Volume 1, pp. 301-end
301, l. 38. Beech lane. The Street called 'la beche 'in St. Giles with
out Crepelgate occurs in 1257 (Anc. Deeds, A. 2263), 'Bechestrete' in
1285, and 'Beche lane' in 1333 (Cal. Wills, i.74,402). The name is
therefore older than Nicholas de la Beech. It may be connected with the
spring called 'Wittewellebech' mentioned in a charter of Henry II in 1182
(Cotton MS., Faustina, B. II. f.6; the 'Witebek' of Feet of Fines in 1197),
and as 'Whittewellebeche' in 1381 (Memorials, 451).
302, l. 6. Abbot of Ramsey. There is mention of the Abbot's house in
London in 1114–30 (Cart.de Rameseia, ii. 140, 242; ii.133). The Abbot's
lodging of Ramsey in Whitecross Street was granted to John Gates
(d. 1553)on 5 July, 1545 (Letters and Papers, xix(i).p. 623). Sir Drewe
Drewrie (1531–1617) was a wealthy courtier of Elizabeth and friend of
his neighbour, Lord Willoughby. See Dict. Nat Biog. xvi.54.
l. 31. Base Court. 'Le Bas Court by Crypelgate' was granted to
Robert Ufford on the treason of John Maltravers in 1331 (C. P. R.
Edw. III, ii. 73). On the death of William Ufford, second and last earl,
in 1382, it passed to his nephew Robert, Lord Willoughby d' Eresby (Cal.
Inq.p.m. iii. 40, 209). As 'Barrecan', otherwise 'Barbycare' or 'Bascourt', William, Lord Willoughby d' Eresby, held it in 1519 (Hardy and
Page, Fines, ii. 24–5). His daughter and heiress, Katherine, Duchess of
Suffolk, was mother by her second marriage of Peregrine Bertie (d. 1601),
who refers in his will to his 'great mansion-house called Willoughby
House or Barbican' (Five Generations of a Loyal House, i. 439).
'Barbican' has nothing to do with 'burgh-kenning'; the word came
to English through the O.F. barbacane and Low Latin barbacana, an outwork. It is of uncertain, but possibly Oriental, origin. See N.E.D.
303,. l. 36. Shelly house. The rents and houses of Thomas Shelly,
between the church of St. Mary at the end of Stanynglaneend and Adlyngstrete, were forfeited in Feb. 1400 (C.P.R. Henry IV, i. 193). Sir John
Colepepper owned the tenement called 'Shelles' in 1482 (Cal.Inq.p.m.
304,. l. 4. Sergeant Fleetwoods house. He commonly dated his letters
as from Bacon house (cf. Lansdowne MSS.24 and 26, for 1576–78).
l. 32. Stayning lane. Professor Maitland suggested that the name
was due to the fact that it once contained the haws of the men of Staines
(Domesday and Beyond, 181). The Confessor had granted to St. Peter,
Westminster, the manor of Staines, with the land called 'Staeningehaga'
within London and all other things that had belonged to Staines (Kemble,
Codex, dccclv). St. Mary Stayning is called 'Ecclesia de Staningehage'
in 1189 in the Clerkenwell Chartulary (Cotton MS., Faustina, B. II.f. 9).
305, l. 7. Engaine lane, or Mayden lane. 'Englenelane' in 1282 (Letter
Book A, 154) and 'Ingenlane' in 1382 (Cal. Wills, ii.236). Cf. vol. i.298.
l. 8. S. Iohn Sachary, or Zachary, from the Zachary to whom the
Canons of St. Paul's granted the church of St. John the Baptist in the
twelfth century (Hist. MSS. Comm., 9th Rep. 13b, 64).
l. 19. Iohn Adis … 1400. Munday (Survey, p.322, ed. 1633) gives
the date from his tomb as Feb. 28, 1461; Strype as 1470.
l. 20. Iohn Francis, &c. According to the inscriptions given by
Munday he died on Dec. 13, 1405, and his wife on Oct, 11, 1432. He
was also called Godman (Cal. Wills, ii.364).
l. 21. I [ohn]Sutton… 1413. Munday gives the date from his tomb
July 6, 1450, which shows that he was the alderman killed on London
Bridge in Cade's rebellion (Chron. Lond.161), not the sheriff of 1413.
l. 22. Bartholomew Seman. He founded a chantry here, but directed
that he should be buried at St. Andrew, Cornhill (Cal. Wills, ii. 456, 459).
l. 25. Christopher Eliot … 1505. Strype gives 1509, which is correct.
Cf. i. 24.
l. 31. Iohn Cornish. In Harley MS. 538, f. 108vo., the epitaph is
When I alyve was, bothe more and lesse, even in lyke case right so be ye,
In piteous array, as ye se may, it is no nay, so shall ye be.
Yourselfe make mone, or ye have gon, I pray eche one to pray for me
Without delay; past is the day, I may not pray. now pray ye.
Remembre your charitie, eueryche one for the soule of John Cornishe
a pater noster and ave.
The whiche in the monthe of June deceased the seventene day serteynly,
In the Yere of our Lord M.cccc four and seventy, with de profundis clamavi.
l. 36. as some haue fabuled. This is hardly fair to Grafton, who gives
the story for what it is worth (Abridgment of Chronicles, p. 136,ed. 1572).
Stow himself took the pains to copy it out as follows (Harley MS.367,
The aforsayd maior Syr Bartilmew Rede Kept his maioralty in the
golde smiths hall in london, And it happened on that tyme that the
admirall and certeyn other noble men came as Ambassadors from the
Frenche Kynge to the Kynge of England; whom the Kynge did very
honourably feaste and entertayne, and comanded also the mayor to entertayne them in the citie of London in the best maner that he might.
Whereupon he desired them to dinner. At whiche dinner the ambassadors,
beinge accompanied with many lords and gentlemen to the nomber of an
hundered persons and mo, were placed in the Goldsmiths Hall, where
they filled thre longe tables, and were served with thre courses of all
meates that might be gotten for money. At the first course everye messe
was served with xv dishes. At the second xii dishes. At the third x
dishes. So that in the whole there was servyd in the Hall xv messes and
to every messe xxxvii dishes of meate. The first course was served all in
vessels of new white silvar, the second in new silvar parcell gilt, the third
in new silvar all gilt; beinge all marked newly with his owne marke. And
no dishe nor meate was caried out of the hall untill the dyner was done,
for as they were taken of the table, so they were set within a parke finely
paled, and coningly dressed and garnished with all maner of swete and
goodly flowers in the midste of the hall. And after diner the same meate
was caried out at the gate, and immediatly given to the pore, that were
orderly placed in the strete ready to receyve the same. After diner
amonge the othere gestes was an Italyan, a Jeweller, and he shewed forthe
a stone of greate vallue, and sayd that he had oferyd the same to the
Emperour, the Frenche Kynge, and the Kynge of England, but none of
them would give the vallue thereof. The maior hard hym, and sayd:
"Have ye ofered it to our Sovereigne lord the Kynges grace?" The
Straunger aunswered: "Ye." Then sayth the Maior: "Thinke you the
kynges grace refused it for want of treasure; let me see it," sayd he, and
askyd hym what he valued at. The straunger sayd a thousand markes.
"And will that buy it," sayth the maior. "Ye" sayth the straunger.
Then the maior toke the jewell, and comanded one to bring him a spice
mortar and a pestle, and willed his officer to beate it to powder, and so
he did. Then the maior called for a cup of wyne, and put it in the cup
and dranke it of clene, and sayd to the Straunger: "Speke honorably
of the kynge of England, for thou hast now sene one of his pore subjects
drinke a thousand markes at a draught. " And then comanded his money
to be payd hym. This I found writen in the maner that I have told it in
the ende of an olde booke in the Grey friars library in London, writen by
one friar Jones.'
306, l. 35. Epitaph., It is completed in Harley MS. 538 thus:
Wherfore Jhesu, that of Mary spronge,
Set theyr sowles thy sayntes amonge,
Thoughe it be underserved on theyr syde,
Yet good lord let them evermore thy mercy abyde.
And of your charitie say a pater noster and a ave mary.
307, l. 15. these verses. To be read thus:
Quos anguis tristi diro cum vulnere stravit,
Hos sanguis Christi miro tum munere lavit.
Similar verses occur elsewhere, as on the church at Champery in
Switzerland, and in Weever's Ancient Funeral Monuments.
l. 19. William Gregory. This is the possible author of part of
Gregory's Chronicle. In his principal will he describes himself as of
St. Mary Aldermary parish, and provides for his obit to be kept there
(Collections of a London Citizen,pp. xlii-xlix). However, by another
will he endowed a chantry at the church of SS. Anne and Agnes within
Aldersgate for the souls of Margaret Holmhegge and others (Cal. Wills,
ii.557; see also 556–7,567, 573).
l. 27. This colledge. See A. J. Kempe's Historical notices of St.
Martin le Grand, where the Charter of William I (see note on pp. 270–1
above) is given on pp. 174–6, and other documents relating to the dispute
in 1440 on pp. 117–33, together with the ordinance of 1457 on pp. 146–50
(the last is also given by Munday, pp. 327–30). The privileges of the
Sanctuary had long been abused. Early in the sixteenth century Sir T.
More (Hist. of Richard III) wrote of the sanctuaries at Westminster and
St. Martin's 'What a rabble of theves, multherers, and malicious
heyghnous Traitours, and that in twoo places specyallye. The tone at
the elbowe of the Citie, the tother in the very bowelles.' Complaint of
the disorders in St. Martin's was made to Burghley in 1593 (Kempe, u.s.
pp.168–70). The privileges were abolished in the reign of James l.
l. 31. in the yeare aforesaid. That is in 19 Henry VI, which began
on Sept. I, 1440, shortly before the end of Malpas's and Marshall's year of
office. For a full exemplification of the record see C.P.R. Henry VI, iii.
309, l. 5. Straungers borne. In Elizabeth's time the Liberty was occupied chiefly by foreigners, French, Dutch, and Germans, who worked as
shoemakers (see i. 81 and ii. 281), and manufacturers of counterfeit plate,
sham jewellery embroideries and lace. Hence Stow's covert description
of it as a den of thieves. So Dekker and Webster in Westward Ho!
Act 11. sc. i: "You must to St. Martin's to buy lace.' Richard Braithwaite, in 1658, in The Honest Ghost, p. 167:—
By this he travells to Saint Martin's lane,
And to the shops he goes to buy a chaine.
Bultler, in The Lady's Answer to Hudibras, 11. 59, 60, refers to:
false St. Martin's beads
Which on our lips you lay for reds.
l. 13. Northumberland house. Henry Percy, second Lord, had his
house here in 1352 (cal. Inq. p.m.ii.174,288). Henry Percy, first Earl
of Northumberland, gave it to his son Henry (Hostpur), at whose death
in 1403 his two Inns in 'Aldrichgate strete' were granted to Richard, lord
Grey (C.P.R.Henry IV, ii. 408; iii.214). By other grants on July 22,
1405, and April 8, 1406, they were given to Queen Joanna, who held them
till her death (id. iii. 34, 169). On July 11. 1437, the king's place, formerly
called 'Queen Johanne Wardrobe.' was granted to Thomas Aldenham
(id. Henry VI, iii. 68,152, 240). The Percies were endeavouring to
recover it in 1435(id. ii. 530–2), and eventually succeeded; for, on the
attainder of the third Earl, this and the other Northumberland house in
Aldgate were granted to George, Duke of Clarence (id. Edw. IV,
i. 48, 199).
311, l. 21. Nicholas Farendon son to the said William. Stow's account
of the Farringdon family is inaccurate. William died in 1294, leaving his
property to his wife Isabella for life, and at her death to Nicholas, his
son-in-law and Isabella his daughter. This Nicholas Farringdon, who
was mayor in 1308, 1313, 1320, and 1323, was probably the Nicholas, son
of Ralph le Fevre, to whom, according to a deed cited by Antony
Munday (Survey, p. 336. ed. 1633.), William granted the aldermanry in
1293. Nicholas died in 1334, and was buried before the alter of St. Dunstan
at St. Paul's Cathedreal (Hist. MSS. Comm.,9th Rep.3.). Through his
daughter Roysia, or Rosia, he was grandfather of a second Nicholas
Farringdon, who was never alderman, and dying in 1361 was buried at
St. Peter's in Cheap (Cal. Wills, i. 112, 397, ii. 18). The undivided
Farringdon Ward was called the Ward of Ludgate and Newgate in
1285–6, but Farndon Infra and Farndon Extra in 1319–20 (id. i. 702–4).
Nicholas de Farndon bequeathed it in 1334 to John de Pulteney as the
'Aldermanry of Farndon within Ludgate and Newgate and without'.
314, l. 2. Iohn Sha. In his will he gave direction for the performance
of the will of 'myn uncle Sir Edmonde Shaa knyght concernyng the
continuance of dayly servyce to be songe and done withyn the parish
church of St. Peter in Chepe … I wyll that my executors shall cause
yesaid churche of Saint Petur to be bylded and made with a flat roofe.
And also the Stepull there to be made up in a gode and convenient
manner.' Trans, Lond. and Midd. iii. 348. The exact relationship of
John and Edmond Shaw is given here alone.
l. 8. buried in this Church. Strype corrects the dates for Thomas
Atkyns, ob. Aug. 15, 1486, and Richard Hardley, ob, Jan, 21. 1492, quoting
the inscriptions. For Palmer he gives 1513, for Warley 1524, for Munday
1527. The Nicholas Farendon, who was buried here, was not the mayor
but his grandson (see note above).
William Rus in his will (cal. Wills, ii. 483) directed that he should be
buried at St. Michael, Cornhill. See i. 196, ii. 305 above. The list for
St. Peter's Harley MS. 6069, f. 58, reads 'William Bowse.'
l. 33. Fauster lane. A Corruption of St. Vedast's it appears as
'Seint Fastes lane,' and 'Venella Sancti Vedasti' in the fourteenth
century (Hist. MSS. Comm., 9th Rep. 13.)
315, l. 1. William Trist, Selerar. Meaning William Tristour, saddler,
who died in 1425. Another William Trystour, saddler, was buried here
in 1439 (Cal. Wills, ii. 442,489).
l. 15. Seale. The common seal still bears the inscription 'Sigillum
Baronum Londoniarum' the City arms were substituted for the figure
of Thomas Becket in 1539. See Price, Account of the Guildhall, 12–13.
l. 20. one great house. Ralph Neville had tenements in Silver Street
at the corner of Mugwell (Monk's Well) Street in 1367. John Neville
(d.1388) of Raby was his son. John's second wife, Elizabeth (d.1395),
heiress of William, Lord Latimer, was mother of John Neville (d.1430),
Lord Latimer. John, Lord Latimer, sold his barony to his half-brother,
Ralph (d. 1425), first Earl of Westmorland, who died seized of 'Nevils'
Inn' in St. Olave parish in Farringdon Ward. Ralph (d. 1484.), second
Earl, held 'Neville Inn' in Silver Street (Cal. Inq.p.m.ii.281, iii. 102,
192; iv. 103, 419). Dorothy Neville, daughter of Ralph (d.1550), fourth
Earl, married John de Vere, sixteenth Earl of Oxford; her only child,
Katherine, married Edward, Lord Windsor (d.1574), whose tomb is in
the church of SS. Giovanni e Paolo at Venice; Lady Windsor died in
l. 25. Monks well street. See note on p. 339.
316, l. 19. he deceased in the yeare 1577. William Lambe died April 30,
1580. He was seized of 'le St. James Chappell at London Wall', and
left it with other property to the Clothworkers for charitable and pious
uses (Inq. p. m. London, iii. 99–101; Cal Wills, ii. 703). See Gent.
Mag. Liberary, xv. 288–93, describing the ruins in 1825.
l. 37. stinking lane. No doubt the 'Stukandelane' or 'Stigandeslane' which was obstructed by the Grey Friars in 1275 (Hundred Rolls,
319, l. 37. Monuments. Stow's list is based on that in the Register of
Greyfriars in Cotton MS., Vitellius, F. xii, which is printed in Collectanea
Topographica et Genealogica, v. 275–90, 385–98. The original contains
many names and dates not given by Stow and supplies some corrections,
viz: p. 321, l. 5, Bartholomew de Castro (or de Castle, see Cal. Wills
i. 128); l. 22, 'two daughters of Alleyne Cheyny' (due filie); l. 29,
'Thomas Ap (a parr) et Johannes Mylwater'; l. 31. John water probably
died in 1502; l. 34. William Huddy was not buried here, the entry refers
to his wife Anne, who was widow of John Moyle. P. 322, l.8, Chyrcheerd; l. 11, Philip Pettys; I. 13, Henry Reston; I. 17, John Treaszawell.
'Patar, bishop of Carbon' (p. 320, l. 12) is Peter, bishop of Corbavia
in Dalmatia, who was suffragan of London, Canterbury, and Winchester
(Stubbs,Reg. Sacr. Angl.195, ed. 1897; Ann. Paul340). Henry
Frowike (p. 322, l. 10) is the sheriff of 1275, who died in 1284 (Hist. MSS.
Comm, 9th Rep. 46).
323, ll. 36–7. H. Reade … 1450. A misprint. His will, dated Sept. 6,
1420, was enrolled March 2, 1421 (Cal, Wills,ii. 423).
324, l. 7. Aedelbertus Rex, &c. This charter is contained in a register
at St. Paul's whence it has been printed in Dugdale, History of St. Paul's,
p. 288. Kemble, Cod. Dipl dcccclxxxii, Haddan and Stubbs, Councils,
iii. 60. and Brich, Cartularium saxonicum, i. 14. It is marked as spurious
or questionable both by Kemble and by Stubbs.
l. 15. Stortford, &c. This grant is an O.E. charter of William I,
printed in Dugdale, St. Paul's, p.304.
l. 16. He also confirmed,&c. These two charters are printed in
Dugdale, St. Paul's p. 298; viz. a Latin charter confirming the grant of
Æthelberht, and the other appearing to be a Latin translation of a writ
drawn up in O.E. The latter is given from Charter Roll, 9 Edw. II.
No. 37, and Pat. I Henry V. Earlier and better texts occur in Cartae
Antiquae, C.C. No 14 (circa 1200), and A 1, and BB. No. 9 (slightly
325, l. 28. place of assembly., For early (twelfth centry) regulations on
the chief folkmotes, viz, at Michaelmas to hear the sheriff's charge, at
Christmas to keep the wards and at Midsummer for watch against fire,
see Eng. Hist Rev. xvii. 502, and Mun gild I. 118–9. The solkmote
was to be summoned by the great bell at St. Paul's See also note on
p. 278 above. For the pleas in 1320 see Mun. Gild. II. i. 338–43. For
Folkmotes at Paul's Cross see i. 331, and note on next page.
327, l. 10. The height, &c. Wren measured the tower as 260 feet
high, but estimated that the spire had been no more than 200 (Parentalia,
274). The dimensions of old St. Paul's are given variously. See
Sparrow-Simpson's Documents illustrating the History of St. Paul's
l. 32. dance of death. Sir Thomas More (Works, p. 77, ed. 1557)
alludes to the paintings at St. Paul's: 'But if we not only hear this word
Death, but also let sink into our hearts the very fantasy and deep imagination thereof, we shall perceive thereby that we wer never so gretly moved
by the beholding of The Daunce of Death pictured on Pawles as we shal
feal ourself stered and altered by the feling of that imaginacion in our
hearts. And no mervel. For those pictures expresse only the lothely
figure of our ded bony bodies.' Lydgate's verses were printed at the end
of Tottell's edition of The Falls of Princes in 1554; also in Dugdale's
History of St. Paul's419–27, and in Dource's The dance of death. See
also vol. i. p. 109 above.
328, l. 3. a fayre Librarie. Leland (Collectanea, iv. 47–8) gives a list of
twenty-one manuscripts; there is a full list drawn up in 1458 in Dugdale's
History of St. Paul's 393–9. Only three can now be traced; (1) A MS.
of Avicenna; (2) The Chromicle of Ralph de Diceto in the Lambeth
Place Library; (3) The Miracles of the Virgin in the Aberdeen university Library. A Psalterium now in the Cathedral Library was probably
one of the Service-books of old St. Pauls See Sparrow-Simson,
Gleanings from Old St. Paul's,37–9.
331. l. 8. The very antiquity of which crosse. It is mentioned in Lib.
de Ant. Legg.9, under date 1241, when Henry III took leave of the citizens
for his journey to Gascony 'ad crucem Sancti Pauli'. Stow's instance
in 1259 was on a like occasion, when Henry met the citizens 'populo in
Folkesmoto congregato' (Lib. de ant. legg. 42) On the early history
of Paul's cross see Sparrow-Simpson, Hist of Old St. Paul's, 149–72.
l. 27. the steeple of Saint Paules. Stow's narrative is an abbreviation
of his original Memorandum 'Anno 1561, ye 4 day of June, between
4 and 5 of ye cloke in ye aftar nonne, beynge Wedynsday and Corpus
Crisit eve, ye stepull of Powlles was fyeryd by lyghtnynge, yewhiche
lytenynge dyd take yestepulle, as it dyd seme to ye beholders, ye space
of ij or iij yardes benethe yecrosse and so byrnt round abought in ye
same place that ye toppe felle of with ye cross wnperushed (or wnbyrnt)
and ye crosse fell southe, and so the sphere byrnt downe ward lyke as
a condil consumyng, to yetone werke and yebells and so to yerouffe
of ye churche, and thorow yerouffes of ye churche all fowre ways, east,
west, northe, and sowthe. Within yeqwiers or chawnsyllas was bryant no
thyng but only yecommunion table, and in yerest of yechurche was
brynt nothing but a sartayn tymber werke whiche stode at yenorthe-west
pyllar of ye stepull, which was fyered with ye tymber that fell in to ye
churche owt of yesteple; whiche was a lamentable syghte and pytyfull
remembraunce to all people that have ye feare of God before theyr eyes,
consyderynge it was yehous of owre Lord, erectyd to prays hym and pray
to hym, ye beawty of yestyle of London, ye beawty of yeholle Reallme.
A mynster of suche worthy, stronge, and costly buldynge, so large, so
pleasant and delectable, it passyd all comparyson, not only of mynstyrs
within thys realme but ells where, as sure as travayll hathe taught ws in
other realmes ethar Cristyn or hethyn. Wherfore feare we God that so
sore hathe chatysyd us, and let ws well know that he whiche hathe not
spayrd his owne hours wyll not spare owres, exsept we repent owr formor
wykyd lyffe and serve hym in holynys and newenys of lyffe, with
a parfytt faythe in God and partytt charytye to owr neyghbour, ye
whiche our Lorde for his byttar passyon grawnt. Amen.' (Momoranda,
The account in the Survey is reproduced almost verbatiom from that
in the Annales, p. 1095, ed. 1605. See for very similar accounts,
Machyn, Diary, p. 259, and Hayward, Annals of Queen Elizabeth, p. 87,
and three other contemporary accounts in Dr. Sparrow-Simpson's Documents illustrating the History of St. Paul's pp. 113–27, Camd. Soc.; and
History of Old St. Paul's, 134–42.
332, l. 22. through whose default God knoweth. The reference to
Grindal in the 1598 edition (see p. 256 above) has been supposed to him at
some blame on his part. But this is unfounded. Hayward (Annals,
p. 89) says that Grindal spent 720l. 'out of his proper estate.' Grindal
was only too zealous, for if allowed he would have stripped the lead from
St. Bartholomew's to cover St. Paul's (Strype, Life of Grindal, 93–6).
The neglect of the Cathedral was, however, a scandal and in 1581 the
Lord Mayor wrote to Grindal, then Archbishop, 'that the walls were laid
open and greatly spoiled with rain,' and prayed for his intervention,
understanding that while bishop he 'not only gave of his own, but like
his predecessors, had liberally borne some ordinay and yearly charge',
and asking for his advice and that' the yearly accounts of himself, his
predecessors, and their officers might be seen for the city's information'.
Grindal in reply wrote' that he did in his time as much, or more, than
either by law or reason he was bound' (Remembrancia, 322–7). If
Grindal could clear himself it seems less certain that Aylmer (or Elmer), his
successor, with whom, in 1581, the Corporation was in controversy, was
blameless. Aylmer's son had to pay in 1597 over £4,000 for dilapidation
of the church and bishop's houses. The misapporpriation of the money
is refered to in the play, Nobody and Somebody(Simpson, School of
Shakespeare, i. p. 306):—
Nobody. I'le bring the tems through the middle of it, empty Mooreditch at my own charge, and build up Paules-steeple without a collection.
I see not what becomes of these collections.
Clowne. Why, Nobody receives them.
Nobody. I, knave ?
Clowne. You, knave: or as the world goes, Somebody receives all,
and Nobody is blamed for it.
Nobody and Somebody was probably written in 1592, when the question
was revived in Richard Rowland or Verstegen's Declaration of the True
Causes of the Great Troubles. Bacon, replying i Observations on a Libel,
wrote of 'the gathering of Paul's steeple as 'being but a voluntary collection of that men were freely disposed to give, never grew to so great
a sum as was sufficient to finsish the work, for which it was appointed, and
so I imagine was converted to some better use'. (Life and Letters, i. 176,
l. 25. Monumentes. See Kalendar and Lists of Obists observed in St.
Paul's temp. Richard II, ap. Sparrow-Simpson, Documents,&c., pp.
61–106, and pp. 194–202; Holland, Monumenta Sepulcharia Saicti
Pauli, and Dugdale, History of St. Paul's Catherdral
Stow's lists contain numerous errors, especially of dates. Note the
Hingham, 1311; Robert Monden, 1338 (Cal. Wills,i. 430— his
brother John was already dead); Melford 1336; Gilbert Brewer (or
Bruer), 1353; Richard Wendover, 1252; Adam de Bery (or Bury), 1386;
Roger Holmes, 1395; Thomas Euers(or Eure), 1400; Thomas More,
1421. Also: Ralph Donion (or Dongon), was Canon in the time of
Edward II; Richard Newport, Archdeacon of Middlesex 1309, is the
bishop, who died in 1318; Swereford is a better form than Swarford.
334, l. 25. what I haue heard by report, and haue partly seene. Stow
might have witnessed this ceremony in his youth, or he may refer only to its
revival in 1557, of which Machyn (Diary, 141) writes thus:— 'The last
day of June, Saint Pauls day, was a goodly procession at Saint Pauls.
There was a priest of every parriche of the dyosses of London with a
cope, and the bishop of London wayreng ys myter: and after came
a fat buck, and ys hed with the hornes borne a-pone a baner-pole, and
xl hornes blohyng afor the boke and behynd.'
For a longer account of the grants of William and Walter Baud see
Dugdale, History of St. Paul's, p. 12(ed. Eills). Camden mentions that
he had seen the procession in his youth, no doubt referring to the revival
of 1557 (Britannia, ii. 81, ed. Gough).
335, l. 37. to serue Duke Humfrey. Munday, in his edition of the
Survey (p. 642, ed. 1633), adds: 'In idle and frivolous opininon of whom,
some men, of late times have made a soleman meeting at his tomb, upon
St. Andrew's day in the morning, before Christmas, and concluded on
a breakfast or dinner; as assuring themselves to be servants, and to hold
diversity of offices under the Good Duke Humphrey. Likewise on May
Day, tankard-bearers, watermen, and some other of like quality besides,
would use to come to the same tombe early in the morning, and (according to the other) have delivered serviceable presentation at the same
monument, by strewing hearbes, and sprinkling faire water on it, as in
the dutie of servants, and according to their degress and charges in
office. But as Master Stow hath discreetly advised such as are so merrily
disposed, or simply professe themselves to serve Duke Humphrey in
Paul's if punishment of losing their dinners dayly there be not sufficient
for them, they should be sent to S. Albon's, to answere there for their dis
obedience and long absence from their so highly well-deserving lord and
master, because in their merrie disposition they please so to call him.
St.Paul's was used regularly as a meeting-place to transact business
(see note on p.316 above). Fleetwood, writing to Cecil, speaks as a matter
of course about going 'to Powles to learn some news', and of gossip, which
had 'occupied Powles all last week' (Lansdowne MS24, ff. 22, 196).
The arisles, and especially the neighbourhood of 'Duke Humphrey's
Tomb', were the recognished haunts of loiterers, needy adventurers, and
broken-down gallants. In Ben Jonson's Every Man in his Humour
Captain Bobadil is called a 'Paul's man', and in Every Man out of his
Humour (Act III.sc. i) another such rogue is described as: 'The most
strange piece of military profession that ever was discovered in Insula
Paulina.' This last jest is paralleled by Samuel Rowlands's satire on the
traveller in conceit, whose 'journey is in Paules, in the back Isles'
(Letting of Humours, &c, p. 46). From the loitering at St. Paul's of
these knights of industry, who hoped there to earn a meal by their wits,
'to dine with Duke Humphrey' became a proverb for to go dinnerless.
Rowlands begins a tale in his Knave of Clubs, p. 10, thus:—
Two hungry sharks did travell Paules,
Untill their guts cried out,
And knew not how with both their wits,
To bring one meal about.
Thomas Nashe in Pierce Pennilesse (Works, ii, 18, ed. Grosart)
writes:— 'I hearing of this colde comfort …like a careles malecontent,
that knew not which way to turne, retired me to Paules to seeke my
dinner with Duke Humfrey.
Similar references abound. The third chapter of Dekker's Guls Hornbooke is entitled 'How a Gailant should behave himself in Powles
Walkes', and is full of curious information (Non-Dramatic Works
ii. 229–37, ed. Grosart). See also Milman's Annals of St. Paul's, pp.
283–8, and Sparrow-Simpson's History of Old St. Paul's, 235–50.
338, l. 11. a merry poet Holland, in his Monumenta Sepulchraria
Sancti Pauli, which appeared in 1614, after quotion Stow, adds: And
no doubt but the merry poet was the merry old man Stow himself." Stow,
lines do not appear in the original draft inHarley MS. 538. Stow,
of course, alludes to the mediaeval legend which made St. Christopher
a giant. In a note on 'the longitude of men' in Lambeth MS. 306 one
entry is: 'Crystoferus, xvij fote &viij ynches.
Hatton's tomb was one of the sights of London, and others than Stow
commented on its excessive size. So Corbet in his Iter Boreale:
Nor need the Chancellor boast, whose pyramis
Above the host and altar is.
John Davies has an epigram:
Titus, the brave and virtuous young gallant,
Three years together in the town hath been,
Yet my Lord Chancellor's tomb he tomb he hath not seen,
Nor the new waterwork, nor the elephant.
I cannot tell the cause without a smile,
He hath been in the Counter all the while.
339, l. 8. Pembrooks Inne.
John of Britanny, Earl of Richard, had
a house near Ivy Lane and Eldedenes lane (Warwick Lane) in 1312
(Letter Book D. 291; but see also vol. i. p. 342 above). Then Mary de
St. Pol (d.1377), Countess of pembroke and widow of Aymer de Valence
(d. 1324), lived there (Letter Book G, 132;
Cal. Wills, ii. 195). In 1352
she is described as owning 'unum turellum, aedificatum cum cameris et
cellario' (Mun. Gild. II.ii. 455). Her husband's heirs, the Hastings
Earls of Pembroke, were lords of Bergavenny, and were represented in
the female line by Henry Neville (d. 1587), Lord Bergavenny. William
Beauchamp, Lord Bergavenny, held 'Pembrokes Inn' in 1411, and
Johanna his widow in 1436 (Cal. Inq.p.m. iii.332,iv. 167).
340, l. 29. Margaret Queene of Scots. Clearly meant for Margaret of
Scotland, who married first Hubert de Burgh and then Gilbert Marshal.
See ii. 89.
l. 30. Robert de Attabeto. Robert of Artois,
Count of Beaumont-le
Roger, who died at London on Aug. 16, 1343. Stow's Ms. list of the burials
at Blackfriars is in Harley MS. 544, f. 68, where he writes 'Attrabeto';
also 'Hothe' (Howth) for 'Lioth' (p. 341, l.4), and 'Nicholas Carre' for
'Nicholas Eare' (p. 341, l. 21). The list in Harley MS. 6033, f. 12, has
'the lord Hothe' and 'Nicholas Carrw'.
341, l. 13. John Cornwall He founded a 'Cornewaill Chapel' at
Blackfriars in 1437 for himself and his wife Elizabeth of Lanecaster,
Countess of Huntingdon (C.P.R. Henry VI, iii. 55–6): see Corrigenda.
l. 30. sir Thomas Carden. Carden or Cawarden had a grant of
Blackfriars on March 12, 1550. He died on Aug. 29, 1559 (Inq. P.m.
Lond., i. 191–5). He was Master of the Revels and appropriated St.
Anne's Church on the ground that it was required 'to lay in his Matisa
pavylyons, tentes, maskes, and reuels'. It was only under compulsion
that he provided a room in its place (Chambers, Tudor Revels, 14, 15).
l. 39. saint Michaell ad Bladum. The meaning is shown clearly in
the description of it in the reign of Henry III as St. Michael ubi bladum
venditur (Hist. MSS. Comm., 9th Rep. 20; Cal. Wills, i. 3). In the list
of 1303 it is St.Michael 'in Foro ad Bladum' (Mun. Gild. II. i. 229).
Sometimes it is called simply St. Michael, Cheap, or St.Michael at Paul's
gate. For AElfar, and his son Nicholas, priests of St. Michael about
1100, see Round, Geoffrey de Mandeville,309–10
342, l. 29. a small passage. In 1378 complaint was made that the
common passage which had existed time out of mind had been blocked,
and order was given that the door way should be reopened (Memorials,
417–18; Letter Book H, 89).
l. 37. the prerogatiue court. Robert de Avesbury, the historian, who
was Registrar of the Court of Canterbury, lived in lvy Lane (Cal. Wills,
343, l. 4. Louels Inne. It was Lovell property in 1433(Cal. Inq.p.m.,
iv. 73), but was forfeited by Francis, Viscount Lovell, in 1486, and granted
in 1488 by Henry VII to Sir John Risley (Campbell, Mat. Hist.
Henry VII, ii. 260), and by Henry VIII in 1513 to William Compton
(Letters and papers, i. 3761). Now represented by Lovell's Court.
l. 5. Eldenese lane. The original form was Elde-denes-lane, i.e.
Old Dean's Lane, and there is reference to Venella Veteris Decani in the
time of Henry III (Hist. MSS. Comm., 9th Rep. 9) and in 1286 (Cal.
Wills, i. 78). In the next two centuries Oldedeneslane 1365, Eldeneslane 1379, and Eldedeneslane 1442, occur (id. ii. 85, 209, 497). In the
sixteenth century it is Warwick lane, formerly called Alden's Lane.
'Werwyk lane' occurs as early as 1475 (Paston Letters, v. 223), and
'Warwicke lane' in 1506 (Chron. Lond. 261). Thomas de Beauchamp
(d. 1369), Earl of Warwick, had his house in Eldeneslane, as also his son
Thomas in 1401, and his grandson Richard in 1439, and Richard's daughterin-law, Cicely, Duchess of Warwick, in 1450 (Cal. Inq. p. m. ii. 294, iii.
277, iv. 191, 241).
345, l. 13. Thomas Tomlinson, &c. Stow's account is based on a note
furnished by a friend, and now preserved in Harley MS. 367, f. 47 —
'A description of a vaute made for Thomas Tomlinson at the corner of
Bredstree in Cheapside.
'The vaute being digged fifteene feete deepe there was found the said
pavement like vnto that of Cheapside now, and at the farther ende of the
vaute in Cheapside at ye channel was found a tree sawed into fiue steppes
which were, as it shuld seme, to steppe over some brooke, and vppon the
edge of the seid brooke (as it seemeth) there were found lying along the
bodies of two greate trees, the endes whereof were than sawed, and were
as firme timber then as at the first, when they fell; part also of the said
trees remaine yet in the ground vndigged. It was all forced ground vntill
they went past the trees aforesaid:
Stow wrote a note at the side, but the margin has been cut. Thomas
Thomlinson, skinner, died in 1612 (Cal. Wills, ii. 735).
When the Saracen's Head in Cheapside was rebuilt in 1844 a Roman
tessellated pavement was found 16 to 18 feet below the street level (London
Topographical Record, iv. 56).
l. 29. Goldsmithes Rowe. The goldsmiths had long occupied this
part of Cheap. The Orfaveria in foro London is mentioned in the time
of Henry III (Cal. Inq.post mortem, i. 917, new ed.), and in 1290 there
is reference to a shop in the Goldsmithery opposite St. Peter, Wood
Street (Cal. Wills, i. 94). For Stow's time see Webster and Marston,
The Malcontent, Induction: 'I'll walk but once down by the Goldsmith's Row in Cheap, take notice of the signs and tell you them with
a breath instantly. They begin as the world did, with Adam and Eve.
There's in all just five and fifty.' Paul Hentzner, the German, in his
Travels in England during the Reign of Elizabeth (p. 3r, ed. Horace
Walpole), writes: 'The streets in this city are very hand some and clean;
but that which is named from the goldsmiths who inhabit it, surpasses
all the rest; there is in it a gilt tower, with a fountain that plays. Near
it on the further side is a handsome house, built by a goldsmith and
presented by him to the City. There are besides to be seen in this
street, as in all others where there are goldsmith's shops, all sorts of
gold and silver vessels exposed to sale, as well as ancient and modern
medals, as must surprise a man the first time he sees and considers
346, l. 6. Watheling streete, &c. See Leland, Collectanea, ii. 361–2:
'Nobilium via Athelingstreate, Watelingstreate corrupte.' Athelingestrate occurs in 1212 (Anc. Deeds, A. 1499), and instances.' during the
thirteenth century are common, though some may refer to Addle Street
(Hist. MSS. Comm., 9th Rep. 2, 4; Cal. Wills, i. 13, 46, 157, 419–date 1336). The London 'Watling Street' seems to occur first in 1307
(id. i. 186). For drapers of Watling Street in Stow's time see Greene's
Tu Quoque (Old Plays, xi. 207, ed. Hazlitt):— 'He fills his belly and
never asks what's to pay: wears broad-cloth, and yet dares walk Watling
St. without any fear of his draper.'
l. 26. Walter Turke, &c. This comes from a Cartulary of St. Mary
Overy, as shown by Stow's note in Harley MS. 544, f. 100.
347, l. 7. two Priests of this church, &c. This is reproduced verbation
from the London Chronicle in Harley MS. 540, f. 8vo
l. 22. little damnified thereby. Wriothesley given an almost identical account, except that he conclued: 'But the steeple was so perished
that there was no mendinge of it but to take it downe' (Chronicle, ii. 146).
Machyn (Diary, 209) says the dog was a spaniel.
l. 32. The yeare 1300 and odde, &c. The edition of 1598 reads
'Cornishe gentleman'; that of 1603 'Cornishe gentlemen'; the latter
with its faulty punctuation led Munday to read '1300, and certaine
Cornish gentle men 1312'. The true meaning appears in Harley MS.
538:—' about the yere of Christ 1300 and odd yeres. Cornishe, a gentleman, was buried there in the yere 1312.'
l. 33. William Palmer. Died 1349 (Cal. Wills, i. 538).
ll. 34–6. Iohn Shadworth … 1428. This is the date of his first
will; he made a second in Jan. 1429. They were not proved till Oct.
1430 (Cal. Wills, ii. 452–3).
l. 37. Stephen Bugge, a draper, founded a chantry at St. Mildred's
in 1430 (id.ii. 450).
348, l. 13. Basing lane. In spite of Stow's statement that he had not
read of Basing 'to have anything there to do', the lane no doubt owed
its name to an early owner. In 1275 Peter de Basinges made bequest of
his house in Basing Lane (Cal. Wills, i. 20).
l. 22. On the South side, &c. This passage on Gerrard the Giant
affords interesting illustrations of Stow's methods of composition, of his
connexion with Holinshed's Chronicles, and of his rivalry with Grafton.
The original draft in Harley MS. 538, f. 127, differs materially from the
'On the south syde of this lane is one greate house, of olde tyme
builded of stone vpon arched vaultes vnder ground, with arched gates
also of stone: but I haue not red who was the first builder thereof,
neythar when the same was builded. It is at this present a comon Inn
for recepte of travaylers, greatly frequented of carriers and of others: it is
called Gerrard's Hall and sayde to be of a giaunte that ther dwelled, so
named, but no authoritie is shewed, more than that of olde tyme the
sayd howse hauinge a large and highe roofed hall, there stode in the
midste thereof a mighty staffe, armed at the fore end with iron and
stele; it reached from the grownde or flowre to the very toppe of the
hall, even as it were to towche or pierce it. This staffe is sayde to be
one of them, that the sayde Gerard the Giaunt vsed to runne withal in
his warres. Sure he had nede of a very greate horse to cary hym, that
should wild suche a staffe, but I thinke he was no horseman but went all
on his fete. There stode also a lathar of the same height iust by the
staffe. I have sene them ofte, and inquired of the tenaunts the cawse
of they being there, but they could make to me none other aunswere
than that the one was Gerar's staffe (as ye have herd) and the laddar to
ascend to the toppe thereof, to se the same staffe to be saffe, and not
decayed. Of late yeres this hall is altered in buildinge, and dyvers
romthes made of it. Notwithstonding the staffe is removed to one
corner of the hawle, whiche remayneth of height as afore, save that the
poynt is broken off, but the ladder is broken or sawd shortar almoste by
the one halfe, and the remenaunt thereof hanged on to a wall in the
yarde. A servaunt of that howse (more curtise than his master) showed
me the lengthe of the staffe by a wall's syde, where the sayd staffe was
layde, whiles the romthes ouer the hall were in buildinge. I measured
the ground and found it 50 foot in lengthe. But the master of the
howse sayth the same to lak halfe a foote of 40 foote, which worde
of his I must take for curraunt, for reason cowde he gyve me none.
Neyther would he rise from his sete to show me eny ferther, but bad
me rede the Chronicles, for there he had hard. This muche for the
east syde of Bread Street.'
For the host's reference to the great Chronicles see William Harrison's
Description of Britain, ap. Holinshed, Chronicles, i. 21: 'I could speake
also of Gerard's staffe or lance, yet to be seene in Gerard's Hall at
London in Basing lane, which is so great and long that no man can
beweld it, neither go to the top thereof without a ladder, which of set
purpose and for greater countenance of the wonder is fixed by the same.'
349, l. 3. John Leyland his Comentaries. As to Stow's transcripts
of Leland, made in 1576, see Introduction, p. xxv. 'Reyne Wolfe's
Chronicle' refers to Holinshed's Chronicles, to which was prefixed
William Harrison's Description of the Island of Britain. Harrison
charged Leland with having 'made his notes intricate of set purpose',
being 'loth that anie man should easilie come to that knowledge by reading which he with his great charge and no less travell atteined unto
by experience'. Hearne (ap. Leland, Collectanea, i. p. lv) censured
Harrison for his 'unbecoming reflexions upon so great a man, from whom
he borrowed the most valuable and judicious passages in his Description
of Britain, his own Remarks being generally very mean and trivial.'
John Bagford, in his Letter relating to the Antiquities of London (id. i.
p. lxix), wrote: "Tis my opinion that Stow had in his possession Leland's
Antiquities of London, and for want of Learning most grievously mangled the Work on purpose to make it his own.' The suggestion is quite
unfounded; Stow's Collections prove how fully his work was based on
his own research; he sometimes follows Leland without express acknowledgement, but sometimes also corrects him silently; compare vol. i.
p. 137 with vol. ii. p. 143, and see note on p. 290. Most of the references to Leland in the Survey appear to be to the extant Collectanea
and not to any lost work, though the note on the Library at St. Peter's,
Cornhill (vol. i. p. 194), does imply something more explicit than the bald
reference in Collectanea, iv. 48.
l. 9. R. G. in his briefe collection of Histories. On f. ii of the
Manuellpublished in 1565. For Stow and Grafton's quarrel see Introduction, pp. viii to xii.
l. 26. I reade that john Gisors, &c. Stow's account of the Gisors
family here and on i. p. 248 is not clear. I cannot solve all difficulties,
but some notes will be of service. The first John Gisors of importance
was mayor in 1245 and 1259, and was prominent in civic history for many
years after. He is probably the John, son of peter de Gysors, whose will
was proved in 1282 (Cal. Wills, i. 57). For Peter, son of Laurence Gisors,
see i. p. 245 above. John (d. 1282) was probably father of John Gisors,
who was alderman of Vintry Ward circa 1283–93 (id. i. 702–3) and died
in 1296, leaving by his wife Margery four sons, John, Anketin, Thomas,
and Henry (id. i. 128). Margery died in 1305, when her son John was
twenty-six years old and more (Calendarium Genealogicum, ii. 678).
The third John Gisors became Alderman of Vintry Ward in 1307
(Letter Book C, 178). He was Mayor in 1311, 1312, and 1314, but as a
consequence of the charge of having wrongfully admitted one guilty of
felony to the freedom of the city—see i. 51 above—was removed from his
Aldermanry in March, 1321 (Letter Book E, 138). He was a supporter
of the Mortimers and of Queen Isabel, and was joint constable of the
Tower in Nov. 1326 (Ann. Paulini, 305, 318), but took no further part
in civic government. He died in Jan. 1351, and was buried at St. Martin
in the Vintry. In his will he mentions John, his grandfather, his parents
John and Margery, and two wives, Isabella and Alice. His heirs were
his granddaughters Margaret (wife of Henry Picard) and Felicia (who
married Thomas Travers—see i. 299), daughters of Thomas Gisors (apparently the Sir Thomas of i. 299); and two sons, Edward and Nicholas,
and a daughter, Juliana (Cal. Wills, i. 643–5). In his will he is described
as vintner (like most of his family), but is elsewhere called a pepperer.
Anketin de Gisors was alderman of Aldgate from Jan. 1312 (Letter Book
D, 15), and died before 1343 (id. G 3). Henry de Gisors (d. 1343), vintner,
was alderman of Cornhill in 1330–4 (Letter BookE, 256, 281); it was
he, and not William de Gisors (as stated on p. 349), who was sheriff in 1329
(id. F, 284; see also ii. 164, above). References to a Thomas Gisors,
vintner, occur in the latter part of the reign of Edward III (Letter Book
G, 286), and to John and Henry de Gisors under Richard II (C. P. R.
Rich. II, iv. 3, 458). I have not been able to trace their relationship.
l. 36. Gerrards hall for Gisors hall. John de Gisors (d.1296) left to
his son Thomas his New Hall in the parish of St. Mildred, Bread Street.
John de Gisors (d.1351) left to his granddaughter, Felicia, his tenement
called 'Gysors halle' in St. Mildred, Bread Street (Call. Wills, i. 128, 645).
The Cartulary of St. John's, Clerkenwell (Cotton MS., Nero, E. vi.f. 35),
contains some deeds headed 'Gysorshall'; but they relate to tenements
in St. Mildred, Bread Street, which James Gusors held in 1365 as heir of
Anketin Gysors. The feoffment, which Stow describes as having been
made in 1386, does not appear to have been enrollede in the Court of
Husting (Cal. Wills, i. 643 n.); but in that year Paul Gisors and others
executed a release of certain shops and chambers by the Conduit of
London lately belonging to John Gisors (Anc. Deeds, A 2049); this indicats that the family property was then being sold. 'Gisoreshalle' is
mentioned in 1429 (Cal. Wills, ii. 453). It was an inn before 1479, when
there is reference in the Paston Letters(vi. 34) to, 'The Crown, which
as I conseive is called Gerardes Hall, in Bred Stret.' There was still an
inn called Gerrard's Hall, in 1784. The crypt survived till 1852. The
stonework was then removed to the Crystal Palace to be there set up;
but this design was never fulfiled, and the stones were used for other
purposes. see Gent Mag. Libr. xv.270–1. For an architectural
account of Gisors Hall with illustrations see Turner and Parker Domestic
Architecture of the Middle Ages, ii. 186.
350, l. 14. howses for Merchants. See quotation from Dekker's Jests
on p. 338
l. 17. the prisoners were remoused. For an Act of the Common
Council ordering the removal, and dated 19th Sept. 1556, see Munday,
Survey, 937, ed. 1633. The Bread Street Compter had been hired by the
keepers from the Goldsmiths' Company. The letting of the new Compter
was expressly for bidden. See also Wriothesley's Chronicle, ii. 42.
351, l. 10. S. I. Euangelist. Anciently it was called St. Werburga,
viz. in 1249, 1278, 1303, and 1321 (Cal. Charter Rolls, i. 339 Cal.
Wills,i. 34, 290; Mum. Gild. II.i. 230). In 1349 it is St. John Evangelist
and St. Wereburga (Cal. Wills, i. 596). In Harley MS. 538 Stow adds
dates of death, viz. Doggett, 1524; Askew, 1534; Dobbes, 1556; Dane,
1573; Allet 'deceased in his mayoralitie.'
l. 15 S. Margaret Moyses. The name may be due to 'Moyses
sacerdos,' who occurs in deeds at St. Paul's about 1142. The church
is called St. Margaret Moses in 1256 (Hist. MSS. Comm., 9th Rep. 15,
62, 68). Nicholas Bray founded a chantry here in 1449 (Cal. Wills,
l. 23. Distaffe lane. 'Distar' is an error of Stow's. The record of
1438 is a grant of 'Le Lambe' in 'Distaflane' to Robert Prilk and
Richard Stanes (C. P. R. Henry VI, iii. 160, 193; for later grants see
id. Edw. iv. i. 297, 437, and iii. 422; Campbell, Mat. Hist. Henry VII,
i. 21; Letters and Papers, i 1070). 'Distravlane' occurs in 1260 and
1295, and 'Distaflane' in 1301 (Cal. Wills, i. 9, 123, 154), and so commonly