September 1577, 21-25


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'Elizabeth: September 1577, 21-25', Calendar of State Papers Foreign, Elizabeth, Volume 12: 1577-78 (1901), pp. 176-200. URL: http://www.british-history.ac.uk/report.aspx?compid=73293 Date accessed: 21 April 2014. Add to my bookshelf


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September 1577, 21-25

Sept. 21.
K. d. L. ix. 535.
Last night was the time limited for the return of the Commissioners from Don John. I learn only that they have signified to the Estates the hope they have to return with good satisfaction at all points. Meanwhile I half suspect a patched peace for the time. The Commissioners sent hither to his Excellency (a copy of whose instructions with his answer I send herewith) have been so importune to have him to Brussels, as argues a jealousy of his being here. He has agreed to go with them, but would first hear what train matters take at Namur. The remembrance of the Admiral's unhappy chance at Paris increases his diffidence and circumspection. It pleased his Excellency last night to discourse with me at length what had passed between the Commissioners and him, wherein he prayed my opinion ; but I told him he could nowhere seek in this case counsel better than of himself. In turn I found him resolved to go forwards if the news from Brussels be not such as give him cause to alter his purpose. The surrender of Bois-le-Duc is true ; but I have not seen the conditions, which his Excellency promised to send me. And now they of Breda have sent hither eight of their soldiers to offer to do the like, and to deliver unto the Prince the Colonel Frundsberg whom they have apprehended. There is a bruit that the Spaniards destined to be returned hither out of Italy have been embarked for Africa, but the alteration is too sudden to be very likely.—Antwerp, 21 Sept. 1577. Add. Endd. 1 p. [Holl. and Fland. III. 114.]
Enclosed in above :
242A. Copy of the instructions, &c. [No. 235], together with:—
Sept. 19.
Sep. 20 [?]
Having heard the propositions of the Deputies, the Prince of Orange replies as follows :—
He thanks God and praises the Estates for coming to a firm and unanimous resolution for mutual security among the provinces that, in pursuance of the pacification of Ghent, they may arrange together for their preservation. Hoping that God, who has inspired this union, will bless their laudable intention to the general and individual good, and the restoration of our afflicted country to its former flower and prosperity. He cannot sufficiently thank them for their good opinion of him, and the sincere confidence which they show in his goodwill towards them and the peace of the land. While he cannot recognise in himself all the virtues which they are pleased to attribute to him, he will willingly employ in their service not only such experience and judgement as he has, but every means, even to his own life and blood ; and will not fail to respond with the utmost of his power to their confidence in him. As for coming immediately to Brussels, though he would like nothing better than to obey them, even for the desire he has of seeing his beloved country again, and enjoying the company of his best friends in the place where he was brought up, he begs them to consider that, owing to the reciprocal obligations between himself and the countries of Holland and Zealand, he has in the past taken no step of importance without communicating with the Estates of those countries ; and therefore he begs now, since those Estates are about to meet directly at Gouda, that the Estates-General will agree to his similarly taking advice with them on this matter. Since the Estates desire that the Prince will make some demonstration counter to the calumnies uttered by evil-disposed persons, to make known to all that he and those of Holland and Zealand fully desire to observe what they have promised by the pacification, and that to this effect he will permit the exercise of the Catholic Religion in those countries, he begs them to believe nothing save that he desires entirely to maintain the said pacification ; But the question of permitting the exercise of that Religion touches primarily the Estates of those countries, who stipulated at the pacification that they should have no innovation at least till the States-General had met. The Prince cannot think that he ought to permit any innovation without the consent of the Estates of Holland and Zealand, fearing lest if, from that cause, any disturbance or discontent arose among the people, the blame might lie on him. As regards a formal promise on the part of the Prince that he and those of Holland and Zealand will not allow the exercise of the Roman Catholic Religion to be attacked, or that of any other religion to be introduced in the other provinces of the Low Countries, he is ready to promise for himself and for them, that pursuant to the pacification they will not suffer any attempt to be made against the public peace, or the exercise of the Catholic Religion. As the Prince has no idea of usurping any authority over the Estates-General, but only of assisting in the direction of affairs to the best of his ability, and so far as they may please to employ him, he is ready to promise that he will leave the authority to take order in this matter, pursuant to the pacification, at their free disposal, without hindering them or suffering them to be hindered, and will aid in chastising all those who by scandalous conduct, or any kind of overt attempt, may seek to disturb the common tranquillity. Copy. Fr. 2 pp.
243. Another copy of the Prince's reply.
Fr. 4 pp. Endd. : Conditions et promesses par le Prince d'Orenges sur sa venue a Bruxelles ; and below : Sept. 1577. Upon the P. receiving into Bruxels. (Walsingham's mark.) [Holl. and Fland. II. 115.]
243B. Another copy. Fr. 4 pp. Endd. in Fr. [Ibid. II. 116.]
Sept. 21. 244. [DON JOHN to the ESTATES.]
Explanations and conditions which it seems good to us to make for better understanding and execution of the present treaty. Art. 5.—We agree to this as regards us, and without prejudice to the parties, it being understood that the Germans shall go out under safe-conduct from the Estates. Art. 6.—We pass this, declaring that the word "other" shall be taken as referring to places held since the beginning of the present discontent. Art. 10.—We accept the Bishop of Liége, the Duke of Cleves, or any other that may be agreed upon. As to the restitution of property, it must be done in good faith, even when the Estates or others have profited by it, and it is no longer in existence. As regards the Governors, officers, &c., we are content to do as desired, and will command the Governors and officers who are with us to abstain from the exercise of their government and the command of their forces during this interim until affairs are quieter, and to appoint no others ; but if it be necessary, his Majesty will for this time appoint only such as are agreeable to the Estates. Art. 11.—For fear of causing discontent in the garrisons, it would be better to omit the word "soldiers," with security that Governors and captains shall be agreeable to the Estates. Art. 13.—It would be better to substitute "simultaneously" for "previously." Art. 15.—Pending the coming of our successor, whom we hope for shortly, we hope to govern from Luxembourg. Art. 16 (sic).—We will use our efforts to induce his Majesty to agree to these terms within the time mentioned. Namur, September 21. (Signed), Le Vasseur. Copy. Fr. Endd. in Fr. 2 pp. [Holl. and Fland. II. 117.]
Sept. 21. 245. G. GILPIN to BURGHLEY.
I have just received the enclosed from Brussels, and was earnestly requested to see it conveyed to you speedily, and to entreat your pleasure for the answering of it. The state of this country 'with the likelihood thereof,' and such occurrences as we have, I am sure you will be advertised by letters from her Majesty's ambassador, who lies at present in this town.—Antwerp, 21 Sept. 1577. [Original mislaid.]
Sept. 21. 246. BEALE to WALSINGHAM.
I arrived here the 17th of this month, at the end of the market, in safety, God be thanked, with my whole company, though the whole way was very much infected with the plague. I have stayed here a while, to inform myself from Mr. Rogers and others how things went in these parts. Mr. Rogers, at the time of my arrival, was gone with Duke Casimir to the Landgrave, who was at the baths of Ems, from whom he returned two days after. Duke Casimir was also looked for here by divers of his Rittmeisters, who awaited his coming. But he appointed them to meet him at Oppenheim, on the 19th and 20th. His councillors say it was only to avoid so great a concourse in this place, and to do his affairs with more quietness and secrecy. Others say it was because he thought that the Deputies of the Empire who are here would perhaps have said somewhat to him, for that not long before, the French King by one Diets von Schomberg, one of his Rittmeisters, had complained of him to the Emperor ; threatening to annoy those parts of the Rhine if he should attempt anything against France. The copy of this complaint was sent hither, to be "ordered" by the Deputies here ; though I do not understand that they have as yet done anything, nor what resolution the Duke has taken. But things are not in that readiness that was reported by the French, and if he go on, his preparations will ask a long time. It seems, besides, that the French are in good hope that he will do nothing, insomuch that the Duke of Lorraine has made a payment here of 250,000 francs. There is no good correspondence between the two brothers. The Elector has already put all the ministers of his father's time to silence, both of the Dutch and strange Churches, and minds shortly to alter the state of the University of Heidelburg, and to bring in one David Chittræus, a great Lutheran, and one of the makers of the new book which is shortly to be published for the establishing of their opinion and condemning of others. Doctor Ehern, his father's late Chancellor, is not only put from his office, but since Mr. Sidney's being there, commanded to keep his house as a prisoner, without shewing him the cause, though he has several times asked to know it. As I heard among themselves, they pretend it to be the rasing or changing of the late Elector's will ; and now it is secretly said to me that he is taken thence and carried prisoner to another place. There has of late happened some unkindness about the partage of their patrimony ; for upon the surprising of Neustadt by Duke Casimir there were found, it is said, letters from the Elector to those of the town not to acknowledge Casimir for their lord according to the father's will, notwithstanding his other letters granted at his brother's request to the contrary. For which cause, and because the Elector has already broken the will in sundry points, it is reported that Casimir in a great rage thrusting his dagger through part of the said will, in the presence of his uncle Duke Richard, has openly declared that he will not content himself with the partage limited in his father's will, but demands to divide (the Electorate excepted) equally according to the custom of Germany ; whereto the Elector has as yet made no answer. The Elector relies much upon the Duke of Saxony, and since the last Diet of Ratisbon, when he supplied his father's place in the election of the Emperor, it is said that, being corrupted by the said Duke, he afterwards shewed himself more contrary to his father's proceedings than he had done before, so that if the old Elector had lived any long time he meant not to have dealt so liberally with him as he had ordained before, thinking that he never would have made such alterations as now he has done. Mr. Rogers tells me that it was much misliked by the Elector and Duke Richard that he went first to Duke Casimir ; and therefore to remove the jealousy that might increase between the brethren, I have thought convenient to address myself to the Elector first, to the intent he may think that her Majesty makes such account of him as his place requires, although I see no hope of any great good. I have also seen such notes as Duke Casimir delivered to Mr. Rogers, and have, by his counsellors, his advice how to proceed in the deliverance of my messages. Touching the assembly at Magdeburg, there is as yet no certain resolution, since it has been named to be at Naumburg ; but as yet no time appointed. It is true that a book has of late been made by eight divines ; two belonging to the Elector of Saxony, viz., Jacobus Andreas and Nicolaus Selnererus ; two to the Elector of Brandenburg, Andreas Mersonlas and Christopher Cornerus ; one to the Duke of Brunswick, Martinus Kemnitius ; and one to the Duke of Mecklenburg, David Chitreus. The book is said not only to contain a declaration of their own opinion, but also an express condemnation of all that think otherwise ; and it is thought that such of the Estates of the Empire as shall not subscribe thereto shall be in the next Diet secluded from the peace of the Empire. The Elector of Saxony urges the matter very vehemently. On the 8th of this month he caused an assembly to be held of the earls of those parts, each of whom was to bring a divine with him for the subscribing of this book. It is not yet known what they have done. Landgrave Wilhelm mislikes it very much, because it contains words of condemnation where the Confession of Augusta and Apology had Non approbamus ; and the confirmation and chiefest arguments are said to be 'fett' out of Luther's words and not the Bible. He has promised Duke Casimir that he will never subscribe it. Many others oppose themselves, as the Administrator of Magdeburg (although the Elector of Brandenburg, his father, likes it), the princes of Anhalt, the Dukes of Holst and Pomerania, with sundry earls and free cities ; some because they hold with the Confession of our Churches, and some because, although they are Lutherans, they dislike the doctrine de ubiquitate et omniprœsentia carnis Christi, which is by this book obtruded. I trust her Majesty's message will do good, both to confirm them and mitigate the heat of the others. The 25th of this month was appointed a meeting of certain Deputies of sundry Churches of Germany, France, Helvetia, and Poland, at Frankenthal, to consult of this matter. Gualterus' opinion and that of most of them was to make another Confession to oppose the said book. As I cannot be so soon with Duke Casimir, I have by Mr. Rogers, Soleer, Dathenus, and M. Languet sent him word of her Majesty's opinion in that behalf how that the said assembly cannot but breed jealousy with the adverse party, as though they meant to make a party against them ; that she thought it more expedient to proceed by way of intercession. Which opinion they have promised to impart in the mean time to Duke Casimir ; and to promise that the deputies shall at this time only concert a form of humble supplication, to be addressed to the princes, that considering the pitiful state of Christ's Church, it would please them to forbear such condemnation. Thus the said assembly, which being appointed before my coming, cannot now be broken, shall appear to have been holden only for this purpose, which they cannot mislike of. What shall be done I will advertise you by John Watts, when I have spoken with the Elector and Duke Casimir. It is said that the Emperor is at Vienna, where he means to make his brother Ernestus his lieutenant-general upon the border of Hungary and Sweney [Schwendi] under him, who is now there. It is reported that the two young brethren Matthias and Maximilian demand partage, so that it would seem that there is no very good agreement between them ; and for that cause the Archdukes Ferdinand and Charles are said to be gone thither from the Duke of Baviere's, where it is bruited there has been a great meeting of popish princes, some say to conclude a marriage between his daughter and the Duke of Ferrara, and some think for other causes. He labours by all the means he can to make his son, now Bishop of Frisingen, Archbishop of Colen ; for the former gave it up the 13th of this month, and shall be married to the Count of Arenberg's sister. Dr. Hegemiller, one of the Emperor's commissioners here, is gone thither, to deal with the Chapter for the Duke's son. But it is thought it will take no place. The assembly here is to give order for the collection of money promised to the late Emperor for the maintenance of the frontiers towards the Turk. The Steedes of the Hanse have propounded the help of Dantzig, or else that it would please them to intercede for some good pacification with the King, for it seems the town is hardly beset. It is thought neither will take any effect, for no money will be had to levy an army ; and it is answered that to intercede with the King would be an acknowledgement of a right in him, and a prejudice to that interest which the Emperor has always pretended to have in that city. The Duke of Guise has been a good while upon the frontier of Lorraine to "empeche" Duke Casimir's coming. His forces were thought to be 800 horse and 2,000 foot. It is said he is now departed downwards, either to aid Don John or to besiege the castles of Jamets and Sedan, belonging to the young Duke of Bouillon, who is now declared for them of the religion, and at this present at Strasburg. When the Duke of Guise was at Metz, he sent for all such Dutch colonels and rittmeisters as serve the King, and required them to promise to serve against all persons ; but they refused, excepting, as their custom is, the States of the Holy Empire. At the same time was a particular diet held at Wissenburg of the deputies [of the] Electors Palatine and Mentz, Dukes of Wirtemberg and Deuxponts, Bishops of Strasburg, Worms, Spires, and others on that side the Rhine, where Duke Casimir was in person. Thence they wrote to the King's Dutch colonels, that if they served against any of them they would all be revenged of them in their bodies and goods, wheresoever they could be found. Somewhat was treated of the contribution of money to levy forces if need were, but nothing was concluded. As this book is not yet perused nor subscribed by divers of the princes, and it may be that at her Majesty's request a further day may be appointed next year for the assembly at Magdeburg or elsewhere. I should be glad to know her pleasure whether I might then return home or no ; for in my opinion it will not be needful for me to tarry so long, and for many reasons I would be at home as soon as may be. Please direct letter to me to M. Languet or Dr. Johannes Glanburg, hither ; with whom I have left order for the keeping of them till my return. I have received your letter of the 5th, sent by the Secretary of the Steelyard. In the wagon at my departure out of Antwerp I received also the others sent to Mr. Davison. I shall desire you humbly to excuse me to the rest of my Lords, as I have no leisure now to write to them, which I mind not to omit when I have been with the Elector and Duke Casimir. M. Swartz has very courteously entertained me in his house, being otherwise unprovided of a lodging. He tells me he has appointed a servant of his to bring certain geldings out of England for certain princes and noblemen, and has desired me to ask your Honour that when his servant shall repair to the Court, you will promise him either from her Majesty or from my Lord of Leicester a passport.—Frankfort, 21 Sept. Add. Endd. Marginal notes by L. Tomson. 8 pp. [Germ. States I. 19.]
Sept. 19-22. 247. Copies of the correspondence between the Prince of Orange and the Estates [Nos. 238, 242B], also of the instructions given to the Prelates of Villars and Marolles [No. 235], followed by :
Advices from Basle.
I wrote of the meeting held at Baden in Aargau by the seven Catholic cantons, which they call market, as much to fortify themselves against the cantholiques [sic ; l. cantons] of the religion as to prevent the designs which the German Protestants are brewing at Frankfort, and the intelligence which they may have with the Swiss of the same religion. And they obtained at Baden that proceedings of all sorts shall be taken against all those who have borne arms against the King of France under the Prince of Condé and Duke Casimir last year, in such sort that those of Berne made proclamation in their country that henceforth no one should dare to bear arms even against the King, on pain of confiscation, and that for the past, proceedings would be taken with a rigour against those who had borne arms in the same army in such sort that all those of Neufchatel who could be found guilty were made prisoners by the said Catholic cantons as they passed through their territories, and since that they have been obliged to send by way of Germany. And learning that a Frenchman called the Sieur d'Amours had negotiated in Germany for the last levy alike of Swiss and Neuchatelese, they followed it up as this letter sent to Mme. de Longueville in France will show :—
Illustrious lady,—Our lords and superiors have heard that one M. d'Amours, who was heretofore sent by you into the County of Neuchatel to reside there and plead on your behalf in the cause between yourself and the Margrave of Baden in regard to the lordship of Rotelin, before the Imperial Chamber at Spires, took the pretext of his journeys into Germany to practise with the late Count Palatine in the name of the Prince of Condé, levying reiters and Swiss landsknechts of Bern and Neuchatel for the Duke John Casimir to lead into France against the King, whom he accompanied into France. Whereupon our lords of the seven Catholic cantons, to wit, Zug, Uri, Fideron [sic], Unterwald, Schwyz, Glarus, Freiburg, as well as the others who are confederated with the King, thought that, according to the orders that you might have given to M. de Maniquet, your ambassador, for proceeding in this matter, the said d'Amours would not only be cast back from his charge, whether at Neuchatel or at Spires, but would be severely punished. Now as no proceedings have been taken against him, but he is still at Neuchatel and in your service, we have been expressly commanded by our lords urgently to beg that you will withdraw the said d'Amours from Neuchatel and recall his commission ; otherwise our lords will not fail to complain in such manner as they may deem right, that such seditious people are maintained, to his Majesty's prejudice. But they are sure that they will have no cause so to complain, but will be able to continue their goodwill towards yourself and the young princes your sons. Hearing further that the officers and soldiers of the county of Neuchatel who have been at war with the King have not been punished, but continue in their evil mind, and threaten to go to war again if anyone will pay them, which will be of serious moment to your county of Neuchatel, although nothing has come of your promises, though M. de Maniquet and your vassals, to our great surprise, remain unfurnished. All which makes our lords again beg you expressly to command the Council of Neuchatel to proceed to the punishment of the delinquents.
Done, passed, and sealed with the seal of the noble lord Wolfgang, Governor of Baden, councillor of Unterwald, in the name of the undersigned cantons.
Copies (in one hand). Fr. 7 pp. Endd.: "Letters from the States-General to the Prince of Orange, etc." [Holl. and Fland. II. 118.]
Sept. 23. 248. The QUEEN to the MAGISTRATES of DANTZIG.
We regret to hear of your afflicted state, and should be most ready to relieve you, but for two things ; one touching our good faith, the other our policy. For the first, your town is, as you are aware, subject to the King of Poland, by ancient treaties our friend and ally, so that it might seem harsh and unprecedented if we were to aid you when you are in arms against your prince. Again, to lend you money on the sole security of your city, when that is closely besieged and hard pressed, would certainly not be the part of a prudent person. We should not, however, wish it to be supposed that we either think to desert you in your straits, bound as you are to us and our people by old alliance, or that we place our own convenience before your safety ; but that we may show you a way by which you may better provide for our honour and your own good. The Teutonic Hanse is no less old and well known among you than famous among all neighbouring peoples, and you are no mean member of it ; and their alliance with you is so close that it is not unlikely that they will be touched by your misfortunes. If they cannot themselves bring the aid you ask, at least let them intercede for you, protest that their own affairs are at stake, offer to be security for you. Thus our good faith will be free toward the King, because we shall be obliging your allies and not you, and shall not rashly seem to be lacking toward ourselves and our posterity, if fearing the uncertain issue of the war (though we pray it may be favourable to you), we prefer to render services to you, so far as we think it may be granted to our old friendship with the Hanse, on the security of cities in a less dangerous position. If you will follow this plan and obtain this favour from your allies, we will promptly do our best to furnish what you may require.—Oatlands, 23 Sept. 1577. Copy. Latin. 2/3 p. [For. E.B. Misc. II.]
By my last packet, dispatched the 11th, you will have understood how I dealt with the Elector Palatine, following the advice of Duke Casimir. I sent with it all my proposals to the Elector, and joined his answer thereto in writing, with a letter which he sent in Latin to her Majesty ; since which, as Duke Casimir appointed, I went to Ems, where I found the Landgrave, who gave me audience on the 15th. The Duke himself came thither the night before, at which time he thought to have found me with the Landgrave ; but as there is no lodging there but what was taken up by the Landgrave's train, and as I thought it best that the Duke should talk with the Landgrave before I came, I stayed with M. Languet, whom the Duke had commanded to come with me as his counsellor, at Nassau, a league from Ems, and thence came to Ems the 15th, in the morning. Besides Languet, the Duke wrote to Ludwig, Count of Wittgenstein, and to Count John of Nassau, to meet him at the same time at Ems. But Count Wittgenstin, instead of coming himself sent letters excusing himself, for that the election of the Bishop of Collen stayed him there. And Count John, before he received the Duke's letter, had left Dillenburg with the Prince's daughter and son, towards Holland. After dinner on the 15th, Duke Casimir being retired to his chamber, the Landgrave called me into his study and sent for two of his counsellors, of which Colonel Rolhousen was the chief, who had the levying of reiters in the first troubles of France, and since was with the Prince of Orange in his first expedition. Being required to declare my message in Latin, I told him that her Majesty had received from him a couple of letters at one time, sent by Mr. Allen, by which she had conceived double pleasure ; first, that he had declared the goodwill he bare towards her, and the desire he had to continue such amity as in time past had been betwixt her Majesty's father, of most famous memory, and his father, which desire he had sufficiently declared by requiring Mr. Allen to answer in her name at the "Kirstninge" of his daughter that was born when the said Allen was with them, which I affirmed her Majesty had taken in very good part. Besides the contentment which she had conceived this way by his letters, I avouched they were especially welcome, for that her Majesty had fully understood by them how well he foresaw the practices of the Papists, going about to overthrow the state of all such as professed the reformed religion, and therefore thought it expedient that such as made profession of that religion should take counsel together to withstand the dangerous practices of the Papists, in which he concurred with her Majesty. I told him that she had heretofore sundry times exhorted the princes of Germany professing the said religion to enter into a common league for mutual defence, but that hitherto her advice had not taken such effect as it deserved, although it were more necessary for the preservation of Germany than for her own State. For confirmation whereof, as also to deliver him from certain doubts which he seemed to have of her Majesty's estate, and uttered at dinner time, I began to open unto him in what safety she and the affairs of England were, affirming that by reason of a long peace, with justice and clemency, she had so established her realms and dominions that in long time England had not enjoyed the like felicity. And as for Scotland, her Majesty had in such manner established the King's dignity there, and defended the liberty of the realm, that the whole realm was at her devotion. Likewise in France and in the Low Countries, her Majesty had travailed to maintain those countries in their ancient freedom, in such sort that the most part thought themselves 'beholding' to her for her benefits bestowed on them. Yet because she was continually advertised of the daily practices which the Pope's adherents dressed and invented to subvert the State of all such as defended the true religion, she could not but again admonish the Princes Protestant of Germany to provide diligently against their enemies' designs, which were dangerous to all such as professed the reformed religion. This advertisement I said she repeated at this time, the rather for that she, perceiving his Highness to be of her opinion, trusted that by his means the rest of the princes might the sooner be moved to enter into the league mentioned ; for the making of which, that he might the better understand her Majesty's intention, I showed him the project of which in my instructions is made mention, and gave it him to read. Being come thus far, he began to open the Queen's letter, which he read thoroughly, as also the Prince of Orange's and Mr. Sydney's letters. The Prince of Orange wrote to him by me, persuading him to embrace the league, offered to the Princes of Germany by a most mighty Queen, of whom they ought to have desired that which of her bountiful nature she offered to them. Having read the letters and the project, he said that I was come in very good time to him, and that before my coming he had heard of me, by reason of the Elector Palatine, who had sent unto him an oration, as he termed it, which I had delivered to him touching any negotiation, which he affirmed was made very suitably to the time. For the rest, he could not well express by words how greatly he was beholden to her Majesty for her message, and that he would travail to deserve her favour. Touching the league, he would deliberate upon it, that he might the better satisfy her Majesty's expectation, and promised to give an answer, with his counsel what were best to be done. Then he went to the baths, I being led unto my chamber by his counsellors, who thanked me heartily for the proposals I had made to their Prince ; promising me that they would advance these matters with all the authority they had. I was there with him three days ; all which time Duke Casimir remained with him, labouring most earnestly to bring this league to good effect. At last the Landgrave, having well deliberated, called me apart, and said that at present he did not see how this league could go forward ; for that first of all the condemnation which certain mad divines urged was to be hindered, which was a matter of great importance, since the Duke of Saxony and the Elector of Brandenburg especially required an assembly to be holden at Naumburg, as I wrote in my last, for the subscription of the book, by virtue whereof the rest of the Churches not subscribing should be condemned. Wherefore he desired her Majesty to send an ambassage to the King of Denmark, opening to him her Majesty's opinion touching the proceeding of the said mad divines, requiring him to send Henry Ransaw and Dr. Hincke his counsellors, with her Majesty's ambassador, to the Duke of Saxony, to the hindering of the design of his divines ; which being done, he hoped the league would the better take place. Meanwhile, as the Elector Palatine asked his advice touching what I had left with him, he would prepare his mind, as also that of other princes, to embrace this league. The Palatine had also sent my writing and his answer to Duke Casimir, who has already sent advice to his brother, counselling him in any case to receive so noble an offer as her Majesty has made, and to hinder the subscription of the book. The Duke is very desirous not only to enter into this league, but to do anything which her Majesty may desire, being a virtuous, zealous, and courageous prince, besides his courtesy of manner, by which he winneth all such as have to do with him. In sum, after the Prince of Orange, I have not yet found his like in Germany. The book which the Landgrave mentions treats especially of twelve points, and is in Dutch. The articles in it are these :— 1, De peccato originali ; 2, De libero arbitrio ; 3, De Justificatione ; 4, De bonis operibus ; 5, De discrimine legis et Evangelii ; 6, De tertio usu legis ; 7, De Cœna Domini ; 8, De persona Christi ; 9, De descensu Christi ad inferos ; 10, De adiaphoris ; 11, De prœdestinatione. The 12th contains certain ancient and new-sprung heresies, which they condemn. I dealt at Ems with Dr. Peucelius, who is banished by the Duke of Saxony, as many others are, for his opinion in the Supper of the Lord, and is now with the Landgrave of Hesse, who promised to send me the principal absurdities comprehended in the said book. Howbeit, Duke Casimir has taken order for the copying of the book, and is minded to send it to Dr. Ursinus, a notable learned divine, for to refute it. Among other princes of the Empire who have refused to subscribe it are the Princes of Pomerland, the Duke of Anhalt, the Bishop of Halberstadt, son to the Elector of Brandenburg, the Duke of Holst, besides the Landgrave and Duke Casimir. Furthermore, the Landgrave beseeches her Majesty to send one 'with the first' to the King of Denmark ; and that he will cause the assembly to be stayed, till he have further news of that which her Majesty has done with the said King. Meanwhile he promises to deal with his brethren and others with whom he is allied, that he may prepare them to embrace the league. One thing I think good to add, which the Landgrave declared when I first dined with him, which is that he had received letters from Erick, Duke of Brunswick, how that such forces as were shipped from "Ligurno" under pretext to go to Africa took the right course for Lisbon, there to join the Kings' of Spain and Portugal Armada, which was directed against England ; and that he was assured the King of Spain persuaded himself to make Don John King of England and Scotland ; which letters he showed me, written from Lorraine the 7th of this month. Wherefore I beseech you not to think that these news are trifles, being confirmed by occurrences sent from divers places, and vouched by this Duke, who has long time served the Spaniards.—Frankfort, 23 Sept. 1577. Add. Endd. Marginal notes by L. Tomson. 4½ pp. [Germ. States I. 20.]
I have given you information in other letters about myself, and what is passing here ; and as I have received nothing from you requiring an answer, I will now be brief. It is only to say that I came to-day from Plymouth where I talked with Mr. Yllcom, and gave him your greetings, and then I talked about the bronze guns, and he told me that he had sent them many days ago, and that he had sent you the receipt for them, and that they had been given to the mayor of Laredo, and that when his son was in London you gave him the discharge for them, so there was no more to be said. He told me too what he wrote to you, how Fcs. D. [Qy. Francis Drake] is gone to the Antilles although a report is spread that they are going to Tripoli ; but that they certainly are going where I say, and will do much harm if you do not take steps to prevent its happening. I am sure that if it be possible you will act so that they shall not go ; and so I commit myself to your goodwill. Mr. Yllcom greets you, and will willingly do you any service he can. There is nothing else save that I rejoice that the affairs of Flanders go well, thank God. May it always be so. My wife and family greet you.—Padisto [Qy. Padstow], 20 Aug. 1577. Overleaf : We are at the 24th September. I sent you a copy of the above by way of Bristol. Since then I have received yours by Señor Juanes de Lechundi, from which I see that you wish me to do all in my power for the recovery of your estate in this country, aiming at keeping the costs as small as possible. I will do what I can without fail. As to your business nothing has been done up to now. They settle it in the course of a week ; please God they do something fresh. Don Juan Arandel [Qy. Sir John Arundell] settles nothing, owing to occupations, because the rest have not wanted to settle. When he is willing you shall be advised of what is to be done. As for cost he cannot fail to spend, having 4 men and 4 horses ; but 2 will I hope soon be dispatched. I am sorry at the ill-success in Flanders ; may the Lord remedy it as is needful. Add. Endd. Sp. 1½ pp. [Spain I. 8.]
A counsellor of the Landgrave's wrote to me lately that on the 14th inst. Duke Casimir went to visit his Excellency at the Baths of Ems, i.e., Ad Thermas Emsenses, and that the Landgrave is to return to his own state at the last of the month. My friend has imparted to me also some decisions arrived at by the Duke and the Landgrave in conference, and has sent me a copy of them in German ; and as there are very important matters in them relating to her Majesty, I send you the same copy, feeling sure that you will not lack a faithful interpreter, and begging you to impart it to her Majesty in my name. I am leaving this in an hour for the said Baths to pay my respects to the Landgrave.—Cologne, 24 Sept. 1577. Endd. Italian. 1 p. [Germ. States I. 21.]
Sept. 24. 252. POULET to WALSINGHAM.
The Ambassador of France has a servant following the Court, and now in some discredit with his master, but yet continues in his service. He has reported to Jacomo that Nypeville escaped out of prison in this wise. [Marginal note : Niepeville's escape.] Arnold, secretary to the French Ambassador, provided him of files, 'syzers,' ropes, &c., by which he made his way into the street, leaving his chamber-fellow sleeping, whom he would have slain if he had awaked. In the street he was taken twice by the watch, but was delivered, and came to the French Ambassador's house. After some days he was conveyed to Dover disguised as a Fleming, and shipped himself in a boat of 'Calyce,' which was come purposely for him. He used all means possible to obtain licence from the King to go to sea, which the King would not grant, and notwithstanding he is gone from hence with full resolution to do so, and very maliciously affected against the Englishmen. Besides the soldiers with young Lansac there are here, or in the neighbourhood, ten French companies of the King's Guard, those companies of "lance knights," and 40 other companies or thereabouts. I am informed that La Roche is not yet gone to sea, nor in readiness for his voyage. It is said that the King of Spain's fleet is safely arrived out of the Indies. It seems worth noting that though peace was concluded at Bergerac on the 14th, on the 16th young Lansac took the sea with his navy to spoil the Isle of Retz. Many good men are already discouraged to expect any good success of this patched peace. It is said here that Mullins was stayed in England 18 days owing to information given by one that he had gone with some bad commission for something to be done in Scotland ; and a Scottishman came to my secretary and asked if one Makestone, a Scot, had never told him that Mullins was sent by the French King, "which," he said, "you may perceive to be untrue by the seizure made upon his land and goods, and according to the late ordinance touching Protestants." My secretary assured him that Makestone had never said so to him, as in truth he never had, the information having been given him by others. The Scot said if he had not, he had to others, and the kin letters had been shown to the King, who was much displeased, saying that Mullins had had not commission from him, only his congé to go to his own country, the Cardinal of Guise and Morvilliers telling him to come no more into France. This tale doth easily persuade me that Mullins went with authority from the King, who, now finding that the matter has no success, gives out these devices to colour his unneighbourly doings. The French have not robbed their own country by land so fast as they will now spoil the subjects of other countries by sea. Our merchants no doubt will feel the smart of it. Lansac lacked merchants for his salt at Brouage, and this was the occasion of disorder committed by him.—Poitiers, 24 Sept. 1577. P.S.—John Tupper is arrived out of Britanny. He has perused all the havens and creeks from Nantes to Morlaix, and finds no preparations for the sea save such as are made by the merchants. La Roche has no ships at sea, accompanied by one belonging to the Captain of Brest, and two barks of Marans, spoiling and robbing. La Roche himself is at home and his ship dismissed. Please let my Lord of Leicester know of this advertisement. Tupper heard that Fitzmorris has been of late at St. Malo, and is gone to sea with one ship. Add. Endd. pp. 2. [France I. 31.]
Sept. 24. 253. POULET to the QUEEN.
About 4 p.m. yesterday M. Pinart came from the King to inform me that young Lansac, being commanded to make some enterprise upon the Isle of Retz, and forced by weather to stay at the Isle of Est [Aix], fell in on Tuesday last [17th] with 50 English ships, accompanied by some ships of Rochelle, and sent his trumpet to signify that it was forbidden by proclamation for any stranger to give any aid to the subjects that were in arms against the King, promising that if they went to Brouage they should be entertained with all amity. The English would not agree, but came to blows, and were taken prisoners. Lansac sent a gentleman to the King, but he was stripped and kept two days at St. Jean d'Angely. The King assured himself there was no fault in your Majesty, and had commanded me to show you the memorial received from young Lansac, which he then read to me, and gave me a copy of it. The tale was told in such correct terms that I might believe if I would that those ships were men-of-war, and came out of Rochelle to seek Lansac. I told him I was very sorry to hear of this disorder. I was sure there was no fault in your Majesty, and trusted that the King was also guiltless herein, that the fault in the Ministers was odious, not to be excused, and that now the question was who had offended, Lansac or the English, though it was hard to see what could justify the arrest of many ships and men. It had not been often seen that fifty English ships, armed in warlike manner, had been so easily taken, and if they were merchants the fact was not to be excused. The only fault alleged of the English was that they would not obey young Lansac's orders. It did not appear that these ships had been at Rochelle, and if they had been there as merchants, it did not deserve this extreme dealing, and English merchants could not know the proclamations made in France. I had had letters lately from England, and could not learn that any lord was departed thence, and I should think him a very foolish lord that would hazard his person in the Isle of Retz. The matter was of deep importance to your Majesty, and it behoved me to certify it at once. But as the memorial was imperfect, and he could not satisfy me in particular until he had spoken again with the King or with Lansac's messenger, and as I desired to know the King's pleasure from his own mouth, I told M. Pinart that as the King had deferred my audience till the coming of the Duke of Montpensier, who had just arrived, if it would please his Majesty to give me audience the next day, I would not write till I had spoken to him, but if an audience were deferred, I prayed him to hold me excused, and to provide me of my passports. M. Pinart, among other things, told me that the trumpet which young Lansac sent aboard the ships was detained by the English, and could not be released. A very unlikely tale in my simple opinion. He said that the Englishmen wished only to depart and leave their ships. I answered that most men preferred liberty to ships. This tale looks as if they meant to retain the ships. I asked him how many Englishmen had been slain in this fight. He said, none as he thought. "This argueth" (quod I) "that they made no resistance." I asked him how it came about that when ships of Rochelle and English ships were in company, the former escaped, and the English ships only were taken? He was constrained to say that he must confer again with the messenger, saying that the memorial was made in haste. Indeed it was made in such haste that it had no date at all, and, therefore, when or where it was made, God knoweth. It is not to be doubted but that this advertisement came to the King three or four days past. In the evening Arnold told me from M. Pinart that he had moved the King for my audience ; that the next morning the King would confer with his Council, that after noon he would be busied with the Duke of Montpensier and the deputies of the King of Navarre, that the next day, being the 25th, I should have audience, and that if any French subject had done anything to disturb the amity between the realms, the King would not fail to punish him. I answered that I was to receive my audience at the King's pleasure and leisure ; that one day imputed much, that it behoved me to use no delay in this advertisement, and therefore prayed him to request M. Pinart to provide me of my passport in the morning. Upon my next audience with the King I shall write more certainly. May the Almighty preserve your Highness from the dangerous practices of your malicious neighbours, which will come to pass if your Majesty be as jealous of their treasons and treacheries as they have been of your plain, sound, and friendly feeling.—Poitiers, 24 Sept. 1577. P.S.—These letters being ready to be sent, John Coyde, purser of a ship belonging to Mr. Henry Sackford, with other servants to Mr. Sackford, taken by Lansac with the other English ships arrived here. Having taken the information of the said Coyde in writing I have sent him into England with my messenger. I am informed by the other Englishmen arrived here that Lansac has done many notable injuries of late to the English merchants, both by constraining them to pay sundry new impositions, and in the spoil of their munitions and victuals ; having at present one English ship in company, which he found in the river of Bordeaux, and forced to join him. Add. Endd. 4½ pp. [France I. 32.]
Sept. 24. 253A. Duplicate of the above. Endd. by L. Tomson. 4 pp. [Ibid. I. 33.]
Sept. 24. 254. POULET to BURGHLEY.
Have nothing more to say than is contained in my letter to her Majesty, which I know will be imparted to you. It may be feared lest this peace abroad may make war at home. Poitiers, September 24, 1577. [Ibid. I. 34.] Add. Endd. ½ p.
Sept. 24. 255. POULET to WALSINGHAM.
Having sealed my packet and my messenger ready to take horse, M. de Mothe Fénelon with M. de Villere, one of the masters of requests to the King, came from his Majesty. His speech tended to the justification of the King, to the purgation of young Lansac, and to the declaration of his own wish to preserve good amity between the two crowns. In the end he delivered this bill, which I promised to send to his Majesty. Peace was proclaimed to-day in general terms. It is said that the King departs on Monday next [29th], and makes no long stay till coming to his house of Olenville, near Paris. Poitiers, September 24, 1577. Add. Endd. 1 p. [Ibid. I. 35.]
Sept. 24. 256. POULET to WALSINGHAM.
You desire to be informed if I gave a horse to young Vere. I fear my action has been questioned, and shall not be quiet till I hear the true cause of your motion. The two young Veres came to this town accompanied by Denny and Williams, and after two or three days the elder Vere and Williams came to me, and Vere told me that he came into this country with intent to serve in the wars, and finding the army of Monsieur broken, and thereby frustrate of his expectation, was constrained to return to Paris. Having no money to buy horses, he would be obliged to travel on foot, unless I could provide him, and, therefore, desired me to bestow a horse upon him. I answered that I had not so many horses as I had servants, and was far from any means to get more, so that I could not spare those that I had. He confessed he was very bold with me upon so small acquaintance (as, indeed, I had never seen him before), but begged me to do the best for him. I told him that I would be ashamed for the honour of my country and for the reputation of the Earl of Oxford that he should go to Paris on foot, and, therefore, would provide him with an ambling nag, trusting that he did not look for a horse of service at my hands, which I could not spare. I caused the horse to be delivered to this gentleman, who sold him the next day, and prayed Mr. Lock, who was then here, to say nothing of this horse to my Lord of Oxford. The transaction 'doth decipher the disposition of the gentleman.' God send him better company to make him a better man. Thus I have delivered to you truly and faithfully how this horse was given ; and now give me leave to answer an objection which, perhaps, is not intended. It may be said that knowing his intention to serve of the King's party under the leading of the Duke of Guise, I ought not to have given him any aid. If he had been my kinsman or friend I would not have failed to dissuade him ; but others had been recommended not long before to serve here in like sort by great personages in England, and Mr. Lock told me that those only had reputation among the nobility of the Court that sought to serve of the King's side, and, therefore, in my simple opinion I had played the fool if I had made a quarrel of this matter. And to be plain with you, I was not sorry to see some young fellows of no great 'countenance or service' join the King's party, which might have excused the young Norrvs and such others as Mr. Lock said to be then ready to go towards Rochelle ; and [it] might have affirmed that young fellows sought their adventure as best liked them, and that such as served the French King were not misliked by her Majesty. Indeed I had used that argument to Queen Mother near about that time. The Duke of Montpensier arriving here yesterday, I trusted to have audience to-day of the King, but new occasions have deferred it, as may appear by this copy enclosed of my letters to her Majesty sent herewith.—Poitiers, 24 Sept. 1577. P.S.—I have received like advertisement from my Lord of Leicester as from your honour, save that he maketh no mention of 'Pynnard,' as may appear by this copy enclosed. Add. Endd. 2 pp. [France I. 36.]
It is long since I have heard from you, but I have not forgotten you, nor mind to do so as long as I live, wishing it may be my chance to see you once at home ere I die. I am requested by my good friend Dr. Wendon to direct my letter to you, so that the same being opened you may pay the post and receive your money again of him. If I can do you any pleasure you may command me. Desiring again to be remembered in your prayers.—London, 24 September 1577. Enclosure in a later letter. Add. : Au Reverend Pater Thomas Anglois La College des Jhesuites Reue St. Jaques—A Paris—paies le post. Endd. : For Father Thomas Jesuite. ½ p. [France I. 37.]
Sept. 25. 258. JOANNES STURMIUS to WALSINGHAM. (fn. 1)
Though I wrote lately in answer to yours, yet as your messenger was returning I could not forbear writing again to thank you ; all the more so that I have nothing from William Lewin since the middle of March, at which I am surprised and sorry. To let you know how affairs stand in Austria, I send a letter from my friend Michael Gravius. The Emperor Charles began his reign much as this one is doing. He was taciturn, disguised his shrewdness, disliked hunting, had few men about him, avoided entertainments, concealed his amorous failings, if he had any. But would that this one might be as fortunate as he in war! The Turk was never more peaceful than now, since he has gained the kingdom of Poland, which seems to be open to him all the way to Saxony and Silesia. Baron Lazarus Suendianus thinks much of Batory's education, talent, prudence, industry, vigilance. It would be a good thing if he were to beware of the Turk, for there are many instances in which the aid of the Turk has been ruinous. It would be well, too, if the Emperor and the princes of the Empire would intervene to put an end to the war with Dantzig, and make alliance with the Poles and the Saxon princes to keep off the attacks of the Turks ; nor would it be a bad thing to include the Muscovite in the treaty. I have written about this to the King of Denmark, who, of his own self, sent help a few months back to the Dantzigers, whereby Batory was compelled to remove his camp with some loss. I know that by those περι τον αυτοκρατορα [about the Emperor] it is feared that the King of France, whenever he feels inclined, may summon the Sultan into Hungary, Silesia, and Saxony ; were it not for this things would some time turn out differently (alia aliquando ekbanta forent). I am, therefore, afraid that Dietrich Schönberg of whom Gravius writes, will obtain from the Emperor an order that no one from the Empire is to join Condé. I know this is what he is come about, and that the King of France promises to use no German troops if Condé's people have no aid from Germany. Guise, however, is treating at Metz with the colonels of reiters for each to bring 600 horse ; but I do not know how many there are. I know though that Mandeslohe is there, and will not march unless 1,000 horse are assigned to him ; he wants 2,000, which he promises. Don John is recalling the Spaniards to the Low Countries, and they are starting stealthily in groups, to deliver Polwiller, who is besieged in Ruremonde. They have an eye to Maestricht on the Maas, which river also belongs to Ruremonde. In writing to Lewin lately about Lantschade, who was to have been sent to you from Zweibrücken, I said that to avoid hurt from France it would be most convenient if a treaty of alliance were made between you and all the princes of the Empire, in case either danger threatened you from France, or the Turk were minded to attack Austria and Saxony. I fear that this is too generally known, and also that you shrink from Papists. How would it be if the Elector Augustus obtained leave from Cæsar for himself and the other Evangelical princes to establish an amity with your Queen on these terms : Whoever was a friend to the Sultan of the Turks to be held an enemy of the Empire and of the realm of England. In this way you would have less to fear from the foe at your doors, and the frontier of the Empire would be safer. Even the Turk might be left quiet if Poland and Muscovy joined. Two days ago the Elector Augustus commended to me some noble youths from Saxony ; when they come, I shall write back by those who escort them, and mention this alliance. If he likes, he may treat of the matter with Cæsar of his own motion. But also two days ago I cleared the way for myself in this matter, for I completed my four books on the Turks, which I wrote by the order of the Emperor Maximilian, and shall send to the Emperor his son. I have made two prologues or prefaces ; one to Cæsar, which I called Loricata, with guarded breast ; the second to the Electors and princes, which I call Sagata, as summoning the Estates of the Empire to put on their cloaks ; I mean to inscribe a third to the Elector Augustus, Galeata, as it were standing in readiness. I wrote to him of this, and await his answer. If he answers (circum praecordia ludam) I will play around his heart to make him more lenient in the religious dispute. But I should like to draw up a fourth, to conciliate foreign princes, who would be called by the Empire friends, confederates, or allies, and would resist the most cruel and barbarous common foe ; and to call it Cataphracta. And in this society I would have the Queen take the first place, and be called the friend, the confederate, and the ally of the Roman Empire. There now, you told me to write often to you. You showed a finger, I grasped the whole hand ; so that if I cannot write frequent letters you, at any rate, have a wordy one to begin with. It proceeds from the full stomach of one who cannot yet digest the griefs of these times. News came from Lorraine yesterday that Guise has been recalled from Metz to aid his brother, the Marquis du Mayne. We hear from Frankfort that the King of Spain is dead. I think it is a report, and that nothing is certain. I hope it is true that the Prince of Orange has been made Commander-in-Chief by a public decree of the Belgian Estates. Sept. 25. Farewell, most prudent patron, for your prudence, for your care of the religion, and also for your patronage of me, of which though I doubt not, yet I am vexed to hear nothing from you about my Condé money. This alone was needed to make your letter quite consoling. When I had got thus far, came a letter from Daniel Rogers, in answer to mine ; and another from you, dated in April—late indeed, but welcome. He writes that he knows nothing of my Condé money, but that when he was starting you said that you were daily expecting a letter about it from the Ambassador in France, and that he was to tell me so. At the same time came a letter from Lewin to the same effect ; but I am still sustained by the great kindness you all shew me. However I will write to Lewin about this ; and to Rogers, who, I think, is by now gone with Duke Casimir to the Baths of Ems to meet the Landgrave, or further, if he does not come there. In autograph : Farewell, most prudent.—Strasburg, 25 Sept. 1577. Add. Endd. Latin. 5½ pp. [Germ. States I. 22.]
Sept. 25. 259. The ESTATES GENERAL to DON JOHN.
Having received and duly considered the explanations and conditions forwarded by your Highness in reply to the document which we sent by the Bishop of Bruges, M. de Willerval, and M. de Grobbendonck, we thank God and your Highness for the good affection you show towards peace. After mature deliberation we have drawn up what seems to us right in equity and reason, hoping to let you know thereby how well-disposed we are to the welfare of the country for the maintenance of our holy religion and the obedience due to the King. And herein your Highness, having heart and zeal as you have, for the maintenance of both one and the other, for which immortal praise and glory are due to you from all Christendom, cannot but recognise how much we desire to second you ; and if you will comply with our wishes you will find us prompt to serve and obey you in whatever it may please you to command us. The gentlemen above-named have willingly agreed to perform their further task, and to be the bearers of this document, and we beg your Highness to sign the whole, and to carry it out as soon as possible, in order to avoid the danger which every day may bring. Any further delay at this juncture is full of danger and suspicions, from which irreparable disaster may arise.—Brussels, 25 Sept. 1577. Copy. Fr. 1 p. [Holl. and Fland. II. 119.]
Sept. 25. 260. Another copy of the same, forwarded apparently by Davison
Copy. Fr. Endd, in Fr. 1 p. [Ibid. II. 120.]
Sept. 25. 261. The ESTATES to DON JOHN.
To appease the discontents which have arisen since the sudden withdrawal of his Highness to Namur, his Highness, in the name of the King, and the Estates have after mature deliberation come to the following agreement :—
1. First that the pacification of Ghent and the perpetual edict remain in force, and that all that has been done to the contrary, by what person soever, be null and void.
2. In order to restore confidence in the country, there shall be a full amnesty for all acts committed since the last discontents.
3. His Highness, in pursuance of his offers, will leave the Castle and town of Namur at once, replacing them in the hands of M. de Froymont, who will place no substitute in charge without the consent of the Estates.
4. Further he will at once dismiss the German troops, who will be under the safeguard of the Estates, and be paid by them up to the 23rd of last July ; those excepted with whom terms have since been made at the surrender of Bergen-op-Zoom and other places, as well in those who were broke when his Highness was received as Governor, those in garrison at Valenciennes, Tournay, Nivelle, Diest, and Gemblours, and also Cornelis Van Eynde and others who were at the sack of Antwerp and Maestricht, and so are liable to chastisement under the 7th article of the perpetual edict.
5. His Highness will at once discharge all troops, horse and foot, levied or retained by him on Wartgelt, or otherwise since his coming to the country, and will permit no fresh levies against the Low Countries.
6. He will also restore Charlemont, Marienbourg, Bouvines, Chateau Thierry and other places seized since the beginning of the last troubles, in such wise that the Estates may send in their own governors and troops for the service of his Majesty.
7. At the same time the Estates will discharge their troops, retaining for safety against French and Germans, six regiments selected by them and 1,000 horse, until the peace of the country is assured. These shall swear to maintain the treaties, and shall be distributed at the discretion of the Estates.
8. His Highness will order the governors of provinces, especially Burgundy and Luxembourg, not to allow any foreign troops to pass to the detriment of the country, and the Estates on their side will do what they can to the same end.
9. When his Highness has left Namur, all hostilities shall cease on either side, and all prisoners shall be placed in the hands of the Prince and Crafts of Liége, to be set free on the surrender of the towns named above.
10. Goods taken on either side shall be restored bonâ fide even though his Highness, the Estates, or others have profited thereby ; rights of individuals being guaranteed.
11. But with regard to offices, etc., held by those who have separated from the Estates, inasmuch as it not yet convenient that they should be reinstated, the matter shall be determined after the Germans have departed, other towns and other places have been taken over by the Grand Council at Mechlin, certain provincial councillors taking part in the decision with the Estates General. Meantime the said offices shall remain in abeyance, the Estates, in case of need, nominating persons to be commissioned by his Majesty to do the duties of them.
12. For greater peace and quietness, when his Highness has sent away the Germans now in Breda, Ruremonde, Deventer, Campen, and elsewhere, the magistrates and citizens of those towns shall make oath that they will not receive any other garrison without the privity of his Highness and the advice and consent of the Estates, and that they will maintain the Catholic religion and the obedience due to his Majesty.
13. The same shall be done if not already done in places where there has formerly been a garrison.
14. The provinces will take the necessary order for the avoiding of tumults and the restoration of the country to peace.
15. His Highness, pending the arrival of his successor, shall retire to Luxembourg, and thence govern the country with the advice of the Council of State, which shall reside wherever the Estates think fit. All matters shall be settled in pursuance of the pacification, by a majority, one of whom shall countersign all dispatches, etc., failing which these shall be of no effect. Having regard to the small numbers of the Council, the Estates shall appoint assessors to act conjointly with them.
16. His Highness shall do what he can to persuade his Majesty to send another Governor of the blood royal.
17. Further he must renounce all leagues and confederations that may have been made since the late discontents.
18. And whereas his Majesty commands that the pacification of Ghent shall be carried into effect, his Highness shall do his best to have the Count of Buren set at liberty and restored to this country, to wheresoever the Estates may be assembled two months hence.
19. Inasmuch as the Estates hold themselves obliged to the Queen of England for the good friendship and neighbourly assistance used by her towards them, and for the affection which she bears to his Majesty, she shall be comprised in this treaty, in confirmation of the ancient alliance between the princes of that crown and the town of Burgundy.
20. If any difficulty arises in carrying out the above-mentioned points, or the ultimate accomplishment of former pacifications, or any other matter calls for settlement, his Highness and the Estates shall depute Commissioners.
21. All this shall be carried out under the authority of his Majesty and his Lieutenant-General, with the advice and consent of the Estates.
22. And this agreement shall be confirmed by a solemn oath upon the Holy Gospels.—Brussels, 25 Sept. 1577. Copy. Endd. and annotated by L. Tomson. Fr. 6½ pp. [Holl. and Fland. II. 121.]
Sept. 25. 262. Another copy.
To clauses 19 and 21 is appended in the margin apparently in Davison's hand : addition de son Excellence. Copy. Fr. Endd. in Fr. 5 pp. [Ibid. II. 122.]
Sept. 25. 263. Another copy of the above, from clause 7, in same hand as No. 246 (Qy. Fremyn).
Fr. 4 pp. [Ibid. II. 123.]
Sept 25.
K. d. L. ix. 538.
264. DAVISON : "A summary Report of the Prince of Orange his entry into Brussels September 22, 1577.
On Sunday, September 21, at 11 p.m., the tide so falling out, his Excellency, with the Estates' Commissioners, myself, and other gentlemen took boat at Antwerp, and at 4 a.m. landed at Willebrock, where the river, made 14 or 15 years since by the town of Brussels, has its first 'scluse.' There his Excellency stayed till eight, by which time the Bruxellers had placed boats at every lock, very neatly and finely decked, for his transport up the river. At the second lock he was met by 200 Bruxellers, who with those of Antwerp marched on the banks all the way. At every lock the numbers increased, where they stood to receive him with numbers of people, who strewed the way with boughs and flowers as he went from one boat to another. At the lock by Villevorde he was met by so many armed burgesses, as, with those that had before received him, were reckoned to amount to above 30 ensigns. On the water they had ordained to meet him at that lock three boats very gallantly hung with red cloth, as near as they could get it to the orange colour, in the largest of which they had placed their pageants and shows with divers kinds of music. At this lock his Excellency stayed awhile, and was welcomed with four speeches alluding to their pageants, setting forth the stories of Joseph, Moses, and David, deliverers of God's people. And almost at the gate of Brussels they had set forth the picture of Ganymedes [sic] slaying of a monster in the water, and saving of a lady chained to a tree ready to be devoured thereof, where likewise his Excellency was entertained with another solemn speech alluding to that fable. Which finished he entered the town, and was received by the Duke of Aerschot, the Prince de Chimay his son, Count Lalaing, Egmont, and Bossu, and the rest of the nobility, and by them conducted to his own house. That night he supped with the Duke of Aerschot, and the next day feasted the Lords at his own house, having been before dinner at the town house, where the Estates offered him the place of President among them, which he utterly refused. But the next day falling to serious affairs they resolved to dispatch Commissioners missioners once again to his Highness, whereunto was departed the Bishop of Bruges and M. de Willerval, who this day departed towards Namur, having orders to return in four days with a final resolution of peace or war. Brussels, September 25, 1577. Endd. by Walsingham. 1 p. [Holl. and Fland. II. 124.]
Sept. 25. 265. Another copy of the same. [Ibid. II. 125.]
1 p.


1 Walsingham's letters of April 23 and July 22, referred to in this, are printed in Zurich Letters (Parker Society, 1845), where they are Nos. CXV. and CXVI in the second series.