame, hereof there fore we need
not be afraide. The publike armour and munition of this
Citty remayneth in the Hals of the Companies, as it doth
throughout the whole Realme for a great part in the Parrish
churches, neyther is that kept together, but onely for obedience
to the law, which commandeth it, and therefore if that thereaten
daunger to the estate it may by another law bee taken from
them, and committed to a more safe Armourie.
The priuate riches of London resteth chiefly in the handes
of the Marchantes and Retaylers, for Artificers haue not much
to spare, and Labourers haue neede that it were giuen vnto
them. Now how necessarie and seruiceable the estate of
Marchandise is to this realme, it may partly appeare by the
practise of that peaceable, politike and rich Prince king Henry
the seauenth, of whome Polidore (writing his life) sayeth thus:
Mercatores ille sæpenumero pecunia multa data gratuito iuuabat, vt mercature ars vna omnium cunctis æque mortalibus tum
commoda, tum necessaria, in suo regno copiosior esset. But
chiefly by the inestimable commodities that grow thereby:
for who knoweth not that we haue extreame neede of many
thinges, whereof forraine Countries haue great store, and that
wee may spare many thinges whereof they haue neede: or
who is ignorant of this, that wee haue no mines of siluer or
golde within our realme: so that the encrease of our coyne
and Bulloine commeth from else where, and yet neverthelesse
we be both fed, clad, and otherwise serued with forraine commodities and delightes, as plentifull as with our domesticall:
which thing commeth to passe by the meane of Marchandise
onely, which importeth necessaries from other Countries, and
exporteth the superfluities of our own. For seeing wee haue
no way to encrease our treasure by mines of gold or siluer at
home, and can haue nothing without money or ware from
other countries abroad, it followeth necessarily, that if wee
follow the counsel of that good olde husband Marcus Cato,
saying, Oportet patrem familias vendacem esse, non emacem,
and doe carrie more commodities in value ouer the seas, then
we bring hether from thence, that then the Realme shall
receiue that ouerplus in money: but if we bring from beyond
the seas marchandise of more value, then that which we do
send ouer may counteruaile, then the Realme payeth for that
ouerplus in ready money, and consequently is a looser by that
ill husbandrie: and therefore in this part great and heedefull
regard must be had that Symmetria and due proportion be
kept, least otherwise eyther the Realme bee defrauded of her
treasure, or the subiectes corrupted in vanitie, by excessive
importation of superfluous and needles Marchandize, or els
that wee feele penurie, euen in our greatest plentie and store,
by immoderate exportation of our own needfull commodities.
Other the benefites that marchandise bringeth, shall hereafter
appeare in the general recitall of the commodities that come
by London, and therefore it resteth that I speake a word of
Retaylors, and finally shewe that much good groweth by
them both. The chiefe part of Retayling, is but a handmaide
to marchandise, dispersing by peecemeale, that which the
marchant bringeth in grosse: of which trade be Mercers,
Grocers, Vinteners, Haberdashers, Ironmongers, Millayners,
and al such as sell wares growing or made beyond the seas,
and therefore so long as Marchandise it selfe shalbe profitable
and such proportion kept as neyther we loose our treasure
thereby nor be cloyed with vnnecessary forrain wares, this
kind of Retailing is to be retayned also.
Now that Marchantes and Retaylors of London be very
rich and great, it is so farre from any harme, that it is a thing
both prayseworthy and profitable: for Mercatura (sayeth
Cicero) si tenuis est, sordida putanda est, sin magna est et
copiosa non est vituperanda. And truely Marchants and Retaylars doe not altogether intus canere, and profit themselues
only, for the prince and realme both are enriched by their
riches: the realme winneth treasure, if their trade be so
moderated by authority, that it breake not proportion, & they
besides beare a good fleece, which the prince may sheare
when shee (fn. 5) seeth good.
But here before I conclude this part, I haue shortly to
aunswere the accusation of those men, which charge London
with the losse and decay of many (or most) of the auncient
Citties, Corporate Townes and markets within this Realme,
by drawing from them to her selfe alone, say they, both all
trade of traffique by sea, and the retayling of Wares, and
exercise of Manuall Artes also. Touching Nauigation, which
I must confesse, is apparantly decayed in many port townes,
and flourisheth onely or chiefly at London, I impute that
partly to the fall of the Staple, the which being long since
a great trade, and bestowed sometimes at one town and
sometimes at another within the realme, did much enrich the
place where it was, and being now not onely diminished in
force, but also translated ouer the seas, cannot but bring some
decay with it, partly, to the empayring of hauens, which in
many places haue empouerished those townes, whose estate
doth ebbe and flow with them, and partly to the dissolution
of religious houses, by whose wealth and haunt, many of those
places were chiefly fedde and nourished. I meane not to
rehearse particular examples of euery sort: for the thing it
selfe speaketh, and I hast to an ende: As for Retaylers therefore, and Handicraftes men, it is no maruaile if they abandon
Countrie Townes, and resort to London: for not onely the
Court, which is now a dayes much greater & more gallant
then in former times, and which was wonte to bee contented
to remaine with a small companie, sometimes at an Abbey or
Priorie, sometimes at a Bishops house, and sometimes at some
meane Mannor of the kings own, is now for the most part
either abiding at London, or else so neare vnto it, that the
prouision of thinges most fit for it, may easily be fetched from
thence: but also by occasion thereof, the Gentlemen of all
shires do file and flock to this Citty, the yonger sort of them
to see and shew vanity, and the elder to saue the cost and
charge of Hospitality, and house keeping. For hereby it
commeth to passe that the Gentlemen being eyther for
a good portion of the yeare out of the Countrie, or playing
the Farmours, Grasiars, Brewers or such like, more then
Gentleman were wont to doe within the Countrie, Retaylers
and Artificers, at the least of such thinges as pertayne to the
backe or belly, do leaue the Countrie townes, where there is
no vent, and do file to London, where they be sure to finde
ready and quicke market. And yet I wish, that euen as many
Townes in the Low countries of king Philips doe stand some
by one handy arte, and some by an other: so also that it
might be prouided here that the making of some things,
might (by discrete dispensation) be allotted to some speciall
townes, to the end, that although the daintinesse of men
cannot be restrayned, which will needes seeke those things at
London, yet other places also might be relieued, at the least
by the Workmanship of them.
Thus much then of the estate of London, in the gouernment
thereof, in the condition of the Citizens, and in their power
and riches. Now follow<s> the enumeration of such benefited,
as redound to the Prince and this Realme by this City: In
which doing I professe not to rehearse all, but onely to recite
and runne ouer the chiefe and principall of them.
Besides the commodities of the furtherance of Religion, and
Iustice: The propagation of Learning: The maintenance of
artes: The increase of riches, and the defence of Countries
(all which are before shewed to grow generally by Cities, and
be common to London with them) London bringeth singularly
these good thinges following.
By aduantage of the scituation it disperseth forraine Wares,
(as the stomacke doth meat) to all the members most commodiously.
By the Benefite of the riuer of Thames, and greate trade of
Marchandize, it is the chiefe maker of Marriners, and Nurse of
our Nauie, and ships (as men know) be the wooden Walles
for defence of our realme.
It maintaineth, in flourishing estate, the countries of Norfolke, Suffolke, Essex, Kent and Sussex, which as they lie in
the face of our most puissant neighbour, so ought they, aboue
others, to bee conserued in the greatest strength and riches:
and these, as it is well knowne, stand not so much by the
benefite of their owne soile, as by the neighbourhood and
nearnes which they haue to London.
It releeueth plentifullie, and with good policie, not onely
her owne poore people, a thing which scarsely any other
Towne or shire doth, but also the poore that from each
quarter of the Realme doe flocke vnto it, and it imparteth
liberally to the necessitie of the Uniuersities besides. It is an
ornament to the realm by the beautie thereof, and a terror to
other countries by reason of the greate welth and frequencie.
It spreadeth the honour of our Countrie far abroad by her
long nauigations, and maketh our power feared, euen of
barbarous Princes. It only is stored with rich Marchants,
which sort onely is tollerable: for beggarlie Marchantes do
byte too neare, and will do more harme then good to the
Realm.
It onely of any place in this realme is able to furnish the
sodaine necessity with a strong armie. It auayleth the prince
in Tronage, Poundage and other her customes, much more then
all the rest of the realme.
It yeeldeth a greater Subsidie then any one part of the
realme, I meane not for the proportion of the value of the
goodes onelie, but also for the faithfull seruice there vsed, in
making the assesse, for no where else bee men taxed so neare
to their iust value as in London: yea many are found there,
that for their countenance and credite sake, refuse not to bee
rated aboue their abilitie, which thing neuer hapneth abroade
in the country. I omit that in ancient time, the inhabitants
of London & other Cities, were accustomably taxed after the
tenth of their goods, when the countrie was assessed at the
fifteenth, and rated at the viij. when the countrie was set at
the xii. for that were to awake a sleeping Dogge, and I should
be thought dicenda, tacenda locutus, as the Poet said.
It onely doth and is able to make the Prince a readie prest
or loane of money.
It onely is found fit and able to entertaine strangers honourablie, and to receiue the Prince of the Realme worthily.
Almightie God (qui nisi custodiat ciuitatem, frustra vigilat
custos) grant, that her Maiestie euermore rightly esteeme & rule
this Citie, and he giue grace, that the Citizens may answere
duty, aswell towards God and her Maiestie, as towards this
whole realme and countrey, Amen
An Appendix contayning the examination of
such causes as haue heretofore moued the Princes,
either to fine and ransome the Citizens of
London, or to seize the Liberties of
the Citty it selfe
These all may be reduced to these few heads: for eyther
the Citizens haue adheared, in aide or armes, to such as haue
warred vpon the Prince: or they haue made tumult, and
broken the common peace at home: or they haue misbehaued
themselues in point of gouernment and iustice: or finally, and
to speake the plaine truth, the princes haue taken hold of small
matters, and coyned good summes of money out of them.
To the first head I will referre whatsoeuer they haue done
either in those warres that happened betweene king Stephen
and Maude the Empresse, being competitors of the crowne:
or betweene king Iohn and his nobles, assisting Lewes the
French kings sonne when he inuaded the Realme: for it is
apparent by all Histories, that the Londoners were not the
mouers of these wars, but were onely vsed as instruments to
maintayne them. The like is to be said of all the offences
that king Henry the third, whose whole raigne was a continuall
warfare, conceiued against this City, concerning the bearing of
Armour against him: for the first part of his raigne was spent
in the continuation of those warres that his father had begun
with Lewes. And the rest of his life he bestowed in that
contention, which was commonly called the Barons warres.
In which Tragedy London, as it could not be otherwise, had
now and then a part, and had many a snub at the kings hand
for it. But in the end when he had triumphed ouer Simon
Mountford at Euesham, London felt it most tragicall: for
then hee both seysed their liberties, and sucked themselues
drie: and yet Edictum Kenelworth, made shortly after, hath
an honourable testimonie for London, saying, Te London
laudamus, &c. As for the other offences that he tooke
against the Londoners, they pertaine to the other parts of
my diuision.
Next after this, against whom the Londoners did put on
armes, followeth king Edward the second, who in the end was
depriued of his kingdome, not by their meanes but by a
generall defection, both of his owne wife and sonne, and almost
of the whole Nobility and Realme besides. In which trouble,
that furious assault and slaughter committed by them vpon
the Bishop of Excester, then Treasurer of the Realme, is to
be imputed, partly to the sway of the time wherewith they
were carried, and partly to a priuate displeasure which they
had to the Bishop.
Finally commeth to hand King Richard the second: for
these three onely in all the Catalogue of our kings, haue beene
heauie Lordes to London, who also had much contention with
his Nobilitie, and was in the end deposed. But whatsoeuer
countenance and aide the Citie of London brought to the
warres and vprores of that time, it is notoriously true that
London neuer led the dance, but euer followed the pipe of the
Nobilitie. To close vp this first part therefore I affirme, that
in all the troublesome actions during the raigne of these three
kings, as also in all that heauing in, & hurling out, that after
ward happened betweene king H. the sixt, and king Edward
the fourth, the City of London was many times a friend and
fautor, but neuer the first motiue or author of any intestine
warre or sedition.
In the second room I place a couple of tumultuous affrayes
that chaunced in the daies of king R. the first, the one vpon
the day of his Coronation against the Iewes, which contrary
to the kings owne proclamation, would needes enter the Church
to see him sacred, & were therefore cruelly handled by the
common people. The other was caused by Williamwith the
long beard, who after that he had inflamed the poore people
against the richer sort, and was called to answere for his fault,
tooke Bow church for Sanctuary, and kept it Castle like, till
he was fiered out.
Here is place also for the stoning to death of a Gentleman,
seruant to the halfe brother of king Henry the third, which
had before prouoked the Citizens to fury, by wounding diuers
of them without any cause, 1257: for the riotous fray betweene
the seruantes of the Goldsmithes and the Taylors, 1268: for the
hurly burly and bloodshed betweene the Londoners and the
men of Westminster, moued by the young men vpon an occasion
of a wrestling on Saint Iames day, 1221, and made worse by
one Constantine an ancient Citizen: for the braule and businesse that arose about a Bakers loafe at Salisbury place 1391:
for the which and some other misdemeanors king Richard
the 2. was so incensed by euill counsell against the Londoners
that he determined to destroy them, & race their Citie: and
for the fight that was betweene the citizens & sanctuary men
of S.Martins 1454, vnder king Henry the sixt: and finally for
the misrule on euill May day 1519. and for such other like if
there haue beene any.
To the third head may be referred the seiser of their liberties,
for a false iudgement giuen against a poore widdow, called
Margaret Viel, 1246. the 2. seueral seisers in one yeare 1258.
for false packing in collections of money, and other enormities:
and finally the seiser made by king Edward the first for taking
of bribes of the Bakers 1285. But all this security in seising
and resuming of the liberties, which was in old time the
onely ordinarie punishment, was at length mitigated by king
Edward the third and king Henry the fourth in their statutes
before remembred.
In the last place stand those offences, which I repute rather
taken then giuen, and do fall within the measure of the adage,
ut canem cædas, cito inuenias baculum: for king Iohn in the
tenth of his raigne deposed the Bailiffes of London, because
they had bought vp the wheate in the market, so that there
was not to serue his Purueyers. King Henry the third his
sonne compelled the Londoners to pay him 5000.li. because
they had lent to Lewes the French the like summe, of a good
mind to dispatch him out of their Citie and the realme, at such
time as the Protector and the whole Nobilitie fell to composition with him for his departure. And the same king fined
them at three thousand markes, for the escape of a prisoner
out of Newgate, of whom they tooke no charge: for he was
a Clarke, prisoner to the Bishop of London, voder the custody
of his owne seruants, and as for the place, it was onely borrowed
of the Londoners to serue that turne. Hitherto of these things
to this end, that whatsoeuer misdemeanor shall bee obiected
out of Historie against London, the same may herein appeare,
both in his true place, and proper colour.