Elizabeth
August 1559, 26-31

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Institute of Historical Research

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Joseph Stevenson (editor)

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1863

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502-524

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'Elizabeth: August 1559, 26-31', Calendar of State Papers Foreign, Elizabeth, Volume 1: 1558-1559 (1863), pp. 502-524. URL: http://www.british-history.ac.uk/report.aspx?compid=71759 Date accessed: 25 October 2014.


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August 1559, 26-31

August 26.
R. O.
1254 The Queen to Challoner.
Has received his letters of the 22nd and 23rd inst., whereby she perceives at good length his conference with sundry there, and of their judgments towards her and her realm, his observations wherein she allows well, and wishes him herein to understand further. Perceives the King [of Spain's] contentation that he [Challoner] should abide there with the Regent, whom he may assure that she [Elizabeth] is well disposed for the continuation of the ancient amity betwixt her kingdom and those countries. He shall also require the Regent to give her licence to Barnardy Granada to buy certain horses for the Queen's own stable, and to transport the same into England, and the like also for the powder and Collyn cleves, whereof he may advise Thomas Gresham, her factor at Antwerp.
Letters of credence to the Regent were sent by the last despatch. He shall use himself for the prosecution of the ancient amity between England and the house of Burgundy. Refers particulars to his discretion.—26 Aug.
Draft, in Cecil's hol. Endd.: 26 Aug. 1559. Pp. 3.
August 26.
R. O.
1255. Cecil to Challoner.
Is glad of his stay in those parts for diverse respects. The Queen takes his service in very good part, so wishes the continuance of his service and her liking. Because Challoner's cipher is very crabbed, has devised a new one, which he now sends. Thanks him for his catalogue of the Knights of the Toyzon, but requested to have the names and dignities of those parts with their marriages and descents but three or four degrees, ad abavos aut proavos. The Queen is now free from her ague.
The matters in Scotland rest awhile; both parts be in breathing. Two thousand men are gone to the Regent there, which the Scots, as it is thought, little esteem. Mr. Sadler is at Berwick, about whose sending, if he be questioned, he may say that it is at the request of the Regent there, and to see certain articles of the last treaty performed, wherein the Wardens of Scotland are very remiss. Justice shall shortly proceed upon Strangwish and sundry of his complices.— Hampton Court, 27 Aug. 1559. Signed.
P. S.—"The letter to R. H. (ye know whom I mean) to whom ye wished me to write thanks." Prays to be commended to his [Cecil's] cousin Shelly. Sends him a proclamation to stay the sale away of English shipping to Frenchmen, whereunto our men be much given because of the decay of sales of wines.
Orig. Cecil's hol. Add., with armorial seal. Endd. by Challoner: 26 August. Brought by Jones to Antwerp, the last of the same. Pp. 2.
August 26.
B. M. Galba, C. 1. 40.
1256. Abridged extract from the above.
August 27.
R. O.
1257. Frederic II., King of Denmark, to the Queen.
The intelligence of her accession to the throne of England has afforded him very great pleasure. Hopes that the intercourse which has existed between their ancestors will be continued and extended. The writer's father, before his death, urged the importance of this upon him, as well on account of their profession of true religion as for the proximity of their realms. Will explain himself more fully by an embassy, which would have been more speedily sent but for the war in which he has been engaged with the rebellious inhabitants of Ditmarsh, and his own coronation. Presumes she knows all the circumstances connected with the first of these occurrences. Having reduced them to submission, he has now celebrated his coronation, at which were present the Elector Augustus and the Duke of Saxony, and the Lords John and Adolff, brothers, Dukes of Holstein. Is anxious to prove his willingness to serve her.—Copenhagen [Hafnia], 27 Aug. 1559. Signed.
Orig. Add. Endd. Lat. Pp. 7.
August 27.
R. O.
1258. Challoner to Cecil.
Since his letters from Flushing of the 23rd inst. to the Queen little has occurred, save that on Friday last the King embarked with his whole fleet towards Spain, with an easterly wind, very small, next to a calm, but such as most gladly he embraced, as irked of his long abode here. The number of his ships was twenty Spanish and Biskaynes, thirty hulks, Hollanders, and forty sail of others of less sort. The first part of Spain he can recover he will land at.
Received here at Antwerp, on Saturday last, the Queen's letters to the Regent, enclosed in a letter of Cecil's; he retains the said letter until he has answer to his letters despatched from Flushing. As the King has determined the writer's abode on this side, he supposes that the Queen will alter the form of her former letter to the Regent in some points. Asks for a copy of the said letter, that he may frame his speech partly after the sense of the same.
Of the Queen's sickness some talk was in these parts; of her amendment the Everlasting God be thanked!
Thanks Cecil for the stay, by his goodness, of the parsonage of Steeple Claydon. The whole of it is worth but 14l. per ann., the glebe lands (which mostly he seeks), being interlaced with his own ground, are not above twenty nobles or 7l. per ann. Prays that when his brother, Farneham, returns to London, he may have Cecil's aid for the transaction of the purchase to his use.
Having leisure now after the King's departure to take a breath and look about him at things not costly but rare and delectable, either maps, books, or other like trinkets he may chance to light upon, will not fail to visit him withal. He sent by his last letters the name and style of the Knights of the Toyson; if Cecil requires thereto their arms in painture, will procure the same, together with some of the chief pedigrees of the nobility here.
This day Mr. Marshe, the new governor of our merchants here, arrives.
His long letters to the Queen may of some be misliked, if so, he can soon change his style.—Antwerp, 26 Aug. 1559. Signed.
P. S.—Is much beholding unto him for so often imparting news from home. "The foolish Nostradamus, with his threats of tempests and shipwrecks this month, did put these sailors in a great fear. The Conte de Feria tarries behind until the Countess be delivered of child. Much honour (allo Spagnuolo) is done here unto her; the King sent Don Antonio de Tolledo in his name with xl. gentlemen in post to visit her."
Orig. Hol. Add. Endd. Pp. 4.
August 27.
R. O.
1259. Copy of the above.
Endd. by Challoner: M. to Mr. Secretary, 27 Aug. 1559, sent by the merchants' post. Pp. 4.
August 27.
B. M. Galba, C. 1. 40.
1260. Abstract of the above.
August 28.
R. O.
1261. Sadler and Croftes to the Queen.
Sir Richard Lee, now repairing to her, will declare the state of the fortifications here. It were meet, considering that the charges here are great, that some of the nobility and of the great Council should repair hither before the spring to view the same. The works are worth the seeing, both fair and likely to be made very strong. Great expedition has been made; and they wish that the same may be followed to the end with all the haste that may be. Yet the town is not of any more strength than it was before the "warkes" began. It is still of such weakness that if the enemy knew the advantage thereof it were easily surprised, which upon the view of the place may well be perceived. Hope that next year she will bestow as much upon these fortifications as has been spent there these two years before, wherewith the town will be so closed and put in such strength as the enemy cannot have that advantage. In the mean season she must be at the charge with the greater garrisons of men. Prays that God will preserve her to the years of Nestor.—Berwick, 28 Aug. 1559. Signed.
Orig., in Sadler's hol., with seal. Add. Endd. Pp. 2.
August 28.
MS. Burton-Constable. Sadler, 1. 406.
1262. Croft and Sadler to the Queen.
As the secretary of Sir Rafe can well declare the state of the fortifications here, they refer her to him;—as in the previous letter.—28 August 1559.
August 28.
R. O.
1263. The Queen to Throckmorton.
Encloses a supplication from Sir Thomas Cotton, complaining that a son of his, who had been taken out of Calais when it was intercepted by the French, is still kept in France, and ransom demanded for him, being but a very child, contrary to reason and equity, and to the promise made by his taker, M. de Cresakers, who affirmed at the time he meant only the preservation of the child, and not to detain him as prisoner.
She desires him to move the Duke of Guise on the subject of the unreasonable demand of ransom, and to put him in remembrance of the promise made by him to certain of her officers at arms for the child's restoration when moved on behalf of the said Sir Thomas Cotton. He is to do his best that the child may be had again without ransom; but if they that have him shall demand recompence for his charge during his abode with them, the same shall be answered by his father as far forth as shall stand with reason.—Hampton Court, 28 Aug. 1559. Signed.
Orig., with seal. Add. Endd. Broadside.
August 28.
B. M. Sloane, 4734, 186. Calderw. 1. 505. Knox, 1. 397.
1264. Proclamation by the Queen Dowager of Scotland.
Having understood that certain seditious persons have invented divers bruits and rumours that she has violated the appointment lately made in so far as any more Frenchmen are since come in; and that she is minded to draw in great forces of men of war forth of France, to suppress the liberties of the realm, oppress the inhabitants, and make up strangers with their lands and goods. These reports are most vain, feigned, and untrue. There was nothing in the appointment to stop the sending in of Frenchmen. If for every Frenchman in Scotland there were one hundred at her command, yet would not any jot of that which is promised be broken; but the appointment is truly observed in every point, if the Congregation will keep their part of it. She does not intend to trouble any man in the peaceable possession of his goods and rooms. She seeks nothing but dutiful obedience to the King and Queen, without diminution of the liberties of Scotland.
Whereas some preachers of the Congregation in their public sermons speak irreverently and scandalously, as well of Princes in general as of her in particular, and of obedience to the higher powers, inducing the people by that part of their doctrine to defection from their duty, which appertains nothing to religion but rather to sedition and tumult, she desires them to take order in their towns and bounds that when preachers repair there they use themselves more modestly in that behalf, and in their preaching not to "mell sa mekle" with civil policy and public governance, nor to name her or other Princes but with reverence and honour. Having shown her intention she desires to know what will be their part, that she may know what to "lippen for" at their hands.— Edinburgh, 28 August 1559.
August 28.
B. M. Sloane, 4737. 103 b.
1265. Another copy of the preceding.
August 28.
R. O. Sadler, 1. 407.
1266. Commission for Scotland.
Commission of Francis and Mary, King and Queen of Scotland, to the Earl of Bothwell, Lord Hailles and Creighton, Sir Richard Maitland of Lethington, and Sir Walter Ker of Cesford, empowering them to treat for the ransoming of prisoners taken by the English in the late war.—Edinburgh, 28 August 1559.
Copy. Lat. Pp. 2.
August 28.
B. M. Calig. B. ix. 105 b.
1267. Another copy of the above.
August 28.
MS. Burton-Constable.
1268. Another copy of the above.
August 28.
R. O.
1269. . . . . Menvylle to Cecil.
Having heard that the Master of Maxwell, late prisoner in Scotland, was escaped out of prison without licence of the Regent, he has thought good to advertise the Queen and her Council thereof. Is not ignorant of the Master of Maxwell, of his conditions and friends.
First, he has the order of the young Lord Maxwell, his brother's son, and of all his lands and revenues. The said Master has married one of the daughters and heiresses of Lord Harris, and by her has lands near Dumfries, together with many gentlemen of his own blood and name, as the Kirkmichels, Kirkpatricks, and Jonsons, inhabiting Niddesdale, Galloway, and Annandale, and has besides, in Galloway, an abbey called Dondrannon. The said Master will apparently get no refuge in Scotland, France, Spain, or Savoy. And if he has been twice imprisoned because of his earnest requiring of entertainment for maintenance of his office promised of the Queen, for which he incurred her high displeasure, it follows that now, having escaped, he will never give trust to the Queen or receive appointment at her hands.
The said Master and his friends have no sure way to work upon, but only to be maintained in Scotland with the assistance of England, and in case it should be thought that he ought to make suit to the Queen with offer of service, the occasion [of] which may stop that work in him upon remembrance of his father with other noblemen taken at Salamose [Solway Moss], and time working so that they broke their promises to King Henry the VIII., it may be that the said Master fears to receive no credit, and lives without hope of help or comfort from England. But if it should please the Queen to take a proof of the said Master's services, or cause him to be spoken with, the writer is ready to bring him to the Queen's presence, or else his petition in writing in secret manner. Is ready to do his diligence to set forth a plot of the castle of Edinburgh and the town and castle of Stirling, or to do any other service.
P. S.—Desires that a cipher may be sent to him; and that a letter sealed with the Queen's arms may be sent to the Master of Maxwell, so that nothing may depend on the writer but the conveyance, for which purpose he can lie in Northumberland and do his business in the West Marches.
Has written that he might remain in Northumberland and dress the business with the Master of Maxwell, who lies upon the West Borders. This may easily be done, for Scott, Lord of Buccleugh, and many worshipful gentlemen of his family, are near akin to the Lord Maxwell. The said Master might easily appoint one of them, dwelling either in Teviotdale or in Jedwood forest, for the conveyance of all his business. The hardest point in this business depends on how it shall be first broken to the said Master; the writer is therefore ready to pass into Scotland and speak with him. The danger will not be great, by reason of the many friends the Master has in Teviotdale and Jedwood forest, Scotts, Humes, and Rutherfords, which be the three great bands of gentlemen; and after he has past them to the west march, he will enter among the Master's neighbours and friends.
If Cecil has any business in Angus, which lies on the north of the Tay, he is well acquainted with the Lord of Bonnyngton, who was his prisoner at Pinkey field, whose name is Wood, and also his uncle Davy Wood, who was Controller of Scotland and the Laird of "Bowle Biggeno," also named Wood, who are near kinsman to Lord Ogilvy. Is also well acquainted with Master Patrick Bowgheannon [Buchannan,] an earnest Protestant, who teaches the Duke's children in Strathern; and with Alexander and Mungo Greame, the sons of Lord Greame in Fife, Menteith, and Lennox, and with many Lords and gentlemen. These acquaintances he is ready to use for the service of the Queen.
Orig. No signature or add. Endd. by Cecil: 28 August 1559. Menville's report. Pp. 4.
August 29.
R. O. Sadler, 1. 410.
1270. Sadler and Croft to Cecil.
Have received his letters of 24 August and will diligently accomplish their commission. Since Sadler's arrival they have heard nothing from the Protestants, probably because they are so far off, or else they are waxed cold; but hear that they have had sundry meetings at Glasgow and Stirling, though they know not to what end, but promise to let him know when they hear.
The French have newly arrived in the Frith, as some say with four or five ensigns. They think the Protestants will thereby be stirred up and exasperated, or they will long repent it when they have little remedy.
Sir James Croft will send with speed the letters addressed to the Duke of Chastelherault. On Sadler's arrival, they sent the Queen's letters to the Regent, and wrote to her to know her pleasure for their meeting her Commissioners on the borders. They send a copy of her answer.— Berwick, 29 August 1559. Signed,
P. S.—Sir James Croft received the enclosed letter from Knox, answering of their desire to speak with Mr. Henry Balnaves. He calls himself in all letters now John Sinclair.
Orig., in Sadler's hol. Add. Endd. Pp. 3.
August 29.
MS. Burton-Constable.
1271. Another copy of the above.
August 29.
R. O. Sadler, 1. 409.
1272. Sadler to Cecil.
Perceives by the Queen's letter that it is her pleasure that in this secret affair he should ask advice of Croft or Percy, yet himself thinks that the fewer there be privy to it the better. Therefore he will only join with Croft; and begs that all letters may be directed to them jointly, he being discreet and wise, and knowing the matter well. Knows not Sir H. Percy, who has not been to the frontiers for long, nor does he judge him a man of such integrity as in anywise to be comparable to Croft. His brother, the Earl, is a very unmeet man for the charge he now holds. Cannot be closemouthed in these things, and trusts Cecil will take in good part what he may say about the Queen's ministers.
Thinks the direction of Cecil's packet fondly written by the clerk who wrote it, as he called him the Queen's Ambassador resident on the frontier. He speaks of it that it may be amended.—Berwick, 29 August 1559. Signed.
P. S. (fn. 1) —Is sure that Cecil has heard from his man that the writer was at Cecil's house. Likes well the order of his work done and to be done; and hopes that Cecil may have money enough to end it. Has himself been a builder in his day, and never lacked money whilst he built; thinks that builders shall lack no money, and therefore wishes him to go on with it.
Orig., in Sadler's hol. Add. Endd. Pp. 3.
August 29.
MS. Burton-Constable.
1273. Another copy of the above, omitting the P. S.
August 29.
R. O.
1274. Cecil to Throckmorton.
His letters of the 25th to Her Majesty and the Council arrived yesterday, the 28th inst. Having opportunity of this messenger advertises him that the Earl of Arran came yesterday to his house in Westminster, where he is concealed, and is to-day to have a private interview with Her Majesty, and will leave to-morrow for Scotland. (fn. 2) On the 25th inst. he was at Antwerp, and so may he inform the Ambassador of Spain. (fn. 3) Has heard of the Bishop of Amiens and La Brosse embarking at Newhaven and going by the West Seas, which seems strange, considering they shall land at Dumbarton. They carried with them eighty horse; the others have gone by the East Seas. The Queen is very well amended. Many think that the Earl of Arran has come through England, in which they are much deceived, for he hears that the Earl is at Cologne, and will pass into Scotland by Denmark. All is quiet; Cambridge very quiet; Mr. Pilkington reads there. The visitors are now in Oxford. Dr. Smyth after his accustomed manner, being apprehended as suspiciously fleeing into the North, is found conformable, and has submitted himself to the laws of the realm. Of Throckmorton's brother George will write no more, but trusts to see justice done upon his devilish wife. All the danger is that her deeds were done before Her Majesty's reign, and so pardoned.—Hampton Court, 29 August 1559. Signed.
P. S.—The letter enclosed to their brother C. A. he knows how to deliver. Throckmorton had made mention of ballads sent from Montmorency to the Queen, but they came not. Sends a proclamation made here, pretending the lack of timber, but the very meaning is to stay the sale of ships to strangers, which the merchants do to the French since the impost of wines.
Orig. Cecil's hol. Add. Endd. Portions in cipher, deciphered. Pp. 2.
August 29.
B. M. Sloane, 4734. 186 b. Calderw. 1. 50 Knox, 1. 400.
1275. Reformation in Scotland.
The Lords, Barons, and other brethren of the Christian Congregation wish increase of wisdom to the nobility, boroughs, and community of the realm of Scotland.
The love of their country, their honour and conscience, compel them to answer some part of the Regent's proclamation, which was set forth to make the cause of the writers odious and to abuse the simplicity of the persons addressed.
Whereas she alleges that seditious persons have blown abroad rumours tending to stir up the hearts of the people to sedition, by reason that the French are "croppin" in of late into the country; true it is, that all who bear natural love to their country cannot but lament the crafty assaults practised for their utter ruin, and so manifest, that even in their eyes their brethren are most cruelly oppressed by strangers: some banished their own houses; some spoiled of their substance; some cruelly murdered at the pleasure of inhuman soldiers; and all together have their lives in such fear as if the enemy was in the midst of them, so that nothing can seem pleasant unto them which they possess, so near judges every man the practice used upon their brethren to approach next unto themselves, wives, bairns, houses, and substance, which altogether are cast at the feet of strangers, to be by them thus abused at their unbridled lusts' desire.
If it be sedition to complain, lament, and pour forth before God the sorrows and sobs of their dolorous hearts, crying for redress of their enormities, then can none be purged of that crime, for as in very heart they damn such inhuman cruelty, so neither dare they by keeping silence justify the same. Neither do they here "aggrege" the breaking of the appointment made at Leith; but when the writers remember the oath made by the nobility to the commonwealth, and how their duty to the same compels them to cry out that Her Grace by ungodly counsel goes most craftily about utterly to oppress the same, as well against the French King's promise and her own duty, which should have caused her to have been indeed what she would be called (and is nothing less in verity,) a careful mother over this commonwealth, but what motherly care she has used they cannot be ignorant. Have they not been from the first entry of her reign oppressed with unaccustomed and exorbitant taxation, under colour of being laid up for the wars? The inquisition taken of all their goods by way of testament; the seeking of all the coal and salt of the realm to have been laid up in store, and she to have been merchant thereof, teaches them some of her motherly care.
Again, by the ministry of some who better deserve the gallows than ever did Cochrane, she so corrupts the "layit" [alloyed] money, and has brought it in such baseness and such quantity of "scruiff," that the whole exchange and traffic with foreign nations shall be utterly extinguished; and all the gain received thereby is that she entertains strangers over their heads. The impunity of "thir" wicked ministers has brought the matter to such a licentious enormity and plain contempt of the commonwealth, that now they spare not to convert the good and stark money coined in the Queen's less age into their corrupt "skruiff and baggage" of Hardheidis and Non Suntis, (fn. 4) most like that she and they had conspired to destroy all the good currency of the realm. Besides, "their clipped and rowngeit sous," (fn. 5) which had no passage these three years past in France, are commanded to have course in this realm to gratify her new come soldiers. All these things are done without the advice or consent of the nobility and Council of the realm.
Thirdly, thousands of strangers are laid here and there upon the necks of the poor members of this commonwealth, and their idle bellies fed upon the poor substance of the community; which to be true Dunbar, North Berwick, Tranent, Prestonpans, Musselburgh, Leith, Canongate, Kinghorn, Kirkcaldy, Dysart, with the depaupered souls that dwell therein, can testify; which oppression ought to move their hearts to have compassion upon their poor brethren, and provide remedy for the same. Albeit her strangers had been well garnished with money, yet is their lying here most hurtful. Seeing the fertility of this realm has never been so plenteous as to be able of any continuance to sustain its inhabitants without support of foreign countries, it is far less able to sustain thousands of strangers to the dearthing of vivers, (fn. 6) as the complaint of Edinburgh this day testifies. These soldiers were shortly brought into the field against them who sought but peace of conscience and reformation of their enormities, for no other cause but that they would not renounce the Evangel of Jesus Christ, and subdue their necks under the tyranny of that man of sin, the Roman Antichrist, and his forsworn shavelings.
But this is not the final scope of her proceedings; for had not God given in their hearts to withstand that oppression, St. Johnston and Dundee had been in no better estate than their sister Leith. Though they meant nothing but the maintenance of true religion and the safety of its professors, yet lay there another serpent in the breasts of their adversaries; to wit, to bring them under the perpetual servitude of strangers; for having appointed for religion to be reasoned in the Council, yet came there forth complaints that they [the Lords] were prepared to invade Her Grace's person. But she had already deliberated to bring in the French for their destruction, pretending that they came only for her safety. The French have come not only with weapons to defend the Regent, but with wives and bairns, to plant the rooms of the Scots, as they have already begun in Leith, the principal port and staple of the realm, and where they may reinforce themselves with greater number of their fellow-soldiers. If this be not to oppress the ancient laws and liberties of the realm let wise men see to it. And further, to take the barnyards new gathered, the garners replenished, the houses garnished, and by force to put the just possessors therefrom, with their wives, bairns, and servants, is a manifest declaration of their mind to the whole Scotch nation. Was all Leith of the Congregation? yet were all alike served.
Let this motherly care be tried by its fruits; the exorbitant taxation, the utter depravation of the currency to entertain strangers and make them strong holds, and the daily reinforcing of the French with wives and bairns. The Regent has been alway careful with fair words and promises to allure some to join her soldiers, that they being cut off the remnant may be an easy prey to her "slychtis." Let them see how Her Grace maintains the tyranny of their idle bellies, the Bishops, against God's Kirk. If neither religion persuade them nor the care they ought to have of the commonwealth, let them remember their families and ancient heritages, and think that "thir" strangers will no more regard their rights than they have done the rights of those of Leith. If they intend to defend themselves, and do not desire to undergo these evils, let them join their forces to theirs; and be persuaded that, "When our neighbour's house is on fire, we dwell not without danger."
August 29.
B. M. Sloane, 4737. 104.
1276. Another copy of the above.
August 29.
B. M. Sloane, 4734. 189. Knox, 1. 409. Calderw. 1. 514.
1277. Reformation in Scotland.
Answer by certain of the Lords of the Congregation to the Proclamation of the Queen Dowager of Scotland.
It is no sedition to speak the truth in sobriety, and to complain when we are wounded. They fear bondage, seeing multitudes of cruel murderers brought into their country without their knowledge. To bring in more Frenchmen is to violate the appointment. Ungodly and idle soldiers are entertained by the Queen and M. d'Osell. If their wages are paid out of France, then are both the Queen and M. d'Osell traitors to the King and Council. What motherly affection she has declared to this realm her works have evidently declared since the first hour that she has borne authority. Their preachers have been charged by her of irreverently speaking of Princes in general, and of her in particular, whereas in open audience they declare the authority of Princes and magistrates to be of God, and affirm that they ought to be honoured, feared, and obeyed, provided that they neither command nor require anything expressly repugning to God's commandment and plain will revealed in His Holy Word. If wicked persons command things manifestly wicked, such as may and do bridle their inordinate appetite cannot be arrayed as the resisters of authority. To bridle the fury and rage of Princes in free kingdoms and realms appertains to the nobility, sworn and born Councillors of the same, and also to the Barons and people, whose votes and consent are to be required in all great and weighty matters of the commonwealth. The same God who plagued Pharaoh, repulsed Senacharib, struck Herod with worms, and made the bellies of dogs the grave of despiteful Jezebel, will not spare the cruel Princes, murderers of Christ's members in this our time. On this manner they speak of Princes in general and of her in particular.
Is it not possible that the Queen Dowager will have no religion nor faith than what may content the Cardinal of Lorraine, who will admit none which does not establish the Pope in this kingdom? But plain it is that the Pope is lieutenant of Satan and enemy of Jesus Christ. They will justify nothing in their preachers which they find not God to have justified in His messengers before them. If the like, or greater corruptions be in the world this day, who dare enterprise to put silence to the Spirit of God, who will not be subject to the appetites of wicked Princes?
August 29.
B. M. Sloane, 4737. 105 b.
1278. Another copy of the above.
August 29.
MS. Burton-Constable. Sadler, 1. 412.
1279. The Earl of Northumberland to Sadler.
Having received letters from his brother Slingisbie, from Berwick, before his going to Jedburgh, to the effect that he [Cecil] had said he had instructions from the Queen concerning Lady Carnabie at Hexham, who refuses the Keeper of Tynedale lodging, and that he [the Earl] was not to proceed in the matter without instructions, the writer has stayed looking for Cecil's direction, and has received none.
As the said lady's conduct is evil, desires his direction therein, so as to be able to discharge himself of this duty.— Warkworth, 29 August 1559. Signed.
Orig. Add.
August 30.
R. O.
1280. Francis II., to the Queen.
Has received by the Sieur de Meutes, Knt., her kind letter, and heard the consolation which he has come to express upon occasion of the death of the late King. This event has caused him such great sorrow that he needs all the comfort which the kindness of his friends can afford. Her conduct herein has demonstrated the sincerity of her regard. The late King, his father, was one of the best friends she had in the world; she will find the same friendship and the same desire for peace in himself.
As regards the confirmation of the late treaty between England and Scotland, respecting which she had written to him, and which had been asked for by the Sieur de "Trocquemarton," her Ambassador, he informs her that it had been sent some time previously by his orders to the Sieur de Noailles, his Ambassador resident with her. If on the arrival of the said Meutes at her Court, the confirmation has not been presented, another shall be sent. Is glad that she has continued "Trocquemarton" as her Ambassador with him.—Villiers-Coste-Retz, 30 Aug. 1559. Signed: Francoys,—Bourdin.
Orig. with seal. Add. Endd. Fr. Broadside.
August 30.
R. O.
1281. The Duke of Guise to the Queen.
Having received the letter which she has sent him by the Sieur de Meutes, and heard the communication with which he is charged, he thanks her for the honour thus done to him. The good office which the said Sieur de Meutes has come to perform is most acceptable to the King, as giving proof of the amity which she wishes to preserve towards him, and this good feeling he will reciprocate. If the death of the late King has occasioned a change of person, it has produced no change of goodwill. Hopes for the continuance of the peace.—VilliersCoste-Retz, 30 Aug. 1559. Signed: Francoys de Lorraine.
Orig., with armorial seal. Add. Endd. Fr. Pp. 2.
August 30.
MS. Burton-Constable. Sadler, 1. 413.
1282. The Earl of Northumberland to Sadler.
Has received letters from the Lords of the Council, directed to himself and Sadler, of which sends copies herewith. After knowing his opinion, shall be ready to discharge the footmen at Warke.—Warkworth, 30 August 1559. Signed.
Orig., with armorial seal. Add. Endd.: Delivered at Warkworth, 30 Aug., at 9 of the clock before noon.
August 30.
MS. Burton-Constable. Sadler, 1. 414.
1283. The Commissioners of Scotland to the Earl of NorThumberland.
The Queen having given them commandment to meet the English about certain affairs, they give advertisement that they will be ready to meet the English Commissioners at our Lady Kirk, on the 5th of September next.—Edinburgh, 30 Aug. 1559. Signed: Bothwell, Richard Maitland, Walter Ker of Cesfurd.
August 30.
B. M. Cal. B. ix. 33.
1284. Confirmation of the Treaty of Upsetlington.
The Commissioners of England and Scotland having agreed, on 31 May last, upon certain articles left undecided in the treaty of Cateau Cambresis, the Queen confirms the same.— Hampton Court, 30 Aug. 1 Eliz.
Draft in Cecil's hol. Lat. Pp. 2.
August 30.
B. M. Cal. B. ix. 110 b.
1285. Another copy of the above.
P. 1.
August 30.
R. O.
1286. Another copy of the above.
P. 1.
August 31.
R. O.
1287. Challoner to Cecil.
Yesterday morning certain advice came hither of the decease of Pope Paul IV. upon the 18th inst. When he was dead all at Rome went on wheels; hell broken loose. "The Roman people in their fury, discontented with the terrible proceeding of the new manner of the Inquisition established by the late Pope, (for the branches thereof extended not only to heresy, but also to sodomy and blasphemy, things no less familiar than hard to be touched or reformed amongst them,) went in a plompe after news of the Pope's death to the chamber or Court of the Inquisition, and there slew (as some letters purport,) the Chief Inquisitor, a friar, or (as other letters affirm) only wounded and very roughly entreated him and his complices. And not content herewith, set all the prisoners suspectos hereticæ pravitatis, and some others for company, at liberty." Trusts poor Wylson is one of the number. And that no monuments or escripts of the Inquisition might call things in question, they spoiled and burnt all the records of the Court to make sure work. They say that Cardinal Morone is at liberty; but though he be (as they term it) "papabile," yet because he has been presented once before the Inquisition, no scrutiny can by their canons pass upon him. Of "papable" Cardinals there are now in voice like to speed, Carpi, De Puteo, Mantua, and Bellaye; they are ancient men: others, as Farnese and Ferrara, are counted too young. Some talk of a General Council in interregno. The Caraffas and Caraffetti are clean dashed. A guard of 200 horsemen was sent to Cardinal Caraffa to conduct him to Rome, he fears so much those whom he has offended.
The Duke of Pagliano, lately finding his wife in adultery, slew and quartered the adulterer; deferring the punishment of his wife (named very fair) until she be delivered of child.
Here has been a marriage much treated between the Prince of Orange and the Duchess of Lorraine's sound-limbed daughter, for the other of them is lame of her legs. Some think the overture will take no place, for the Duchess unreasonably would capitulate that the Prince of Orange should make his son and heir by his former wife, (the daughter of M. de Bures,) a man of the Church, whereby his lands should descend to the issue of her daughter.
When this letter was written, arrived Jones, his servant, with the Queen's packet of letters of the 26th inst. Has read them, and thanks God and her that she is so well satisfied with his tarrying behind the King. Also thanks Cecil for his letter. Will now repair to Brussels for the execution of his charge. Thanks Cecil for his new cipher, which is much more prompt than the other.
Sent a letter by the merchants' post, dated 27th inst., and also a new book, unbound, by one of Alderman Chester's sons. Have all these come to hand?
It is thought that the King, with this fair wind, is within a day's sailing of Spain. Is sorry for the decease of Mr. Brend, an old approved acquaintance of his own and a good servant of the Queen; such men are not thick sown. Desires to be commended to my Lord Garde de Seau and Dr. Wotton.— Antwerp, late at night, ult. August 1559. Signed.
P. S.—Upon the Burse, the names of sixty-three Cardinals are set up in manner of a lottery at three crowns the head; whoso chances upon him that shall be Pope shall win the lot. Some lay in lots for ten or twenty names, to be sure to light upon one.
Orig. Hol. Add., with armorial seal. Endd. by Cecil. On the back occurs this note: Delivered at Sir John Mason's house. Pp. 4.
August 31.
R. O.
1288. Copy of the above.
With the postcript in Challoner's handwriting, and endd. by him: Sent by the merchants' post from Antwerp, 3 September. Pp. 3.
August 31.
B. M. Galba, C. i. 40.
1289. Abstract of the preceding.
August 31.
MS. Burton-Constable. Sadler, 1. 417.
1290. Cecil to Sadler and Crofts.
Has heard not from them since the 20th, which he thinks very long.
As the Earl of Arran shall pass hence in post to-morrow. and with him Master Randall, it is thought necessary that the Duke be advertised, that at his coming he [the Earl] be not known, for much depends thereon. The Earl is very desirous to speak with Mr. Sadler; has willed Randall to write from Borrobrig, that Mr. Raylton might meet him about Alnwick, to tell him further their mind.
Has written this in Mr. Croft's cipher; but for better surety will send another cipher by next post.
La Brosse and the Bishop of Amiens have passed by the West Seas with eighty horses and 200 footmen. The Queen is clear of her ague. Is sorry to tell of the death of Sir John Brend in Norfolk, and Sir Thos. Carden here at Horsley.— Hampton Court, 31 August 1559. Signed.
Add.
August 31.
MS. Burton-Constable. Sadler, 1. 418.
1291. Cecil to Sadler.
The writer, by his letters of the 31st sent (by the ordinary post) word of "his" [the Earl of Arran's] coming, who with this sends his own letter to advertise him [Sadler] where he [the Earl] is at the writing, and the time of his coming, so that some may be sent to meet him, to confer touching his passage. Beseeches him to take care that this be done surely and secretly.—Hampton Court, 31 August 1559. Signed.
Orig. in Cecil's hol. Add.
August 31.
MS. Burton-Constable. Sadler, 1. 419.
1292. Sadler to the Earl of Northumberland.
Has received his letters of the 29th, by which he understands that Mr. Slingsbie has stated that the writer affirmed that he had instructions about the Lady Carnabie's house at Hexham, saying that the Earl was not to intermeddle further until he heard from the writer. For answer thereto, true it is he showed Mr. Slingsbie his commission for this, and prayed him to beg the Earl to stay until he [Sadler] could speak with him himself. He has the Queen's letters to the said Lady Carnabie, containing no command, but a gentle request to lend her house at Hexham to the Keeper of Tynedale; yet the Queen left the delivery of these letters or not to his own discretion. Thinks many other places are more meet for the receiving of the Keeper of Tynedale, and that it would be a great injury to wrest the same from the Lady, being a poor widow. Another gentlewoman, also a poor widow, is there with her, and their family have no other place to bestow themselves in. He believes that if the Keeper will still wish to lie at Hexham, it is more for his own convenience than for the Queen's service.
Has also received the Earl's letters of the 30th, and the copy of those from the Lords of the Council to the Earl and himself, touching the remove of Captain Read's soldiers from Wark to Berwick. Thinks good to defer the removal until the Earl have had Sir Ralph Grey called before him, and commanded to bring the agreement made between him and the late Queen Mary when he was restored to his inheritance. If his duties permitted, would meet the Earl at any place he chose.—31 August 1559.
August 31.
MS. Burton-Constable. Sadler, 1. 421.
1293. Passport for the Earl of Arran.
The bearer, Thomas Barnaby, appointed to accompany M. de Beaufort, a gentleman of the French King, to Scotland, passes with the Queen's licence through England; she commands not only that they be permitted to pass without search or stay, but also that they be favourably used by the way.—Hampton Court, 31 August. 1 Eliz. Signed by the Queen.
August 31.
MS. Burton-Constable. Sadler, 1. 422.
1294. Passport for the Earl of Arran.
Although no more favour is required for these gentlemen, having the Queen's special passport, yet, knowing their journey is important, Cecil prays that they may be well seen to.—Hampton Court 31 August 1559. Signed.
August 31.
R. O.
1295. Instructions for Gresham.
Instructions for Thomas Gresham, Esq., sent into Flanders for the affairs following:
1. There being payable by the Queen sundry sums of money at Antwerp to various merchants, strangers, due from 20th October to 30th November; he shall repair thither and secretly understand the several dispositions of the creditors, who would be loath to forbear and who would be content to forbear upon some interest for a season.
2. He shall receive 10,000l. here in London to pay the credit of the like sum taken up already by his factor in Antwerp, and shall therewith pay such of the Queen's creditors as will be most to the advantage of her credit.
3. By this means he shall make demonstration that he intends to make clear payment of the whole at the days due. If he see that he cannot postpone the payment, he shall borrow of some others and pay such as he shall find unwilling.
4. Upon advertisement from him, the Queen will procure the payment of 30,000l. or 40,000l. more to be paid at Antwerp before 21 October, with which sums he may pay the debts due until 20 Nov., and so the better put off the other great sums which begin to be due on 20 Nov.
5. The greater part of the armour, munitions, and powder provided by him being already brought into this realm, she wishes that he would make haste that the rest thereof be also brought safely hither; for which purpose he shall send the same not in any great mass together, but in several ships, not adventuring above 200l. at one time; upon which conditions she will bear the adventure thereof. She discharges him of the loss of 200l. and 200 corslets lately lost in a Flemish ship at Land's End.
6. From this day he shall have his former allowance of 20s. per diem, and his four clerks and servants have their former wages.
Draft in Cecil's hol. Endd.: 31 August 1559. Pp. 4.
August 31.
R. O. 171 B.
1296. Another copy of the above.
Modern transcript.
August 31.
B. M. Cal. B. x. 17. Robertson's Append., No. 1. Sadler, 1. 375. Keith, 1. 368.
1297. The Lord Treasurer's Memorial upon the Affairs of Scotland.
A Memorial of certain points for restoring the Realm of Scotland to the ancient weal."
1. The best worldly felicity that Scotland can have is either to continue in a perpetual peace with England, or to be made one monarchy with it.
If the first be sought, then Scotland must not be so subject to the appointments of France as it is; which being an ancient enemy of England, seeks always to make Scotland an instrument to exercise their malice against her. Therefore when Scotland shall come to the hands of a mere Scotsman in blood, there may be hope of some such accord, but not as long as it is at the command of the French. And seeing that it is at the command of the French King by reason of his wife, it is to be considered, that until she have children and during her absence out of the realm the next heirs to the crown, being the house of Hamilton, should have regard thereto and see that the crown be not impaired or wasted. The nobility and commonalty should see that the laws and customs be not altered, nor the country impoverished by taxes, imprest, or new imposts after the manner of France; for provision whereof, both by the law of God and man, the French King and his wife may be moved to reform their misgovernance of the realm.
For this purpose it were good that the nobility and commons joined with the next heir to the crown to seek reformation of such abuses as tend to the ruin of their country, before the French grow too strong and insolent.
1. It may be provided by consent of the Three Estates that the land may be free of idolatry, like England; and if any free General Council may be had, where the Pope has not the seat of judgment, they may offer to show their cause to be most agreeable to Christ's religion.
2. To provide that Scotland may be governed by the ancient blood of the realm, without captains, lieutenants, or soldiers; and that all forts may be in the hands of mere Scotsmen.
3. That they might never be occasioned to enter into wars with England, except England should first give cause.
4. That no more noblemen of Scotland should receive pension of France, except whilst doing service in France.
5. That no office, abbey, living, or commodity be given to any but mere Scotsmen by the assent of the Three Estates.
6. That there be a Council appointed in the Queen's absence to govern the whole realm, and in these causes not to be directed by the French.
7. That it be by the Three Estates appointed how the revenue of the realm shall be expended, how much the Queen shall have during her absence, how much shall be limited to the governance and defence of the realm, and how many shall be yearly appointed to be kept in treasure.
8. If the French King and Queen withstand this provision for the weal of the land, then the Three Estates have authority to intimate to them their humble requests; and if the same be not effectually granted, they may commit the governance to the next heir, binding the same to observe the rights and ancient laws of the realm.
9. If the Queen shall be unwilling to this, as it is likely she will, in respect of the greedy and tyrannous affliction of France, then is it apparent that Almighty God is pleased to transfer from her the rule of the kingdom for the weal of it; and in this time great circumspection is to be used to avoid the deceits and trumperies of the French.
Then may Scotland, being free, consider the means for an enduring accord between the two realms.
Draft, in Cecil's hol.
August 31.
B. M. Cal. B. x. 17.
1298. Another copy of the above.
Copy, by Cotton's transcriber. Pp. 5.
August 31.
B. M. Lansd. 4. 9.
1299. Another copy of the above.
Copy, endd. by Cecil: Art. pro conjunctione Angliæ et Scotiæ, ultimo Augusti, 1559.
[August.]
B. M. Cal. B. x. 28. Sadler, 1. 377. Keith, 1. 370. Burnet, III. App. 54.
1300. A Short Discussion of the Weighty Matter of Scotland.
1. Question; whether it be meet that England should help the nobility and Protestants of Scotland to expel the French, or no?
2. That, No. 1. It is against God's law to aid any subjects against their natural Princes or their Ministers. 2. It is dangerous, for if the aid be secret, it cannot be great enough to suffice, and if open it will procure wars. 3. It may be doubted that when money shall be spent, and aid given, the French may compound with the Scots, and join both against England; because they had rather make a shameful composition with Scotland than suffer it to be united with the crown of England. 4. It may be doubted that, to stay the progress of religion against the See of Rome, the Emperor, the King Catholic, the Pope and potentates of Italy, and the Duke of Savoy will rather conspire with the French King than suffer these two monarchies to be joined in one religion; and also that many, as well Scots as English, that can like very well to have these two kingdoms perfectly knit in amity, will not allow them to be joined in one religion.
3. That, Yea. It is agreeable both to the law of God and nature that every Prince and public state should defend itself, not only from perils presently seen but from dangers that be probably seen to come shortly after. 2. Nature and reason teach every person, politic or other, to use the same manner of defence that the adversary uses in offence.
4. Upon these two principles England both may and ought to aid Scotland to keep out the French.
5. The crown of England has a just and unfeigned title of longer continuance than the friendship betwixt Scotland and France to the superiority of Scotland, as good and in some respects better than the right of the French Queen to the realm of Scotland. To prove the antiquity and continuance of this right, remain good, ancient and abundant stories; and (which is the best proof,) the authentic and manifest writings under the seals of Scotland, declaring from age to age, from King to King, from Parliament to Parliament, the homages done to the Kings of England by the Kings of Scots, coming sometimes to York, London, Lincoln, or Canterbury.
6. By this title England has upon differences decided the controversies and appointed the crown of Scotland as to it was thought fit.
7. By this title and dignity the French Queen, as Queen of Scots, owes homage to the crown of England; and so ought the crown of England to defend the liberties, laws, baronage, and people of Scotland from oppression, no less than the Emperor ought to defend the Milanese or Bohemia, being vassals to the Empire.
8. If therefore it appears that the French King, by pretence of marriage with an heir of Scotland, will alter the laws, liberties, and customs of Scotland, and subvert the lawful heirs of the Scottish blood to the crown, and deprive the Barons and States of the realm of their inheritance, whereby the French may possess the land; then the crown of England is bound to protect Scotland against the French. And so does the first question alter in the most principal point; for then it is not a case betwixt subjects and a natural Prince, but betwixt a superior King and realm of the one part, and an inferior King alone joining with strangers on the other part.
9. Besides this, England, for the protection of itself from ruin and subversion, ought to see with good speed that the French be not suffered, by pretence of this particular disorder, to bring their armies into Scotland. With kingdoms "haud putarem" comes too late.
10. To prove that England is in evident danger the following things are to be considered. (fn. 7)
[August.]
Discussion of the Weighty Matter of Scotland.
11. The disposition of the French to conquer England, which is well known. No man is so simple as to think that nation has any conscience in keeping or breaking of peace with England.
12. It is too evident that they mean it, and of necessity must both mean and follow it.
13. At the last peace it was manifest how they laboured to have the Burgundians conclude a peace without England. They said that they knew [not] how to conclude a peace with the Queen, nor to whom they should deliver Calais but to the Dauphin's wife as Queen of England. (fn. 8) In Queen Mary's time what practices had they abroad and in England to deprave the Queen's title that now is, and set forth their own! If God had not conferred this crown to the Queen with a notable concord of all states of the realm, it was well seen in France how they meant to have set abroad their device. Too many things prove their burning desire to further this; their doings at Rome in procuring the last Pope's bull to declare the Queen illegitimate; (fn. 9) their practices in Almain to set forth Eckius' works against the Queen's mother; their usurpation of the arms of England, first in the justs where the King was killed and then using the same in plate, and to despite the Queen's servants in the same plate whereon her Ambassadors were served, (fn. 10) now also sent into Scotland; the consultation upon the King's death, how this King should be proclaimed King of England, which was stayed by the wisdom of the Constable. Yet nevertheless followed the engraving of the same style in the Great Seal sent into Scotland, (fn. 11) and the treaty confirmed with the King Catholic.
14. Being bound by treaty to send a fourth hostage they have neglected it; and how dishonourably one of them has passed with the killing of one of the Queen's subjects appears too plain; and yet they have seemed cunningly to be complainers, that is to bite and whine like dogs or Frenchmen. (fn. 12)
15. What good disposition the French Queen herself is of, well appears by her own disdainful speech to divers persons, and amongst others to some of the Queen's own gentlewomen in France. (fn. 13) How maliciously the minds of the French towards this kingdom have been set former years have always declared; but now their malice is augmented by their pretended title, it is like to be a perpetual incumbrance to England. "The same will never be stayed in them as long as the French Queen liveth, or as long as any issue shall come of her body."
16. It is to be considered that the Cardinal of Lorraine and the whole house of Guise, who have the chief governance, have nothing so much at heart as to advance their niece's titles; and have long flattered themselves that to augment the crown of France with England, by the same woman by whom they have got Scotland, shall be an immortal fame to their house.
17. Besides, the French King having no quarrel towards other parts, there rests no place for the French to bend wars upon but only Scotland, England, or Ireland, in which point is to be remembered their practices by means of George Pariss, who is lately gone into France with intelligence from certain Lords of Ireland, wherein the Dowager of Scotland is a party, from whom the said Pariss went last into France.
18. It follows, to consider whether these dangers be so far off as to be deferred without present remedy.
19. As long as the nobility of Scotland shall be of greater power than the French, so long will the French forbear the open invasion of England; but as soon as Scotland shall yield, forthwith will they employ their own strength and the power of Scotland against England.
20. How long the Scots can keep the upper hand is easily judged, if it be remembered that when they had a King they never came into the field with more than 15 days victual, nor could abide longer together; so that the way to overcome them is not to fight but to stand at defence; and therefore without relief of money to pay them wages they cannot endure long in the field in strength. Without some relief they will soon be forced to leave off.
21. In continuing the Scots in their defence, the English are spared and the people at peace; only some treasure is to be spent. But in defending themselves the English people must be spent, the country spoiled and wasted, and ten times more treasure spent. The easiest way to stand upon defence must be to put into Berwick, (which now holds but 2,000,) 3,000 or 4,000 more; and if it should come to a siege, 10,000 will scantly suffice. Besides the whole three borders must be planted with garrisons, which will not be done under 4,000 or 5,000 men; and if the enemy shall approach with an army, there must an army of like force be levied and kept there. The charges thereof, if it last but three months, will weary both the realm and the Crown.
22. Further, England is void of such generals as the old Dukes of Norfolk, Suffolk, and the last Duke of Northumberland, and the people much wasted of late years by death. For the French army, the Rhinegrave is appointed already to levy 5,000 Almains; what the Duke of Saxe will do is unknown; for transportation of them means are already made with the King of Denmark, whose friendship is sought with the release of the title that Lorraine pretends to Denmark. It may be said that England may also have Almains; but some chance may happen they shall come too late, and they are unreasonably chargeful. The French have a great advantage, pretending outwardly to keep peace, and yet under pretence of this matter of Scotland do daily send soldiers into Scotland. And England, upon colour of peace, does not so much as talk how to be defended; when if it forbears until the French be in the field, it will be too late to send for succours out of Almain.
23. These things being but words, of peace, war, &c., move but as words may; but when time shall come then will it move and stir all good English bloods, some to fear, some to anger, some to be at their wit's end.
Orig. in Cecil's hol. Endd. by him: Scotland, August 1559. Pp. 8.
[August.]
B. M. Cal. B. x. 78.
Another copy of the above with variations, the chief of which are specified in the notes to the previous article.
Draft. in Cecil's hol. Pp. 6.
[August.]
R. O.
1302. "Brief Notes to prove the French evil meaning towards England."
1. Their pretence for their false title to England appears—
By their practice with the Burgunnions at Chasteau in Cambresy, alleging to them their title to England.
[August.]By their practices at Rome for bulls.
By their usurpation of the arms of England in justs, plate, hangings, and seals.
By the usurpation of the style of England and Ireland, sent in a Great Seal to Scotland. A seal brought by Sir Nicolas Throckmorton.
2. Their practices in Germany. Special speech of the Scottish Queen. Consultation after the King's death for the style of the French King. Their practices with Ireland. George Paris passed from the old Queen of Scotland with writings from the L. of Ireland. 3,000l. in Scotland.
3. Their preparations by sea. For land, Marquis de Boeuff, the Duke d'Aumale; in Almayn, the Ryngrave, and Duke of Saxe. In Denmark.
4. No other quarrel but to England. At peace, and that by marriage, with the King Catholic. Five towns delivered in Pyemont.
5. The old hatred of the house of Guise. Their authority at this present. Their private respects to advance the Queen's titles to Scotland [and] England.
Questions.
1. What is to be done to answer the French attempts?
2. Whether aid shall be given to Scotland or no?
3. What manner of aid? Secret, or open?
Preparations to make England strong without proceeding to invasion.
1. The navy to be put in readiness, and some number to keep the seas.
2. The countries upon the coasts to be in order and well mustered and armed, and this to be done by Commissioners sent from the Court to see the musters, with order to distribute armour where it lacks, upon reasonable prices.
3. The town of Berwick to be well victualled and manned.
4. The wardenries upon the borders to be well bestowed.
5. The Isle of Wight, and Portsmouth to be well regarded.
Draft in Cecil's hol. Endd.: August 1559. Pp. 1.

Footnotes

1 This P. S. does not occur in the copy given in the Sadler correspondence.
2 This portion is in cipher.
3 This portion of the letter about the Earl of Arran is in cipher, the decipher of which, on the back of the sheet, has been carefully, but ineffectually obliterated. The subsequent passage in this letter respecting the movements of the Earl is obviously intended to divert suspicion.
4 The name, Non Sunt, was given to this debased coinage, because it bore the arms of Francis and Mary with this legend: "Jam non sunt duo, sed una caro." Laing's note in Keith, 1. 403.
5 Clipped and filed.
6 That is, causing a dearth of provisions.
7 "It seemeth not out of order, though not very needful, to make manifest that the French are to be taken as enemies in will, though not in manifest words."
"And how long time they have been enemies to England, how brittle, how false, how double their pacts of peace have been, the stories be witnesses these 700 years. Was there ever a King of England with whom they have not made wars? And now of late, upon what occasion they made peace with England is too manifest.
"It was by reason of weariness and poverty, which was such as the last French King forbare not to express in his letters to the Queen of England, mentioning the invasions made in Brittany by sea. And indeed this is to be received as a principle, that France cannot be poor above one or two years, neither can be so long out of wars. The revenues of the French crown are things unknown; the insolency of the French nation, being in hope of victory, is not unknown. The long old rooted hatred of the house of Guise, which now occupies the King's authority, against England, has been often well understood.
"And to come nearer to the matter; it is manifest many ways what manner of plot that house has made to bereave the Queen of her crown. In Queen Mary's time the French did not let to divulge their opinions against this present lawful title of the Queen; and (as it is well known,) had not Almighty God favoured the Queen to come to the crown with such universal joy of her people, the French had proclaimed their title both in France and Scotland."
8 "How bold they would have been if at that time she had been Queen of France, and her husband King, as he now is! For then the wisdom of the Constable governed the rashness of the Guisians."
9 And so is it known that the same sentence is brought into France under the Pope's bulls.
10 And also, to despite the Queen's Ambassador and Mr. Meutas, served them with silver vessel stamped with the same usurped arms.
11 "And to advance the same, it is known that they have sent a Great Seal into Scotland with the arms and very style and title of England and Ireland. In Princes' practices it is mere childishness to tarry until the practices be set abroad, for then were it as good to tarry till the trumpet sound wars. All things have their causes proceeding before; but nothing hath its causes proceeding more secretly than the practices of Princes; and of all other, none so cunning as the French."
12 "It followeth to be considered, that now the French have no convenient way to invade England but by Scotland. By Calais they were accustomed; by sea it is not so convenient for them, the same being too chargeable for them to assail. Wherefore, if it be seen that they will pursue their purpose, and that by Scotland, then reason must force England to confess that to avoid this danger, so apparent, can no way be devised but to help that the French have not such rule and overhand in Scotland as that they may by that realm invade England."
"Lastly; it is to be considered how dangerous it is for England to be invaded by the way of Scotland. If the French win, they put in hazard the crown; if they lose they do not put their own kingdom in danger. It is double the danger to England to venture battle upon the frontiers of England to a battle upon the frontiers of Calais or Boulogne.
"In conclusion; it is the weightiest matter for England to consider what is presently to be done for the aid of Scotland. "If loss come, it is unrecoverable. Wherefore it were good that the cause were well and secretly weighed, first, by discreet and wise men . . . ; and that done, to send by some colour for the nobility, and to consult with them, or else to send some trusty persons with credit to understand their minds."
13 Here in the margin of the Cotton MS. occurs, "Elizabeth Sandes."