America and West Indies
May 1738, 26-31

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Institute of Historical Research

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K. G. Davies (editor)

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1969

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109-126

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'America and West Indies: May 1738, 26-31', Calendar of State Papers Colonial, America and West Indies, Volume 44: 1738 (1969), pp. 109-126. URL: http://www.british-history.ac.uk/report.aspx?compid=72947 Date accessed: 22 July 2014.


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May 1738, 26-31

May 26.
Jamaica.
245 Governor Edward Trelawny to Council of Trade and Plantations. My letter of 9 May with notice of my arrival went by the Prospect, Capt. Bowers; this goes by H.M.S. Dunkirk, Capt. Fox commander, and is to transmit to you the minutes and journal of the council of Jamaica, 1 September 1737 to 4 March 1737/8; the minutes of assembly, 2 February to 1 March 1737/8; and the laws passed in the said sessions of assembly. Signed, 1 p. Endorsed, Recd., Read 26 July 1738. The box was recd. 29 July. [C.O. 137, 22, fos. 196–197d.]
May 26.
Jamaica.
246 Same to Duke of Newcastle. [In substance same as No. 245, reporting dispatch of papers to Council of Trade and Plantations.] Signed. 2 pp. Endorsed, Recd. 25 July. [C.O. 137, 56, fos. 101–102d.]
May 26.
Antigua.
247 Governor William Mathew to Alured Popple. The 16th inst. I sent you by Capt. Rickotts (not Wage) a box containing three Montserrat and one Nevis Acts. I cannot send the duplicates of them, they not being returned to me from those islands whither I sent them as usual after I had passed them to be published and recorded. But I enclose a duplicate of the testimony of Capt. Semmes being taken by the Spaniards, and I repeat my explanation of the latter part of that affidavit. Mr. Fleming about two years ago gave me notice, I being then at Antigua, that there was an information that one Edney (a notorious wicked wretch), who was master of a sloop from St. Christopher's trading on the south side of Puerto Rico, had met a Spanish sloop with a large sum of money on board, had plundered her, and then swearing his crew to secrecy had put all the Spaniards fast in the hold, among them six friars, and so had sunk her. This monstrous cruelty, though common enough between Dutch and Spaniards, is thank God very seldom heard of here between the English and them. It gave me great concern, and I dispatched orders for having this man well secured and all evidence against him brought together and examined before the judge of the Admiralty; and he took the evidence of one Claxton, which was pretty full. I went down to St. Christopher's soon after and called a court for trial of pirates; but the court being met, it appeared the judge of the Admiralty had bound the evidence under no recognizance to prosecute. The criminal I found upon bail, no evidence would appear against him, etc. This trifling did not please me. I ordered the prisoner to be recommitted till the evidence could be bound to appear, but I delayed bringing him again to trial till I could get evidence against so monstrous a cruelty even from Puerto Rico. But I now am informed he has been brought again before the court and acquitted. I am convinced from circumstances, though positive proof is stifled, the fact is true, and that it is not the first Edney has been guilty of. Which unfortunate, or how many, Creoles the Spanish revenge may fall upon for this cruelty and for the treatment those cast away on the Anegadas met with, I cannot think of but with great concern. Signed. 3 small pp. Endorsed, Recd. 13 July, Read 2 August 1738. Enclosed,
247. i. Affidavit of Ignatius Semmes, commander of Success of London, sworn before Governor Mathew, Antigua, 13 May 1738. On 9 April last deponent sailed from Antigua for Maryland. On 14 April in latitude 19° 46' and 1 degree and 15 miles west from Antigua, he was taken by a Spanish sloop commanded by Capt. Manoel. He and his crew were badly treated aboard the Spanish sloop, the gunner whereof (a Dutchman) tried to get deponent and Peter Semmes, his mate, murdered. This gunner said that he was on the Spanish pirate that took the Loyal Charles, Capt. Way. Capt. Manoel told deponent that the governor of Puerto Rico had sent him on this cruise and that another privateer or pirate had sailed from Puerto Rico at the same time. On 17 April they came into Puerto Rico; deponent and crew (except two detained by the Spaniards) were put in their longboat with little or no provisions and water only for one pint each day. They were turned adrift eight leagues from the Desert Island Passage and got to St. Thomas's and thence here. The Spanish sloop had four carriage-guns, eight swivel-guns, and fifty men or more. Signed. Deponent further states that the Spaniards declared their resolution to destroy the Creoles, for that an English sloop from St. Christopher's had plundered a Spanish sloop and then sunk her with all her crew fast in the hold, among whom Capt. Manoel said his brother was one. Countersigned, William Mathew. 2 pp. Endorsed, as covering letter. [C.O. 152, 23, fos. 150, 150d, 153, 153d, 155–156d.]
May 26.
Kingston, Jamaica.
248 Robert Millar to Trustees for Georgia, reporting the failure of his mission to Vera Cruz. Notwithstanding the letter and licence from Count Montijo, he was not permitted to travel in the country but was under surveillance the whole two months he was there. The only possibility of doing anything is by a person fixed there in the service of the South Sea Company. Intends to proceed to Georgia at the beginning of next year with the ipecacuana. Signed. 3 small pp. Endorsed, Recd. 25 July 1738. [C.O. 5, 640, fos. 105–106d.]
May 26.
Savannah.
249 Thomas Causton to Trustees for Georgia. Having on 30 March last received your orders dated 14 December with 200l. in sola bills as therein mentioned, I immediately thought myself obliged to express myself as fully to you as was consistent with the trust reposed in me. If I repeat things I have mentioned in some of my former I hope you will judge it flows from an inclination to represent the affairs of this colony in the just light. As my integrity to you and impartiality to the people is the basis on which all my hopes of your favours are fixed, extreme hard and unfortunate would be my lot if I should be supposed to state anything in a contrary manner when distance of place prevents me from clearing that which may in any shape or by any other representations seem doubtful to you. Your order (by your secretary) dated 7 March 1736/7 expresses your great concern that the people do not yet think of planting. In obedience to your order in that matter I have never failed giving necessary encouragement to those who have shown any industry in cultivating their lands and have represented to them the immediate inconveniences and fatal consequences of their employing themselves in any other manner; and notwithstanding the obstinacy and idleness of some who will no longer be satisfied than they are fed and the wicked arts of others whose names and practices you will be acquainted with by my journal, I can with satisfaction and truth say that there is now an appearance that some have resolved to pursue their interest by cultivation of land. To accomplish this (which I may venture to call a great difficulty) I have been obliged to give credit for their support far exceeding your limitations. But certainly so it is that the labour of clearing and planting, the uncertainty of the seasons, the dangers of sterile crops (sometimes occasioned by poorness of land), besides the advantages that artful men take in these cases over weak minds, makes it necessary they should be supported; otherwise it would be a great hazard if the most valuable part of the people did not leave the colony. I must further add that in pursuit of this I have endeavoured at frugality by stopping sometimes with those whom I have discovered to neglect their planting and make an ill use of their credit. But as it is impossible for me to be at everyone's elbow, my impartial views doubtless may have led me to credit some who have not truly deserved it. As it is to be hoped that some of the people by degrees may be led to know that the improvement of land is their truest interest, so by such an employ the spirit of contention may be so far abated that those who are obstinate and will either raise disputes or listen to those who do may become despicable. But as I have in some of my former letters fully and justly complained of the spirit of contention I shall not in this manner trouble you with any repetitious or fresh accounts, choosing to refer myself (just as they are) to a proper place in my journal, not doubting but that the continued endeavours of the magistrates in the just execution of the civil power will always be able to render ineffectual the malicious designs of any private enemies although that lenity which they are apt to think necessary to be shown in the infancy of a colony makes that task difficult.
Your orders further express your concern for the ill effects which great credit must have on the people, and it would certainly add very much to their real happiness if you would send particular orders for regulating the same and suing for debts; and as such orders would consequently preserve them from being impoverished, so the law which you likewise mention for regulating the watch will necessarily add to their safety. But without these there is little prospect of their avoiding the one or that the other will be duly maintained.
By your accountant's letter dated 23 March 1736/7 I have an extract of the contract between you and Mr. Bradley and have since received two several copies of said contract at large. He wholly denies to be limited according to that contract and claims that he is to be allowed a salary of 200l. per annum and to be paid 90l. Carolina currency per month as wages for each of his servants. In regard that your orders by your accountant dated 11 August 1737 command that his account should be kept open, I have continued to deliver such stores as he from time to time demanded for your use. But that I might not be wanting in my endeavours to confine him to a proper frugality I have denied to deliver those stores as often as he has refused to certify they were for your service. If these deliverances of mine are not duly applied I am in hope (from your known justice) I shall not be blamed. But I must further add that in regard to his letter to me of 3 December, copy herewith transmitted (fn. 1) , (having first consulted Col. Stephens) I did in his presence propose to assist him as far as 20l. sterling. This did not seem to satisfy his desires (having demanded 100l.) and you may observe by his account already transmitted that he was afterwards assisted something exceeding my proposal, since which he has delivered me an account of what would be necessary for himself and family and the further cultivation of your farm for three months, copy herewith transmitted (fn. 1) , and of which he demands a continuance till the arrival of Gen. Oglethorpe. I will not trouble you with any further particulars having written on that head 1 March last and only say you will easily observe that these expenses have also vastly exceeded your limitations.
Your orders by your accountant of 11 August further mention the particular limitations for the expenses of the colony. But as (with submission) it was impossible such limitations could be perfected at their first rating I have used my utmost endeavour to avoid exceeding and hope it will not appear to be in any case unnecessarily done. As the supplying the necessary demands of the colony in all its parts has been the immediate business of the store under my care, time did not permit to post in a proper manner the several issues and receipts so as to know (when Mr. Oglethorpe went) what was the amount of the debts and credits, which being since stated, debts will appear to be owing to several who were not then called to mind so as to be mentioned in the account made up by Mr. Oglethorpe and me entitled necessary expenses at Savannah and places adjacent. But hope as to the several limitations in the northern division that when you shall receive the general account for 1736 you will order such a certain establishment as you shall judge necessary, it being a very uneasy situation to act without it. As such general account is now made up I shall endeavour to send it herewith. As to the southern division you will also receive an account of what has been sent to Frederica and places adjacent to 25 March 1738, and as I have written to Mr. White to make an inventory of his stores to the same time that will be also transmitted when it comes to hand. Although this letter was intended to be finished on 7 April the taking an inventory of stores and making up the general head of account for 1736 has till this time prevented its being sent, and I hope you will not think it an unnecessary delay because the right stating of those accounts is the surest method I have of representing to you the reasons for the general expense whereby you may with more certainty fix your establishment.
Lieut.-Col. Cockran arrived here 6th inst. with the Amy and the Whitaker. The people on board the Amy were all in good health but those on board the Whitaker have been generally ill of fevers supposed to be occasioned by the lowness of her decks, and some have died. Capt. Fanshaw went into Charleston and it was at first believed he intended that all the transport ships should go in with him and that he would discharge them all there. Under this apprehension, Lieut.-Col. Cockran used means to prevent the transport ships from going there, as being a place very improper for anyone designed for Georgia to set foot in first, besides the danger of desertion and the great charges [that] must consequently attend their conveyance from thence to their respective posts. And the Lightfoot not coming in for several days he thought it necessary that the officers on board the Amy and Whitaker should make oath of the order he gave for not going to Charleston and of the reasons for so doing to the intent that if any representation should be made in England concerning such orders those affidavits (being transmitted) might justify him. The recorder and myself went at his request to Tybee to take those affidavits. Lieut.-Col. Cockran's apprehensions ceased by the arrival of Capt. Fanshaw with the Lightfoot on 13th inst. and it now appears that the signal which Capt. Fanshaw made when he went into Charleston was for the ships to proceed to Savannah and not to follow him. Therefore Lieut.-Col. Cockran, now finding the great care Capt. Fanshaw took to prevent the soldiers on board the Lightfoot going on shore at Charleston and his real readiness to finish his convoy in the manner H.M.'s service requires, does not think it proper to transmit those affidavits himself but will submit the matter to the general on his arrival. The people on board the Lightfoot are all in good health. I immediately hired all the pettiaugoes I could get and have made all possible discharge for the ships. As there are but few conveniences at the southward for the reception of the stores, they are for the most part landed here. Capt. Gascoigne arrived at Tybee the [blank in MS]. The Amy and the Whitaker are wholly delivered and Capt. Mackay with five pettiaugoes sailed 24th inst. for St. Andrew's with about 150 passengers. The remainder of the people and stores will go on board the Lightfoot and a small brigantine lately arrived here from New York, and proceed for Frederica under convoy of Capt. Gascoigne. As soon as the pettiaugoes return I shall transmit an account of the extraordinary charges on this head. Rev. Mr. Whitefield with the several people (except Mr. Tolly) mentioned in your orders of 6 January arrived safe at Savannah. Mr. Whitefield having been very ill in the passage has had a relapse but is now much recovered. As this place is without a minister and as Mr. Horton informed him there is no convenient habitation for him or place of worship now standing at Frederica, he chooses to tarry here till proper conveniences may be made there.
I have also your several orders of 11 January and 17 February in obedience to which I shall not certify any more accounts whatever. Those already certified will inform you in a great measure what debts are for the most part due to the several people concerned on account of the colony, but it will be impossible to give a particular account of the whole debts or credits till the account for 1737 (now making up) is likewise gone through. I hope that when you have seen these accounts and considered the issues thereon, you will not [find] many things unnecessarily done or that the confusion created by making expenses before the arrival of sola bills to defray them is culpable, because (with great submission) it is unavoidable till an establishment can be fixed. Signed. 5 pp. Endorsed, Recd. 15 July 1738. [C.O. 5, 640, fos. 107–110d.]
May 27.
Whitehall.
250 Order of Committee of Council for Plantation Affairs directing that the following be sent to Council of Trade and Plantations for insertion of an article in the instructions now being prepared for Col. Horsey requiring him to take care that H.M.'s former instruction relating to the laying out of lands around Purrysburgh be put into execution. Signed, James Vernon. Seal. 1¼ pp. Endorsed, Recd. 31 May, Read 7 June 1758. Enclosed,
250. i. Petition of Charles Purry, son and heir of Col. John Peter Purry, deceased, to the King; 18 May 1738. In 1724 Col. Purry agreed with the lords proprietors for the peopling of South Carolina with Protestants but failed through want of money. He made a new agreement in 1730, and by an Act of assembly of that province was promised a reward of 400l. sterling for bringing over 100 effective men. The site of Purrysburgh was selected and the governor issued a proclamation that no person should be allowed to take up lands within six miles of the place. Col. Purry was further granted 48,000 acres on condition of importing 600 Swiss within six years, the land to be contiguous to that set apart for the town. Col. Purry performed his part but, notwithstanding the proclamation to the contrary, several persons in 1732 caused lands to be surveyed within six miles of the town to the great discouragement of Col. Purry and the Swiss. Notwithstanding H.M.'s instruction to the governor of 13 February 1734/5 that these lands should be for the use of the Swiss and for Col. Purry's grant, ill-designing people have surveyed for their own use those very lands which should have been surveyed for the Swiss; whereby many have perished and more been forced to disperse. Petitioner prays an instruction to the governor that the former instruction be fulfilled. Copy, 3½ pp. [C.O. 5, 366, fos. 74–77d.]
May 27.
Whitehall.
251 Same, referring the following to Council of Trade and Plantations for examination and report. Signed, James Vernon. Seal. 1 p. Endorsed, Recd. 31 May, Read 9 June 1738. Enclosed,
251. i. Petition of David Dunbar to the King. After service in Spain, petitioner was appointed lieut.-governor of New Hampshire and surveyor-general of H.M.'s woods in North America in 1727. At his own expense he established settlements and founded townships upon lands then regarded as the western parts of Nova Scotia. The colony of Massachusetts obtained the government of this settlement in 1732. Petitioner has received no satisfaction for his disbursements and since his arrival in London has been sued and confined for the debts contracted in connexion with the settlement. He prays for consideration. Copy. 3½ pp.
251. ii. Account of disbursement of David Dunbar in connexion with the settlements mentioned in preceding, including building of stone fort and barracks for 100 men. Total, 4074l. 1 p.
251. iii. 20 August 1737. Certificate by Thomas Durell, then commander of H.M.S. Scarborough, that in 1734 he put into Johns River and saw Frederick's Fort and some of the townships. Great improvements had been made. Copy. ½ p. [C.O. 5, 880, fos. 275 280d.]
May 27.
Whitehall.
252 Same, referring the following to Council of Trade and Plantations. Signed, James Vernon. Seal. ½ p. Endorsed, Recd., Read 30 May 1738. Enclosed,
252. i. Petition of John Cartwright to the King in behalf of himself and several others. The vast quantities of uncultivated lands in South Carolina, particularly between Santee and Watree rivers, could be rendered advantageous to this kingdom in the production of hemp, pitch, tar and other naval stores, with which English merchants are now supplied from the Baltic at an expense of near 250,000l. a year paid in ready money; but if those commodities could be furnished from our own colonies they would be paid for by the manufacture of Great Britain. The petitioner and his associates are willing to settle 200,000 acres, if granted to them in sixteen different tracts between Santee and Watree rivers. They will settle 400 Protestants in ten years and more as they find encouragement. It is intended to contract with persons from foreign parts whence hemp and naval stores are now imported. A great many servants and slaves will be necessary more than the 400 settlers. The lands are at a great distance from the seat of government and will be a kind of barrier to the inner parts of the colony. Petitioner hopes for exemption from quit-rents for ten years and prays for orders to the governor and surveyor of South Carolina that the lands be laid out at no greater fees than what has been taken in running out townships in that province. Copy. 2 pp. [C.O. 5, 366, fos. 58–60d.]
May 27.
Whitehall.
253 Same, referring the following to Council of Trade and Plantations for report. Signed, Tames Vernon. Seal. 1 p. Endorsed, Recd., Read 30 May 1738. Enclosed,
253. i. Memorial of Henry McCulloh to the King. (1) The revenues of the colonies in America could be increased if they were put under proper regulation. The Council of Trade and Plantations have not hitherto fully succeeded because they have not been properly advised of the true state of the colonies and because of the great dependence the governors have upon the people. (2) This is visible in the case of the quit-rents payable to the crown in North and South Carolina, Virginia and New York. (3) Until 1718 in South Carolina and until 1724 in North Carolina the Proprietors empowered their governors to grant lands under certain conditions; but the general practice was to dispose of the lands by purchase reserving only small quit-rents. The Proprietors' officers' salaries being paid from these sales and their allowance being as they thought too small, they for the most part issued patents without regard to the original instructions and shared the money arising amongst themselves. (4) The Proprietors closed the land offices in 1718 and 1724 respectively, which was a prohibition upon grants without their order. But the governors and council issued patents for large quantities without surveys or plots returned. The Proprietors' surveyor remaining for some time after H.M.'s purchase as surveyor of South Carolina surveyed 36,581 acres and his deputy afterwards run out 45,843 acres, lands of the best quality and subject only to trifling quit-rents.
(5) In 1730 there was a land tax in South Carolina; the land returned as possessed appears to have amounted to 1,453,875 acres which at 12d. sterling per 100 acres the quit-rents thereon make up 908l. 12s. 6d. proclamation money. (6) In 1731 when the quit-rent law passed, persons holding patents from the Proprietors and having no surveys were admitted to have warrants for surveys. But no warrant issued till H.M.'s pleasure should be known, and the law was not approved of. Provisional surveys were, however, made. (7) From 1731–1735 vast quantities of land were granted under H.M.'s 42nd instruction to the governor. The intention of the instructions to settle people was evaded. (8) Warrants were obtained by some and the land then conveyed to others; they have jobbed the land in such a way that it is scarce possible to come at the right owner of them. (9) The governor and council have granted large tracts of land to themselves and their friends under various pretences. (10) There appears to have been 750,406 acres granted between 1731 and 1735 which at 4s. proclamation money per 100 acres would amount to 1500l. 16s (ii) From Governor Johnson's death till last May warrants were issued for above 900,000 acres which at 4s. proclamation money per 100 acres would amount to 1,800l. The warrants issued for the townships are expressed in a different manner from the others and the whole quantity run out on that account amounts to 1,595,000 acres. (12) In North Carolina there were greater frauds by the officers of the Proprietors than in the South, particularly from 1726 to 1730. If the disputes there were properly settled the quit-rents would amount to at least 1,250l. proclamation money p.a. more than at present.
(13) In Virginia few frauds seem to have been committed till 1721. Two new counties were then erected, Brunswick and Spotsylvania. Grants of large tracts of land there were made conformable to powers the governor did not then possess. In 1723 the governor was empowered to grant land in those new counties free of quit-rents for seven years from 1721 with dispensation from payment of purchase money of 5s. sterling for every 50 acres in lieu of former rights in that colony; but at the same time the governor was ordered not to grant more than 1,000 acres of land to one person in their own or other name. But grants passed in 1721 and not settled according to their tenours in 1728 (the time the quit-rents became due) the possessors got some of their friends to petition for them as lapsed lands which was granted by the governor free of quit-rents for three years; when that time expired another friend acted for them in the same manner; and so they have continued to this time.
(14) It is computed that in this manner there is above 1,400,000 acres of land granted, the quit-rents of which at 2s. per 100 acres would amount to 1,400l. sterling p.a.
(15) The present governor has done many commendable things particularly in putting their current bills on a good foot. His doing wrong in granting lands is very much owing to his being under a necessity to oblige the principal men in the colony on whom he depends for support. (16) In New York the governor and council have used very little ceremony in the fraudulent method of granting lands; some private persons there claim almost whole counties, subject to trifling quit-rents, though many of them by their patents ought not to possess more than 20 or 30,000 acres. The only pretence they have for procuring these grants originally was either public services or purchase from the Indians. If the quit-rents were properly settled there, they would amount to at least 3,500l. p.a. more than at present.
The crown is thus defrauded in those several colonies above 8,000l. p.a. in quitrents and by the precarious titles of the lands strangers are prevented from settling. In other ways the credit of the colonies is lessened: properly regulated they could increase our trade by 200,000l. p.a. The means of bringing these matters to a right footing, and which is much easier now than hereafter, seems only possible to be effected by the appointment of a person proper qualified to act as inspector and comptroller-general and who with regard to the northern provinces may settle those matters in four or five years having proper powers and particularly the following: the governor of each province to order the secretary and surveyor-general to lay their accounts before the inspector by which he may judge what grants are made out conformable to the warrants issued and what warrants remain without any return, and the secretary to give an account by what rights the warrants were originally issued; persons who have had warrants and not taken out grants to be summoned to show why, such as are willing to take out grants subject to the quit-rents of 4s. proclamation money per 100 acres to be at liberty to do so provided they pay the quit-rents from the expiry of one year after the date of their warrants, otherwise the warrants to be void; the inspector to be empowered to give notice to all persons having grants for land not settled or that have not paid quit-rents for the same that they should give reasons for not having acted comformable to the tenour of their grants, which replies are to be transmitted home, but the inspector not to have power to vacate the grant till H.M.'s pleasure is known; persons having warrants and have not taken grants or such as have not settled their lands and paid quit-rents who refuse to comply with H.M.'s order enquiring why they keep the lands, the inspector should be empowered to order the attorney-general to prosecute them and make them show cause.
The inspector will be able to make a rent roll: till that is done it will be impossible to settle the disputes depending in the colonies or to establish a quit-rent law on a proper foot. Many of the frauds proceed from the irregularity of the offices. When the councillors issue warrants for lands they are generally parties concerned; the secretary has no check upon him and may let warrants lie over seven years before they are given to the surveyor, and after the survey is made it often lies many years in the surveyor's office, the warrants not being returnable in any limited time. To remedy this, it is proposed that the governor may be ordered not to grant lands but when five councillors are present and that none of those five shall have any concern in the lands petitioned for, that the governor shall order the petitioner to prove his rights before the auditor, that upon a certificate from the auditor the warrant shall be made out by the secretary and delivered to the surveyor returnable in twelve months from the date, that when the grants are made out by the secretary they shall be audited and entered in the auditor's office, that the receiver-general may be always admitted to take copies from the auditor's office and that in the return of his accounts he should give the particulars of the quit-rents received in each precinct and from whom; if this method is followed and the deputy auditor return home copies of books to the auditor-general, it will be easy to see what they are doing.
There is another matter deserving the consideration of the crown. The people in all these colonies and particularly in South Carolina have been so far from endeavouring to support the credit of their current bills that they have committed great abuses in often depreciating their currency with the view of discharging their debts more easily to merchants in England. This at first they had an opportunity of doing but afterwards the merchants took care to advance their goods upon them in proportion so that in the end the planters were not great gainers by it. Yet it discourages many from trading there. What could answer this end in South Carolina (and with little variation in all the other colonies) would be to allow them to issue bills for 210,000l. that currency, 110,000l. of which must be applied for the discharge of their present bills of currency and the other 100,000l. to be lent out on land security at 6 per cent, interest. As much of the public revenues should be mortgaged as will make good the fund of 110,000l.; the interest arising should be paid into the managers who should be empowered to lend two-thirds of the money at 6 per cent, interest to poor persons coming to settle in the province. [Further particulars given.]
Though the lands of Pennsylvania are not so good as in Carolina and the quitrents are 4s. 2d. sterling per 100 acres and they are also obliged to pay Mr. Penn a premium for the lands, yet the advantage they have in borrowing money from the loan office that is erected in that colony encourages foreigners to settle there so that since 1729 they have had above 2,300 persons transported to settle there.
Another thing that wants considering is regulating the cask into which they put pitch and tar and also the quality of those goods. Planters have for the most part brought them to market without being merchantable and have tendered them as money. The quantity imported into this kingdom is about 90,000 barrels p.a. which does not sell at above 4s. per barrel, but if the quality was good they would produce 14 or 15s. per barrel. Proper officers should be appointed in each precinct to mark the cask and examine the quality and to be liable to pay treble the value of any marked that were not merchantable. 17 pp. [C.O. 323, 10, fos. 121–131d.]
May 27.
St. James's.
254 Royal commission to Lieut.-Col. Robert Carpenter to be lieut. governor of Montserrat in the room of William Forbes, deceased. Entry .1 p. [C.O. 324, 50, p. 170.]
May 27.
Savannah.
255 William Stephens to Trustees for Georgia. My last was of 15th ult. To Mr. Verelst, enclosing copy of journal 1 March-15 April. That letter was committed to Capt. McKenzie, master of the Baltic Merchant bound for Cowes; but the ship when full laden struck on the bar going out of Charleston and the cargo was in danger of being all spoiled as also the ship in great hazard of being lost, so that what letters were in her for England I am since informed were put on a small vessel bound for Poole. My duty and promise call upon me to transmit you some further state of the several settlements in this province; but the late posture of affairs here for a pretty while past would not admit of anyone's stirring far from home without incurring the imputation of skulking out of harm's way, which character I should be very unwilling to have stick upon me but would rather appear among the most forward in withstanding any attempt that might be made against us. And it is justice due to the people in general to say of them that I observed a firm disposition to behave themselves like men in case of being invaded, few, very few (I wish I could say not one) slipping aside at the time when we had most reason to be upon our guard and when we really expected an attack. Whether our apprehensions were well-founded or not is yet unknown to us, but when our neighbours of Carolina were so far alarmed it was but reasonable for Georgia to look about them. All these doubts were perfectly at an end on the appearance of Col. Cochran, see my journal.
All party strife seems at present to be asleep and everybody quietly following their own business, which possibly might with no great difficulty be accounted for by looking back into the conduct of a few whom I would rather choose to say no more of since probably we shall not again have occasion hereafter to look on them as capable of playing the same game over twice and imposing on the common understanding of their neighbours who otherwise would prefer peace to contention. And were it not for one cursed evil which is got among us and which all the endeavours of the magistrates have not yet been able to root out (I mean that scandalous practice of selling rum in private houses) I verily think we might expect such a reformation among these people as would be well pleasing to the Trustees and entitle them to be looked on as favourably as ever. Surely this is not so incurable but that we may hope to see it effected when we are so happy to find the general here who will not be defeated easily in so good a purpose. To speak my mind freely I am firmly persuaded in myself that the wellbeing or utter ruin of this town depends upon it. These are the nurseries of all villainy where servants are debauched and defraud their masters of anything they can lay their hands on to purchase such spirits.
Notwithstanding this proneness to idle courses among the lowest rank of people (which I will not despair but may be remedied) here have not been wanting this year a good number of industrious men who have applied themselves to their proper work whether as artificers and handicrafts or in cultivating their lots and planting them in such sort that I may venture to affirm they have far exceeded anything hitherto done or what I once feared I had little room to expect: which is an indication they are not so averse of themselves to that work as they are subject to be misguided by some few whom I have divers times taken notice of before, that having thrown up their plantations made it their business to discourage everybody else. It has been no small part of my endeavours here to obviate that dangerous doctrine and to persuade such as were lukewarm about planting that the only way to preserve your good opinion was by going heartily about it, that it was the very foundation whereon the colony was to stand, and he that expected to raise himself on any other would mistake in his aim. I have a little vanity to think that all was not lost which I said on that occasion frequently, and when they found me in earnest persuading them to do no otherwise than what they saw me do myself with five or six hands (for at a medium I have not had more by reason of sickness among them) cleared 15 acres of strong timber land in few months and planted it, I conceive example was not the weakest argument. It is my full purpose to lay before you very soon a particular account of the number of acres planted and by whom, and if in time coming the inhabitants of this town and neighbourhood go on pari passu with what they have done I make no doubt but they will be able to support themselves. The two settlements of Ebenezer and Darien ought indeed to take place of all others in the list of deserts, for they seem already to be near out of leading strings and want but little to stand alone. N.B. No rum to be had yet in either of those places, but the people live soberly under the influence of their ministers, the first Lutheran, the latter Calvinist. It is much to be wished the inhabitants of Savannah could equally lay claim to a commendation for regular living; but as they are a mixture of various people bred up in different modes of religion it can hardly be expected (I doubt) to find uniformity among them either in doctrine or faith immediately. Nevertheless it may be hoped in time to see Protestant dissenters here in this town in communion with our church. But it cannot without shame be said that the Jews who live among us are not in appearances greater infidels than some are in practice who pass for Christians in name but scarce ever join in any religious worship; and these are not of the lowest rank of people but by outward show would appear inferior to none, and out of this class most of our politicians have sprung up who think themselves qualified to reform what they conceive is amiss in Georgia. But monkeys in climbing will always discover something not fit to name.
Mr. Whitefield's appearance among us at this juncture was matter of comfort to many well meaning people and the qualifications he comes with (which he has already discovered) if he continues to exemplify them, as I make no doubt of, must endear him to all good men. Far be it from me to make any uncharitable reflections on his predecessor, who was a man of unquestionable abilities to perform the ministry committed to his charge and I never observed any due respect wanting towards him from the generality of the people till that unhappy breach between him and Mr. Causton's family which grew to such height that great part of his hearers fell off and forsook the church, so shamefully had party pique transported them. Mr. Williamson is going now for England (as he tells us) who together with his wife gave the first rise to this sad division, which increased so as at length to become a case before the grand jury that consisted of more than forty men who thought it worth their cognizance, and they took upon them to censure Mr. Wesley's conduct in divers instances, the consequences whereof I need not name, much less shall I presume to offer any opinion of my own in it; knowing the whole affair on each side has been long since laid before you who are the sole and proper judges. Mr. Delamotte I understand is going home also who undoubtedly merits this commendation, that he has been truly assiduous in keeping the school and instructing a good number of children in their catechism, so that it must have been a great misfortune on this place to have lost him had you not been so good to find another to supply his room. I have been desirous to inform myself, pursuant to my instructions, concerning the births, deaths etc. of the inhabitants, but Mr. Wesley's going off so suddenly and unexpected by me in a short time after my coming deprived me of that knowledge, he having taken that register with him, as I am told by the clerk whom I have bespoke to take an account of those things for me henceforward.
It is with pleasure I can acquaint you that the encouragement given to a potter for carrying on that manufacture was not ill bestowed, for it is very apparent the bounty was rightly applied: the building, a convenient dwelling-house with a large kiln in a room annexed together with two other large rooms, one for a workhouse and the other for a storeroom, all in one compact building, well-contrived, handsomely finished, and very well accommodated for carrying on the work, sufficiently show it. The master of it is a sober, diligent and modest man. He has baked off two kilns of handsome ware of various kinds of pots, pans, bowls, cups and jugs, fit for many uses, and though it was a large quantity they are found so convenient that he does not want customers to take them off his hands at a reasonable price. This, however, he seems to set no value on in comparison of what may be expected. His next aim is to do something very curious which may turn to good account for transporting, and he is making some trial of other kinds of fine clay, a small teacup of which he showed me, when held against the light, was very near transparent. Indeed from what I have seen in the progress of that work I must conclude it cannot fail of proving a manufacture that will find good value abroad, or I am very much deceived. Your silk manufacture most certainly from good experience will also come to perfection in a little more time. But this unkind March which cut off our early mulberry leaves proved not a small baulk to it, as I wrote you before. Our neighbours of Carolina are so far convinced of the utility of that manufacture and the reasonableness of expecting success in it that they discover a great desire not to be behindhand with us, for my correspondent at Charleston writes me that their assembly have settled a salary of 100l. per annum sterling for seven years upon a Piedmontese and his wife who are to teach them the manufacture of silk in all its branches, and they are to take several apprentices.
In frequent conversation with Col. Cochran, among other things talked of that seemed to be conducive to the good of this colony, it was imagined that if the Trustees thought it expedient to send out two ships in a year for this port, freighted on their own account, whether with meat from Ireland or any other loading they thought proper, one of which to arrive here at the latter end of the year, any person in England corresponding here either with the civil or military part of this province would find great convenience in sending such goods of all kinds as were called for and needful, paying freight for all goods so sent in abatement of the charge of the first freighters, and such ship arriving here in the months of November or December would be certain of freight home again from Carolina with rice etc. Whereas now whatever comes for this province by the way of Charleston comes at an exceeding dear rate and costs at least half as much to bring it thence as the first expense of freight thither. This has been so often the subject of our discourse and the oftener talked of the more approved among us that Col. Cochran engaged me to represent it to you. Signed. 5 small pp. Endorsed, Recd. 15 July 1738. [C.O. 5, 640, fos. 111–114d.]
May 27.
Savannah.
256 William Stephens to Harman Verelst. I wrote you 15th ult. Your favour of 17 February last came to my hands about ten days since. How long it had lain at Charleston is not known, letters often taking near half as long time in their passage thence as from England. It was short and sweet: the good news it brought was fulfilled in part by the arrival of Col. Cochran before it and we are next in daily expectation of your general with the remainder of the regiment. What you enclosed from my very good friend at Whitehall gave me further pleasure; where he was pleased to signify to me the confirmation of what was so long wished for by all who have a just esteem for him. But (if I guess right) the necessary consequences before he can be dispatched through the several offices must take yet a little more time and leave his friends here in a farther expectation when to see him in America. I give you the trouble of the enclosed most heartily to congratulate him thereon, but if I should happily be mistaken in my calculation of time and he outstrips all remoras so as to be nearer us than we look for, I hope it may be accepted by his good family as a testimony of that sincere respect I owe them all. By a gentleman who came here lately from Charleston I was informed there was a packet left by the captain of a ship newly arrived with Mr. Godine, directed to me and said to come from Col. Horsey. But as I have yet no other tidings of it I wait with some impatience to know farther. After so many months passed over, wherein I frequently took occasion to lay such observations before the Trustees as I conceived were to be expected from me, I begin now to entertain some expectance of being informed whether they met with approbation or censure. For, as I am advised, so I ought to conduct myself in all things whereby I might render my service acceptable to them and the more agreeable to myself. Their orders you sent me a good while ago, recommending it to the inhabitants to commit what letters they sent for England to my care for a safe conveyance, I gave public notice of both here and the south. But it has never produced more than one dirty one, which is enclosed, I know not from whom; and I heard it had been said by some of our wiseheads that it looked as if the Trustees had a mind to get all letters into their own hands, so jealous are some folk lest their dark work should come to light.
I would ask your leave just to touch again upon a few more of my mischances about servants as I have used that liberty with you from the beginning. My two first women servants (you have heard) proved errant whores, and one that I got since to do the necessary offices of the house, being a man's wife whom her husband was willing I should employ at monthly wages for a while, soon proved so forward with child that I had little time more than enough to send her home again before she wanted a midwife. So that at present I am perfectly destitute of such help. But I shall try again what may be done if any means can be found. My menservants have never yet been all well together but generally two or three or more sick at a time, so that the doctor has scarcely one day missed occasion for a long while to exercise his faculty upon them, and a few days since one of them died who happened to be the same I wrote you I had swapped with the Trustees, giving you my reason for it then, but it happened I was bit, the fellow proving of a rotten constitution, otherwise a good servant; and if out of ten I could say half of them were such I should think myself much at a par with my neighbours. For generally they are a vile crew (as you can easily imagine who know from whence they spring) and it is odds whether laziness be what their masters find the worst fault they are guilty of, though that is bad enough when their work will not pay for their food and clothing. That fellow Anthony Binks, who came recommended from a lady at Kensington, for a while put on the show of one who meant to do well and I made him (in the main) a domestic servant, but a little exercise sometimes in the field was requisite and I expected both of us should have been pleased. This fellow, notwithstanding he was so distinguished that I often put confidence in him to deliver out provisions to his fellow-servants, could not hold it longer but turned out to be an egregious sot and then (no wonder) a downright villain; for after he had suffered himself to be seduced by a pack of rascals and learnt in private to drink rum, which the town is poisoned with, it is not hard to conceive that my stores went to pay for it and he was got that length as to be seen drunk by me before breakfastime, making no value of all the admonitions I gave him insomuch that there was a necessity of my taking some other course with him if he persisted, which he beginning to be apprehensive of from a consciousness of his own want of power to reform, the next thing he attempted was to run away and leave me, see journal of 4th inst. After his being intercepted he lay a while in prison, and upon Mr. Morton's coming hither lately to wait on his lieut.-colonel, I advised with him and he took him with him to Frederica where proper employment will be found for him in digging and wheeling at the public works carrying on at that fort, and where I am promised his labour shall not be spared so that he may learn not to be idle or drunken. Two of my Highlanders out of three that I had prove pretty well, and if I reckon two more to add to them out of all the rest it is as far as I can venture to say at present; which (leaving that rascal out of the list) brings it to about half, as I said above. Signed. P.S. Col. Cochran tells me he has a great many plants of trees and vines coming from England and that the quartermaster, Mr. Wanset, who was some years about Bordeaux and understands the nature of a vineyard perfectly well, designs planting this season, if a ship comes directly for this place before Christmas, a vineyard of 4,000 plants, a thing which might be of great advantage to the colony. 2¼ pp. Endorsed, Recd. 15 July. [C.O. 5, 640, fos. 115–116d.]
May 28.
Savannah.
257 William Williamson to Trustees for Georgia. I received a letter from Mr. Verelst dated 14 December last wherein he acquaints me that you have ordered a copy of my letter to you dated 9 September last and of my wife's affidavit therein enclosed to be sent to Mr. John Wesley for his answer thereto, that my complaint and his answer might be considered of at the same time. He further acquaints me that it was very wrong in me to order the presentments of the grand jury and my wife's affidavit to be printed, adding that it was taking a remedy and appealing to the world at the same time that I was applying to the Trustees of the colony to consider my case. He further adds if I should have any further complaint against Mr. Wesley or anyone else that I am desired to let the party complained against have a copy of such complaint that they may at the same time send their defence, for that you cannot determine on hearing one side. I did not intend to trouble you any further about Mr. Wesley who, after having sufficiently exposed himself in these parts by his notorious behaviour, run away from hence in the beginning of December last, after having refused to comply with an indulgent demand of the magistrates, which was to enter into a recognizance by himself only to appear at the court of Savannah when required to answer the presentments of the grand jury, and after a public order of said magistrates that he should not depart the colony till he had so done. Col. Stephens tells me he has long since acquainted you very fully with all particulars of Mr. Wesley's behaviour in my affairs, therefore I shall not take up any more of your time in so worthless a subject; but must beg leave to answer some particulars of Mr. Verelst's letter from which I am apprehensive you have not received my complaint in so kind a manner as I presumed to hope and that you are not so well acquainted with my character and behaviour in these parts as I could wish.
As to the order on my complaint I could not expect you would proceed any further than the same inasmuch as I was and still am very sensible how difficult it must be for anyone (who was not an eye-witness to the facts) to believe that so upright a man as Mr. Wesley has always endeavoured to show himself (or rather pretended to be) should be guilty of so much premeditated wickedness as I represented. I hope you will not continue in your opinion that it was wrong in me to order the presentments of the grand jury and my wife's affidavit to be printed when I acquaint you that my name and character was first exposed all over Carolina and in some parts of New England, after which I humbly conceive I had a just reason to take that remedy and a right thereto, though by the artifices of Mr. Wesley I never could procure them to be printed. But further on this head, since my arrival in this province I have always showed myself zealous as well to promote the interest thereof as to defend the honour and justice of the administration of affairs in it. For this reason as well as for my own private account I thought it necessary to print said presentments, and the magistrates well know I often told them that it might very well be presumed from Mr. Wesley's behaviour that he would stick at nothing to scandalize them and their proceedings and to lessen the honour of the Trustees; wherefor I looked upon printing said presentments as a public service, not doubting but Mr. Wesley would falsify them, which you will perceive was afterwards done by a paragraph in the Charleston news in the enclosed Carolina Gazette (fn. 1) . As to that part of this news which relates to Watson, at Mr. Causton's instance and by his approbation I held a correspondence with the printer at Charleston in order to print any occurrences here that might be beneficial to or tend to clear up any former misrepresentations of the colony: accordingly among others I sent that paragraph relating to said Watson which is a truth too publicly known here for any inhabitant to be ignorant of, yet I am well informed and assured that Mr. Wesley asserted it to be a falsity and also procured the recantation as well as the other paragraph relating to the presentments etc. to be printed.
As to any papers to which my complaint refers, Mr. Wesley had sufficient knowledge of every particular and what proceedings were had here in regard to 'the party complained against having a copy of the complaint'. You will be fully acquainted with them by Mr. Causton's journals at whose instance, in regard he urged to me the public peace and good, I agreed to the several propositions of accommodation which he made to Mr. Wesley whose guilt you will perceive not only furnished him with the evasive answers he made to such propositions but also spurred him on to illtreat his best friend (Mr. Causton) in the manner he since hath done. No doubt you well know that had such an unjust action been done by any clergyman in England (though of superior dignity to Mr. Wesley) the course of law could not have been stopped but must have been free and open against him. At the same time I hope you will not think I complain of the indulgence of the law here, which on the contrary I look upon as a great happiness to the colony. But I mention this in regard Mr. Verelst's letter seems to hint that you are not well pleased with my conduct in this affair, when it is well known I suffered myself to be daily illtreated by Mr. Wesley and did not use him in the manner he deserved for no other reason than because Mr. Causton told me such conduct would be displeasing to you and a hurt to the public peace which at that time and on that very affair many ill designing persons were too much inclinable to break. Otherwise I never had troubled you with a complaint on that head. But should I ever have any further complaint to send to you I shall always endeavour to act in it with as much regard to the public good and with as much justice and truth as I have done in this against Mr. Wesley. Finally, I must presume to hope you will consider the cruel injustice of repelling a person from the Lord's Table who comes there with a pure zeal and unfeigned sincerity. It is an action of too black a nature to be lightly treated and can admit of no construction in favour of the doer who, though he were punished in the most severe manner the law requires, can never restore to the injured the peace of mind he has taken away. Signed. 2¼ pp. Endorsed, Recd. 15 July 1738. [C.O. 5, 640, fos. 119–120d.]
May 28.
Savannah.
258 Thomas Causton to Harman Verelst, enclosing copies of journal from 24 May to 24 July with the several papers referred to, for presentation to the trustees, and other letters for forwarding. The clerks could not finish the general heads of accounts so as to be sent by this opportunity, but will be forwarded as soon as possible. Signed. I small p. Endorsed, Recd. 15 July 1738. [C.O. 5, 640, fos. 117–118d.]
May 30.
London.
259 James Abercromby to Thomas Hill. At their lordships' desire, I have examined the journals of South Carolina anent our boundary affair and find many applications by us on that head but particularly in January 1735/6 I find the governor and council recommended our account to the assembly. In March thereafter I find a memorial from Mr. Skene and myself praying 881l. 14s. 9d. Carolina money for expenses, and in consequence thereof the governor gave us an order for 471l. 5s. currency; 325l. 15s. more was to be paid us out of the contingency money for next year, but the assembly granted no money for contingencies so that was not paid. In March 1736 I find an application from the governor and council desiring the lower house of assembly would allow us a guinea a day for the 54 days of service, which the lower house would not agree to. The journals of 1737 have not yet been transmitted but 1 lay before their lordships copy of a memorial presented by Mr. Skene to the governor and assembly in March 1737/8 as also copy of a paragraph in Mr. Skene's letter to me, by which it appears that our expenses and salary together amounted to 1,892l 6s. 9d. Carolina currency, out of which 474l. 5s. has been paid; so that there remains due 1,418l. Carolina money or 202l 12s. sterling. I submit the expenses of the several applications for this sum to their lordships. Signed. 1½ pp. Endorsed, Recd., Read 30 May 1738. Enclosed,
259. i. Paragraph in letter from Alexander Skene to James Abercromby; Carolina, 21 March 1736/7. Copies of our journal and of the memorial laid here transmitted. The governor and council thought the memorial most reasonable, but the majority of the assembly said it ought to be paid out of the quit-rents. Unless you can get redress at home, we shall sit down fine losers. Copy. ½ p.
259. ii. Memorial of Alexander Skene for himself and James Abercromby to Governor and Council of South Carolina, requesting payment of salary and expenses in running the boundary out of the ensuing tax or the overplus of what the land tax brought in, very large quantities of land having been given and paid for by means of the boundary line being settled as far as it now is. Copy. 1 p. [C.O. 5, 366, fos. 61–64d.]
May 30.
Whitehall.
260 Council of Trade and Plantations to Duke of Newcastle. We have had the instructions for Col. Horsey some time under our consideration. But we find both North and South Carolina in very great confusion with respect to their titles, the king's quit-rents, paper money, duty on negroes, and many other particulars which should if possible be settled before Col. Horsey goes to his government or he will not have it in his power to give the people satisfaction in these important points. We are now preparing a representation upon these heads, previous to the fixing of Col. Horsey's instructions. But if you desire that Col. Horsey should be dispatched with the same instructions his predecessor had, they may soon be ready for H.M.'s consideration. Signed, Monson, M. Bladen, R. Plumer. 1½ pp. [C.O. 5, 384, fos. 37–39d; entry in C.O. 5, 401, pp. 259–260; draft in C.O. 5, 381, fos. 269–270d.]
May 31.
Whitehall.
261 Same to same, enclosing the following papers relating to seizure of English sloop by French. Signed, Monson, M. Bladen, Edward Ashe, R. Plumer. 1 p. Enclosed,
261. i. Extract of Governor Mathew's letter to Council of Trade and Plantations, 31 March 1738. See No. 132. 1½ pp.
261. ii. Declaration of Dominick Lynch, merchant of Barbados, 18 February 1737/8. Copy of No. 132. i. 2 pp. [C.O. 152, 40, fos. 323–329d.; entry of covering letter in C.O. 153, 16, fo. 71d.]
May 31.
Palace Court.
262 Minutes of Common Council of Georgia. Resolved that 434l. 13s 4d. be paid to Capt. William Thomson in discharge of 56 servants received of him for the Trust. Mr. Causton's certificate of stores and necessaries amounting to 469l 1s. 1½ d. delivered by Capt. Thomson was considered; resolved that the Trustees will not pay it but that it be returned to Capt. Thomson to recover of Mr. Causton, 400l. to be lent to Capt. Thomson on bond till he do recover. Resolved that 50l. be paid to Simeon Levy being so much out of a certified account to Minis & Salomons in August 1737 which was paid in sola bills. Resolved that David Provost succeed Joseph Hughes in his lot at Savannah; that the two seaboats purchased by Col. Oglethorpe for pilotage in Georgia be paid for, 58l. 4s. 5d.; that any five of the council be empowered to draw on the Bank for not more than 500l. after 9 June for the future service of the colony, to be paid to Aid. Heathcote. Ordered that 100l. be paid to the accountant for his extraordinary trouble. Resolved that 25l. be given to John Brailsford for service in attending the Trustees' account and that his passage back to Georgia be paid. Ordered that the accounts of August Gotlieb Spangenberg on behalf of the Moravian Brethren be referred to committee of accounts. Received certified accounts as follows: to Minis & Salomons for 98l. 6s. 2½ d. and for 434l. 8s. 3½ d., both dated 23 January 1737/8; to the same for 124l. 2s. 8¼ d. for parcels delivered 24 January 1737/8, dated 7 March 1737/8; to the same for 90l. 15s. 5d. for same, dated the same; to Samuel Tingley for 144l. 16s. 5½ d. for parcels delivered, dated 20 March 1737/8; to David Provost for 348l. 2s. 1½ d. for parcels, dated 28 February 1737/8; resolved that these accounts be returned. 3½ pp. [C.O. 5, 690, pp. 162–165.]
May 31.
Georgia Office.
263 Harman Verelst to General James Oglethorpe at Gosport. I got to London yesterday about 2, and at 5 attended the Earl of Egmont, Thomas Tower and Mr. L'Apostre in a committee of correspondence where several letters from Georgia were under consideration, among which were more certified accounts arrived since you left London. The last date is 20 March, wherein Mr. Causton states his reason for taking these cargoes to be for the encouragement of the persons who bring them. The further certified accounts received yesterday and today amount to 707l. 16s. 7d. sterling, and thereby the amount come to the hands of Mr. Causton since midsummer last is increased to 12,392l. 13s. 2d. and the certified accounts unpaid amount to 4,542l. 3s. 11d. The Trustees therefore are quite at a stand until an end is put to all credit in Georgia and their expenses defrayed in their sola bills and until they know on your arrival how their affairs stand in Georgia. Mr. Vernon brought with him to the Common Council to-day the Order of Council relating to the Carolina Ordinance, copy enclosed. As to the Carolina petition, there will be no directions upon that, only an instruction to both provinces amicably to concert measures in the executing the law for regulating the trade with the Indians which may be for the mutual advantage and safety of both provinces, but that is not yet settled. The Trustees have an original order to forward to Carolina relating to the ordinance which they will do by Capt. Piercy who sails next week; and they think it right that this copy of the determination of the Council should be publicly read in the court at Savannah. I have bought you two quarts of spirit of salt which I have sent by the Gosport waggon in a box as also some farthings in a bag put into a box and a letter from Justice Blackerby, both directed to you at Gosport. The Trustees are obliged to you for letting them have your two boats for seaboats which they thankfully pay for, the expenses of them being now known and no other charge but that of working them for pilotage of shipping in the northern and southern parts of Georgia I waited on Col. Cecil who hopes to hear from you. Entry. 1½ pp. [C.O. 5, 667, fos. 68d-69.]
May 31.264 Benjamin Martyn to Commissioners of Treasury. Parliament having granted last session 8,000l. towards settling Georgia, the Trustees pray for directions for issuing said sum. Entry. ½ p. [C.O. 5, 670, p. 352.]
May 31.265 Memorial of John Pitt to Duke of Newcastle, requesting the command of an invalid company or any other provision following his service since 1727 as governor of Bermuda and captain of an independent company there. Signed. 1 p. [C.O. 37, 26, fo. 212.]
[May.]266 Instructions by Trustees for Georgia for Thomas Jones appointed storekeeper in Georgia. Deliver the letter from the Trustees to Mr. Causton and take his receipt. Affix on the door of the store at Savannah the notice signed by the secretary [see No. 228]. Cause the same notice to be affixed at Frederica and require Richard White, storekeeper there, to send you an account of the remain of stores. In one month after delivery of said letter, take possession of stores in Mr. Causton's custody and issue them pursuant to order of William Stephens, Thomas Causton and Henry Parker, or any two of them. You are allowed a salary of 30l. a year. You are to examine the demands and conduct of William Bradley and how he has employed the servants of the Trust under his care. Entry. 1½ pp. [C.O. 5, 670, pp. 363–364.]

Footnotes

1 Not found.