America and West Indies
August 1730, 16-31

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Institute of Historical Research

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Cecil Headlam (editor) Arthur Percival Newton (introduction)

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1937

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237-251

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'America and West Indies: August 1730, 16-31', Calendar of State Papers Colonial, America and West Indies, Volume 37: 1730 (1937), pp. 237-251. URL: http://www.british-history.ac.uk/report.aspx?compid=72525 Date accessed: 24 October 2014.


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August 1730, 16-31

Aug. 16.
Barbados.
399. Governor Worsley to the Duke of Newcastle. Mr. Maycock, one of H.M. Councel is dead, and Mr. Salter another Counsellor, embarked lately for Bristoll, in so bad a state of health, that his life was despaired of etc. Recommends for vacancies Francis Vaughan and Michael Corner, two gentlemen of the Assembly who have return'd their lists of negro's etc. (v. 23rd April), are in good circumstances, and very well affected to H.M. Government. As I have been informed that Mr. Hall, and Mr. Ashley, have made interest by their friends in England, to be of the Council here, I think it my duty to let your Grace know, that Mr. Ashley, tho' Deputy Auditor General has most violently appear'd against the payment of the 2s. 6d. tax, did not pay the last year, nor give the list of his negro's this year, notwithstanding H.M. Order in Council, and with his utmost power has endeavoured to hinder Mr. Corner from being chosen this year Assemblyman of the parish in which Mr. Ashley lives, because that the former publickly declared he would return the list of the negro's that should be given in to him, and of the defaulters, in obedience to the law, and H.M. Order in Council, Mr. Hall has conducted himself much after the same manner etc. Signed, Henry Worsley. 2 pp. [C.O. 28, 45. ff. 125, 125v.]
Aug. [16].400. Same to the Council of Trade and Plantations. Duplicate of preceding covering letter, mutatis mutandis. Signed, Henry Worsley. Endorsed, Recd. 5th, Read 6th Oct., 1730. 2 pp. [C.O. 28, 21. ff. 76, 76v., 77v.]
Aug. 18.401. Memorial of loss and damage (1473l.10s.) sustained by Thomas Missing and Thomas Blakeley owners, and John Evans and ship's company, of the Eagle on a voyage from London to New England and thence with fish to Alicante, seized and taken into the service of the King of Spain at Barcelona, Feb. 13, 1714. With proceedings, invoices etc. 29 pp. [C.O. 388, 90. ff. 151, 152, 153–157,158, 159–167.]
Aug. 19.402. Col. Dunbar to Mr. Popple. Abstract. Has received letter of 7th May and Instructions of 27th April from Governor Belcher who arrived on 8th inst. As to the Instructions, has given notice in print [v. encl. iii]. Their being many hundred familys waiting the publication of his instructions, if he had acquainted them that they are only to begin at Penobscott and thence to St. Croix, they would be so much discouraged that none of them would stirr. He must broach it to them by degrees. Hopes that upon reading his letters of May and June, the Board will come to some more favourable resolutions relating to the settlements, if for no other reasons but the distance and dangerous navigation to cross the bay of Fundy. Refers to map and the difficulty of keeping any correspondence between a new settlement without a boat, and Annapolis which has but three trading sloops between it and Boston. There are times when not one vessel passes between them in 2 or 3 months, and generally 4 or 5 months in the winter. Continues: —If a number of familys upon the notice I have given will offer themselves to go down, I will go with them, and do my best endeavours to settle them, the vessels we must hire to carry us will leave us as soon as landed, then we must maintaine our ground or dye, and if we had a sloop to send to Governour Philips he is now at Canso 150 leagues from Penobscott, and if he was at Annapolis, I am much misinformed if he thinks he can spare any of his garrison to assist us on ye other side of the Bay, and I declare for my own part I would rather be enabled to make the Indians a few presents at first and continue them once a year than have troops to reduce them. I had sufficient proof of this when I was but 37 days among them in Oct. and November last, when I entertained them with a civility and friendship they had never seen before, and made them a few presents under 40l. sterl., out of my own pockt. which by my eagerness to begin a flourishing settlement at Pemaquid, is now a greater summ than I can command, and must therefore go down to Penobscot very poorly provided to pass the winter there; If I call at Fredericks Fort, wch. in obedience to my Lords Commrs. Orders I have now called ye first settlement, with what face must I tell those who have layd out their money there, that they are not to be concerned with me who induced them thither, and with what remorse must I quitt all my expenses there. As for the Fort, tho' but a dry stone wall with strong pallisadoes, I dare not take away the few ship guns and new collours I planted and hoisted there, without orders, and I can purchase no other to carry with me, nor dare I do it since it is declared under another Government. I wish and earnestly beg my Lords would look over their own report of the 14th of May, 1729, they would not be angry with me for calling ye country the Province of Georgia, tho' I do not pretend or think that that report was an authority to me but as I thought the erecting a distinct Govent. was past dispute, and I was willing to prevent the people disperseing etc. He hears nothing of Mr. Waldo's success in his claims and hopes they will not be confirmed. If they are, he will himself be in no little danger of being mobbed etc. In accordance with his Instructions, he will lay out 300,000 acres between Penobscot and St. Croix to be reserved as a nursery for mast trees, but he is assured there are no white pines below St. George's River fitt for large ships etc., but what are in one long vein far up St. John's river, wch. has such falls that altho' that river be much the largest in Nova Scotia, the navigation is not practicable above one hour in each tide. Mr. Waldo no doubt will represent it otherwise etc. Has made it his business to be informed of all parts where white pines grow. There are as large in Hudson's River near Albany, and all the way navigable, as anywhere upon the Continent, but their nature is heavy, brittle and knotty etc. Upon Connecticut river there are innumerable mast trees the same sort as in New Hampshire and Maine, but there are so many falls between them and navigable water that it is thought impracticable to bring them down. He has given leave to two men to make an experiment next winter, by throwing masts into that river with the bark on. They expect some to be saved. Such will come cheap to the King, because there will be little or no expence of carriage etc. He thinks the chief dependance must be about the heads of Piscatua River and Casco etc., "and to my certain knowledge between Kennebeck Pemaquid upon navigable rivers, if the claimants of those lands do not prevent them being layd aside for H.M.; it was there that I proposed to reserve the 100,000 acres when I thought there was to be a province of Georgia, and a distinct Governmt. God knows my aim as to my own advantage was but a feather in my hatt, a Brevett Governour without sallary or any perquisites, and since his Majesty and his Ministers have determined otherwise I chearfully submit, and impute it onely to my adverse fortune against which I begin to despair to struggle." Has had a letter from Mr. Burchett, but not an answer to what he wrote of the contractor's agent, which greatly discourages him etc. Recapitulates what he wrote 3rd Feb. q.v. Continues :—I am very proud of the honour my Lords Commrs. are pleased to doe me in takeing notice of any poor services I may chance to doe. I hope their Lordships will be pleased at my remarks in my letter of the 1st of May last, I am much mistaken if it does not alarm them. I then told you how much the iron tools made here exceed the English. I now send you samples of each wch. perhaps my Lords will order to be shewen to the chief manufacturers, in my opinion it would be worth while to bribe or buy two principal men here under whom all the good tools are made, one of them is a poor man and would easily be persuaded to return to England. Upon the arrival of Mr. Belcher the country have made great rejoyceings, but I hear they are falling off and express a discontent at his lofty carriage towards them, etc. Nobody can say how he will succeed in the fixing a sallary. I have applyed to him in obedience to my first instructions for acts to supply the deficiencys in the late Act of Parliament for preservation of the woods, and he has promised to do his endeavour, he shewed me part of his intended speech to the General Assembly of New Hampshire where I beleive he will find the people more complying than in this province. I am just now told that the 4 Members for this towne, who have great influence in the House of Representatives have promised to fix a sallary, but not the summ mentioned by the King, it will be 1500l. sterl. per ann., 1000l. being too little to support a Governour etc. Continues :—Since I began this letter great numbers of people inclined to settle to the eastward have been with me, they were informed in towne that I am to begin but at Penobscott and that I can give them no title to ye lands I lay out, but they must depend upon another, and can have no govermt. or authority where I am to fix them but what must be derived from a place at a very great distance, these things have made me despicable in the eyes of everybody, and discourages the undertaking etc. Begs that Mr. Philips may be directed to spend part of his time at Penobscot or any other appointed to confirme the titles of lands layd out etc. Does not make this proposal for himself. His spirits are so sunk by the usage he has received, and he has suffered so much from the cold he endured last winter in the woods, that he is willing to resign his employment in favour of his brother Jeremiah, now one of his Deputies etc.
Aug. 29th. Three dayes agoe arrived here a ship belonging to this towne from Amsterdam with 230 Pallatines, by their contract bound to Pensilvania, they were much crouded in ye ship which occasiond the death of some and ye want of water brought them in here, the master complained to Mr. Belcher that the passengers forced him in wch. the Govr. told me was an act of piracy, the poor people being frighted wth. threats to be prosecuted accordingly by the master and owner, have been obliged to give up the obligations they had in writeing to be put on shore at Philodelphia whither some of their familys and acquaintance had been before them, and where by contract they were to be allowed 3 months time to pay for their passage, and are landed here and exposed to sale like negroes, and are purchaseing by a company of Mr. Waldoes proprietors to be planted where the pine swamps are in Shipscot river to ye eastward of Kennebeck; I begd of Mr. Belcher to see that these poor creatures were not abused, but he is gone to New Hampshire. I would appear for them, but am in the power of the owner of the vessel for part of the provisions I sent to Fredericks Fort last year. God help them! they have a poor chance for justice, for as a considerable merchant who was chosen by a Piscatua man for a referee against one of Boston, lately sayd, that a Piscatua man had no more chance for justice here than an old england man, so partial are these people, even in their carriage and manners. As I have formerly presumed to hint at things that do not lye within my cognizance properly, I now beg leave to acquaint my Lords Commissioners that there are very large ships built and frequently building in this country, many of them from 20 to 40 guns, with open ports, and built more for sailing than burthen, they are all for French and Spaniards, and purchased with French rum and molasses, of wch. there is as general a consumption here all thro' the Continent, as there was of porter and ginn in London a year agoe, if the english Sugar Islands onely were to supply the Continent, it would be advantagious to them, and this would greatly promote the new settlements in Jamaica. If a due registry of all ships is return'd home it will prove what I say of the burthen and number of ships built here, tho' in registrys there are no cautions nor exactness, if the Governours were to have an idea upon these matters, I am persuaded my Lords would be surprized and future inconveniences may be apprehended from them, they sail hence wth. an English or Irish master (a papist) and English mariners, they some times carry the ships to Cape Breton, but mostly to the French and Spanish West Indies with lumber and fish, and then the sailers are turned adrift or debauched into foreign service. It is now full time for me, etc., to give an account of the proceedings upon the tryal of 2002 logs wch. was so strenuously espoused and defended by Dr. Cook etc. The Judge browbeat us all, but H.M. Advocate and Attorney Genll. pleaded the cause with such success that 2002 shillings New England mony was decreed for the King etc. If a larger sum had been decreed the man would have gone to prison, and even this was raised by contribution among the neighbours, so ready are they to assist each other against the King. I herewith send you another appeal agt. a decree wch. I so often mention'd wherein I had so much difficulty to get bail admitted for prosecuteing the appeal. You will see that this decree is directly against H.M.'s instruction to me and the opinion of the Attorny and Sollicitor Genll. upon the Act of the 8th of K. George the 1st. I humbly hope my Lords Commrs. will be pleased to order this appeal to be prosecuted at home, one or 2 reversals of New England decrees would greatly terrify these people, and I shall be a sufferer and insulted if I do not succeed etc. Altho' the Judge of ye Admiralty decrees his own fees at proclamation mony wch. is about 8s. pr. ounce of silver, or double the fees in province bills, the 2002 shillings decreed from Mr. Loyd, which I have receivd is but in Province bills now near 20s. pr. ounce of silver. I asked Mr. Belcher's opinion upon this point, who thinks that all sums mention'd in Acts of Parliament are meant to be sterl. mony, but the judge is of another opinion and obstinate in it. I am told that the Majestrates of this towne refuse to lett the Pallatines be landed here, they are yet upon an island 4 miles from the towne, where quarentine is performed, and are to be put on board the same vessel and sent to Philadelphia, it would be a fine oppertunity to furnish such a number of people to Nova Scotia, if anyone dare answer for the payment of the passage mony which I hear is allowed for such as are intended to Annapolis and Canso. I believe I should have done it, but that for time to come I have made a resolution not to exceed the orders or powers sent me. New claims are dayly made of lands to the eastward of Penobscot. Mr. Winnit, one of the Council of Nova Scotia claims 20 miles square upon the coast by a french grant when in the hands of the french, and he says he knows of more, so yt. there is no likelyhood of an end to these disputes. Herewith I send you a copy of one of ye Indian deeds, and as I sayd before they have the same right to sell all the rest of the lands, but I hope before now the Ministry have come to a resolution upon the claims and settlements. I am very unhappy that I ever mention'd or proposed any thing relateing to them to the Offices, since they have taken a different turn from what I thought was at first resolved upon. If I had not been stopd I should soon have made a surprizeing settlement, and would be the same as a new acquisition to England, and with little or no expence, whereas under my present circumstances and difficultys, without power, mony or friends, it is impossible for me to strive against so much opposition and so many enemys, and yet I will try all I can until I receive farther orders either to be impower'd or discharged. I have in obedience to the order you sent me publiquely recalled the declaration, I beg pardon for issueing it, it was onely for ye last winter, and whatever complaints Mr. Waldo may have made against me for that, I could send certificates from the Govrs. and all the Majestrates of the country yt. the King's woods did not suffer by it. His agent here instead of expecting to be restrain'd from logging is now building two more saw mills, and tho' there are letters in towne of the beginning of July, I have yet no answer from my Lords of the Admiralty to my several letters relateing to Mr. Waldo and the woods. In Governour Belcher's speech to the Genll. Court in New Hampshire he has taken notice of my application to him about the woods, and I am told they have promised to enact such laws as may be necessary to preserve them.
Sept. 3rd. I do not expect that this Province will follow their example; He is expected this night in towne from New Hampshire, and will give my Lords Commissioners an account of his proceedings there, it might seem impertinent in me to attempt it, but I beg leave to tell you that his demanding and insisting on a fixed sallary has so alarmed the people here, that some have sayd if he does the like to them they will spitt in his face and the mobb doe threaten to pull down the houses of any of the representatives who shall vote for it, his letters whilst Agent in England and his former Speeches in the Assembly and several declarations against a fixed sallary will be now printed, and called Belcher against Belcher, the General Court are to meet the 9th inst., soon after wch. vessels will sail for England. Since I wrote the part of my letter relateing to the iron tools wch. I herewith send you, I have enquired what may be the reason of the difference between these and English, and am told that in England they steel and make a tool at 3 or 4 heats at most, but here never under 11 or 12 heats, and besides the goodness caused by this they make their tools here of double the substance; these wch. I send may be the first that were ever sent to England, and I hope may be of use and service to the manufacturers there. Sept. 5th. I have just received a message from the Indians that they will by no means consent to any settlements near Penobscot, and under my circumstances it will be difficult to force them, so that I am perplexed which way to behave upon this occasion. Pray Sir lay this before my Lords Commrs. with my humble duty. Signed, David Dunbar. Endorsed, Recd. 19th, Read 29th Oct., 1730. Holograph. 19 pp. Enclosed,
402. i. An Indian Deed for sale of lands near Pemaquid to John Brown, 15th July, 1625. Captain John Somerset and Unnougoit Indian Sagamores they being the proper heirs to all thee lands on both sides of Mascongus River have bargned and sold to John Brown of New Harbour this certain tract or parcell of lands as followeth that is to say beginning at Pemaquid Falls and so runing a direct course to the head of New Harbour from thence to the south end of Musconcus Island takin in the Island so running five in and twenty miles into the country north and by east and thence eight miles north west and by west and then turning and runing south and by west to Pemaquid etc., in and for consideration of fifty skins to us in hand payed to our full satisfaction etc. Signed, Capt. John Somerset his mark and seal, Unnougoit, his mark and a seal. Signed sealed in the presence of us Mathew Newman, William Cox. Endorsed, Recd. 19th Oct., 1730. 1 p.
402. ii. Proceedings of Court of Vice-Admiralty, Portsmouth, New Hampshire, April 21, 1729—April 10, 1730, in the case of Arthur Slade v. Jeremiah Foolsom. The Depty. Judge, Geo. Jaffrey finds that the prosecution, being for felling white pines within the township of Exeter, which is not contrary to the Act of 8th K. George, fails. Appeal granted to Slade, on giving security within 30 days to prosecute. The time for prosecuting the appeal is protracted till 27th July, when Slade, with Col. Dunbar and Jeremiah Dunbar as sureties, gave bond for prosecution, and the appeal was granted. Endorsed as preceding. Copy. Attested, Geo. Walton, Depty. Registr. 12 ½ pp.
402. iii. The Boston Gazette, Monday Aug. 10 to Aug. 17, 1730. Numb. 558. In "A letter from Col. Dunbar, relating to the New settlements to the Eastward," he announces his Instructions to lay out for every 40 families 12 miles square, and that, if 40 families are ready to go to the eastward, and carry their own provisions, he will go with them and lay out lands for them immediately etc. but desires that none come thither to depend upon him for provisions or imployment, as too many did last winter, etc. Boston, Aug. 15, 1730. Signed, David Dunbar. Same endorsement. Printed. Copy. 2 pp. [C.O. 5, 871. ff. 197–208, 209, 210, 211, 212, 213, 214, 215, 216, 217, 218, 219–220v., 221v.]
[Aug. 20].403. Memorandum of a form of agreement prepared by Sir Wm. Keith to be made with the Chiefs of the Cherokee Indians. With note, this paper is missing. Endorsed, Recd. Read 20th Aug., 1730. ½ p. [C.O. 5, 361. f. 161v.]
Aug. 20.
Whitehall.
404.Council of Trade and Plantations to the Duke of Newcastle. In reply to 23rd June, will prepare a general state of the British Colonies as soon as may be etc. Continue:—In the meantime a particular incident having fallen in our way, which if rightly conducted may very much contribute to fortify the British interest in Carolina, we thought it incumbent upon us to acquaint your Grace, that we conceive it may be for H.M. service that some treaty or agreement should be made by H.M. Order with the Indian Chiefs of the Cherikee Nations before their departure. Your Grace is well apprized of what consequence the good understanding between H.M. subjects of New York and the Five Indian Nations in their neighbourhood, has been of to the British interest in those parts. It may truely be said that they are our frontier guards there, always ready to defend our out-settlements and to make war upon any other Nation whenever we require them to do so. We conceive it is at present in our power to put the Cherikees upon the same footing, and certainly it would be of great advantage to do so because they are a warlike people and can bring 3000 fighting men upon occasion into the field. There are many reasons might be offered for doing this, the opportunity and the present disposition of the people who seem to expect it from us; For to return home again after so solemn an embassy without doing anything of this sort, far from encreasing, would weaken the friendship at present subsisting between H.M. subjects and these people. To which may be added that in such a treaty, words may easily be inserted acknowledging their dependence upon the Crown of Great Britain, which agreement remaining upon record in our Office, would upon future disputes with any European Nation, greatly strengthen our title in those parts, even to all the lands which these people now possess. But however beneficial this work may be, we did not think it proper to undertake it without H.M. approbation, and therefore we desire your Grace would be pleased without loss of time to obtain H.M. Orders for that purpose, for the Indian Chiefs will very shortly return again to their own country, and if so fair an opportunity should be lost, we may not perhaps have another. As this treaty is to be only with savages, we presume H.M. Orders signifyed to us by your Grace in a letter, may be a sufficient power for us to act by upon this occasion. Autograph signatures. 3 pp. [C.O. 5, 4. No. 42; and 5, 400. pp. 384–386.]
Aug. 24.
Boston.
405. Governor Belcher to the Duke of Newcastle. Refers to letter of June 29. Continues :—I landed here the 10th currt. and publisht. H.M. Commission etc. I have been received with all the respect and honour the people cou'd possibly pay to the King's Commission. The General Assembly of this Province stands prorogu'd to the 9th of next month, so I set out this day for the Province of N. Hampshire to publish H.M. Commission there and design to return hither in ten dayes to meet the Assembly when I shall carefully look over all my instructions from the King to which I am inviolably attacht and shall communicate to the Assembly what may be necessary in support of H.M. honour, the interest of Great Britain, and the good of H.M. Provinces under my care, and these things I shall pursue with all the dexterity I am master off, and after I have seen the Assemblies of each Province I shall do myself the honour of writing your Grace a particular account of all my proceedings etc. I have issu'd a Proclamation with the particulars of the peace with Spain etc. Copy enclosed. Signed, J. Belcher. Endorsed, R. Oct. 19th. 1 ½ pp. Enclosed,
405. i. Proclamation by Governor Belcher of the Peace with Spain and for the restitution of prizes as Jan. 22nd. Boston. 18th Aug., 1730. Signed, J. Belcher. Printed, by B. Green. 1 p. [C.O. 5, 898. Nos. 75, 75 i.]
Aug. 24.
Boston.
406. Governor Belcher to the Council of Trade and Plantations. Repeats gist of preceding. Signed, J. Belcher. Endorsed, Recd. 19th, Read 20th Oct., 1730. 1 p. [C.O. 5, 871. ff. 163, 164v.]
Aug. 26.407. T. Lowndes to the Council of Trade and Plantations. Encloses specimens of sesamum oil and seed as Aug. 31st, adding, It rejoyces in the pine barren land (wch. is generally a light sandy soil) and an acre produces about 20 bushels of about 52 lb. each, and 52 lb. yield 11 quarts of oyl., etc. This seed will make the pine barren land of equal value with the rice land, etc. Signed, Tho. Lowndes. Endorsed, Recd., Read 26th Aug., 1730. Holograph. 2 pp. [C.O. 5, 361. ff 162, 162v., 163v.]
Aug. 26.
Whitehall.
408. Council of Trade and Plantations to the Duke of Newcastle. In obedience to H.M. commands, 6th March, having some time since transmitted to your Grace our representation with a state of H.M. title to Sta. Lucia, we now inclose our report upon H.M. title to the island of St. Vincents, which we hope is founded on such authentick testimonies and vouchers, that the French will have no room for further disputes upon this subject. Autograph signatures. Endorsed, R. Sepr. 16. Copy sent to E. Waldegrave, Nov. 30th, 1730. 1 p. Enclosed,
408. i. Same to the King. Refer to representation of July 9th etc. Continue :—It appears by Purchas's Pilgrims that this island was discovered soon after that of Sta. Lucia, vizt. in 1606, by an English ship fitted out by Capt. Charles Leigh and his brother Sir Olave Leigh, for their plantation at Guiana, which was many years before the French had any settlements in those parts. (Ap. i). Sir Thomas Warner likewise took possession of this island in due form for King James I (Ap. ii), as appears by the Lord Carlisle's Commission to the said Sir Thomas, and tho' we cannot precisely fix the day when this was done, it must have been before the year 1625, for King James dyed the 27th of March in that year, and he had particularly approv'd of Sr. Thomas Warner's services before his death, in consideration whereof H.M. constituted him Keeper of that and all the other Charribbee Islands. In 1627 all the Charribbee Islands and St. Vincents by name, were granted by King Charles I to the Earl of Carlisle in consideration of his having discovered and settled them at wch. time in all probability this island was unknown to the French for the reasons mention'd in our representation on Sta. Lucia (9th July), vizt. because their first patents and commissions for settlements in those parts wch. bear date about the same time with Lord Carlisle's grant of all the Charribbee Islands, only name St. Christophers and Barbados. There are likewise many other proofs in that Representation, so plainly and obviously applicable, to the support of your Majesty's title to this island, that we shall not trouble your Majesty with a very particular repetition of them. St. Vincents, for instance, as well as Sta. Lucia, was expressly contain'd in the grant (Ap. iii) which King Charles II made of one moiety of the revenue of the Charribbee Islands to Francis Lord Willoughby in 1662, whom the year after he appointed his Governor of those Islands. And in 1666 William Lord Willoughby was impowered (Ap. iv) to depute Governors for the other islands contain'd in his Commission, of which St. Vincents was one, and he was instructed (Ap. v) to assert H.M. right to those islands with all his skill, and even by force, if the same should be necessary. He was likewise ordered (Ap. vi) to treat with and make an agreement with the Indians of St. Vincents and Dominico to prevent all acts of hostility between them and the subjects of England settled on those islands, and if the said Indians would not be reduced by reason, to subdue them by force (Ap. vii). But in March, 166 7/8 he concluded a peace with them, and they then acknowledged themselves subjects to the King of England, by which Act the dominion of the Crown of Great Britain over those Islands acquired a new confirmation. He was also particularly directed (Ap. viii) to inquire whether any of the islands named in his Commission, were in possession of the French King's subjects, and if so, to dispossess them, all which discoveries, settlements, grants, agreements, commissions and instructions were previous to the Treaty of Breda, by the 12th Article of which Treaty, each of the contracting Powers was to hold and possess whatever they were possessed of respectively before 1st Jan., 1665. In 1669 Lord William Willoughby's Commission to be Governor of these islands was renewed (Ap. ix). In April 1672 the Government of the Charribbee islands was divided (Ap. x), and King Charles II appointed Lord Willoughby Governor of Barbados, Sta. Lucia, St. Vincents, Dominico and the rest of the Charribbee islands lying to windward of Guardeloupe only. In the year following Lord Willoughby dying, Sir Jonathan Atkins was appointed Governor of the same islands (Ap. xi). In 1680 Sir Richard Button had the same Commission (Ap. xii). In 1685 Sir Richard Dutton having orders to come to England, Collo. Stede succeeded him as Lieut. Governor and Commander in Chief of Barbados, Sta. Lucia, St. Vincents and Dominico etc. (Ap. xiii). It was this Colo. Stede who sent Capt. Temple to dispossess all foreigners from Sta. Lucia, and at the same time ordered him (Ap. xiv) to visit St. Vincents also upon the like errand. The Captain accordingly went thither, asserted the British right, and set up the King's arms there in August 1686, and it appears by the books in our Office (Ap. xv) that the English were in possession of this island in Nov. 1686, when the Treaty of Neutrality was signed, by the 4th Article of which Treaty, each of the contracting Powers were to hold what they then possessed in America respectively. In March following Col. Stede published this Treaty in St. Vincents, as a dependence on his Government and again set up the King's arms there. From 1674 the Governors of Barbados were instructed (Ap. xvi) not to encourage any planting except in Barbados etc., as July 9th. Continue: For which reason the English were discouraged from making regular settlements there, and when the British ships have retired from these islands (Ap. xvii) the French have sometimes taken that opportunity to cut timber, hunt and fish in these islands, which gave occasion to so many instructions for expelling them; and they were constantly driven off the sd. islands whenever our ships returned thither. It plainly appears by the return of the Commissioners appointed in 1688 (Ap. xviii), to examine into King James the 2nd's right to those islands, as well as by Col. Stede's letter which accompany'd that return, that the French pretentions, such as they are, to any of them, must have taken their rise from these stolen intervals, and from the weakness or neglect of the English Governors during the time of the Rebellion. It is evident from M. Senigelay's letter (Ap. xix) (19th Nov., 1686), that the French took great offence at Capt. Temple's proceedings in Sta. Lucia, but they made no complaint of anything he had done at St. Vincents, from whence we may reasonably conclude, that they did not then pretend any title to this island: and that we then understood they had none, is plain, for in March, 1686, Col. Stede published the Treaty of Neutrality in St. Vincents, as dependent on his Government, and again set up the King's arms there, which is likewise a proof that we conceived the said Treaty to be a decisive confirmation of our right to that island. But as we have not yet been inform'd upon what grounds the French pretend any right to St. Vincents, we are at a loss to find out when their claim can arise. True it is that M. Tallard in his Memorial (Ap. xx) to King William, dated in Jan. 1699/1700 seems to affirm that this island and Sta. Lucia by some former Treaty were allotted for a retreat to the Caribbean savages, which savages having then put themselves under the French King's protection, he demanded on their behalf, that the English should not settle those islands etc. We know of no such Treaty between the two Crowns, and if there ever was any agreement of that sort between the Governors of Barbados and Martinico, during the time of the Rebellion, it would not bind the Crown of England, but such an agreement avow'd and insisted on by their own Ministers so many years after, will surely be a strong proof against the French, that they had no pretensions to this Island in their own right at the time when they so insisted; and that they could have none in right of the Indians is plain; For the said Indians had long before declared themselves subjects to the King of Great Britain, vizt., in March, 166 7/8 (Ap. vii) when the Lord Wm. Willoughby concluded a peace with them. As it is natural for the authors of every Nation to extend the territories of their own Prince as far as they can, it is not to be doubted, that if Père du Tertre or Père Labbat had conceived, the Christian King had any right to this island, they would have given the world very ample relations of his title; But the first of these writers is intirely silent upon this subject, tho' the last volume of his History of the Antilles was printed in 1671, and Père Labbat in his voyages printed at Paris in 1722 declares, that passing by this island the 24th Sept., 1700, he found the same inhabited by the savages and fugitive negroes from Barbados only, he says indeed, there was one French Missionary there, but he does not pretend to assert that the French had any manner of title to it. Quote Labbat, vol. II. p. 148. Continues :—After so fair a confession from so modern an Author, we hope the French will no longer pretend any title to the Island of St. Vincents, whereunto your Majesty has so clear a right, founded on discovery, possession, submission of the Natives, kept up by frequent claim, and confirm'd by the Treaties of Breda and Neutrality. Autograph signatures. 12 pp. Enclosed,
408. i. Appendix, (i) Purchas' Pilgrims, iv, 1265.
408. ii, iii. v. July, 9, x and xv.
408. iv. Extract of Lord William Willoughby's Commission, 1667.
408. v, vi. Clauses from Lord W. Willoughby's Instructions.
408. vii. Extract of letter from same, July 9, 1668. v. C.S.P.
408. viii. v. July 9, Nos. xvi, xix.
408. ix, xi, xii, xiii. Entered in the books of the Board of Trade.
408. x. Extract of Lord W. Willoughby's Commission, 1672.
408. xiv, xv. Extract of letter from Governor Stede, 18th Sept., 1686; and 19th March, 1687. v. C.S.P. under dates.
408. xvi. v. July 9. No. xxxvi.
408. xvii. Extract of letter from Governor Stede, 19th Sept., 1687, and 10th March, 1688. v. C.S.P.
408. xviii–xx. v. July 9, Nos. xi, xxii, xxxiv. Endorsed, Copy sent to Lord Waldegrave, 30th Nov., 1730. 11 pp. [C.O. 260, 3. Nos. 2, 2 i, ii; and (without enclosures) 29, 15. pp. 178–196.]
Aug. 31.
Windsor
Castle.
409. Duke of Newcastle to the Council of Trade and Plantations. H.M. is pleased to approve [of your letter of 20th inst.], and to direct, that you should make such agreement, and in such manner, with the Indian chiefs [of the Cherikee Nations], as you shall think for H.M. service. Signed, Holles Newcastle. Endorsed, Recd., Read 1st Sept., 1730. 1 p. [C.O. 5, 361. ff 164, 165v.]
Aug. 31.
1730.
410. T. Lowndes to [? Mr. Delafaye]. A planter in S. Carolina sent me, some time ago a parcel of seed, (of sesamum) of which he said that province could produce any quantity. By experiment I found 21 lb. of seed produced near 9 lb. of good oyl etc. Encloses specimens. The Lords of the Treasury have ordered it to the Royal Society to examine my experiment etc. Describes the plant etc. The oyl may be of great use in our woolen manufacture, and is for many purposes even preferrable to olive oyl; of which commodity about 5000 tons are entred annually at the Port of London etc. Concludes :—Your Honour knows what good effect the making some pott-ash in Our Plantations has had in the last contract with the present Czarina, for that commodity. Signed, Tho. Lowndes. 3 pp. [C.O. 5, 383. No. 53.]