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April 26.
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822. DUKE CASIMER to the QUEEN.
I make my offer chiefly for your sake, and in hope of your
favour. If you abandon me, you will have abandoned the prince
most assured to your service this side the sea. But I hope that
in this enterprise, which is to win or lose it all, you will be
all the more keenly inspired to assist us, for the reason that if it
vanishes in smoke no future hope for the common cause remains.—
Lautern, 26 April 1578.
Copy. Fr. 10 ll. [For. E.B. Misc II.]
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April 26.
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823. DUKE CASIMIR to the QUEEN.
My councillor Beutrich has so confirmed the judgement which
I have always of your Majesty's singular prudence, wisdom, and
virtue, admired by all the world, that notwithstanding sundry
private considerations, and the dissuasions of my friends, in my
desire to please you I have flung far away all the inconveniences
which occur to me in embarking thus upon such a labyrinth,
and have accepted what you wish me to do for your service. I
am sure that having hitherto aided all the oppressed you will not
fail to do so in future, when I am about to embark in person for
your sake, and will take order that the second 20,000l. may be
delivered in due time, to wit, about the end of May.
Now as one should not take up arms without much consideration,
so one should not lay them down till the desired end is attained ;
wherefore I trust your Majesty will think, with your Council,
upon what you may judge best for the common good, and
advertise me betimes. I have no idea of laying down my arms
till you are satisfied, provided my people are entertained according
to their contract. The rest you will hear from Mr. Rogers.—
Neustadt [sic], 26 April 1578.
P.S. (autograph).—If you furnish at the place of muster the
20,000l. promised, I hope that the way will be paved to all good
effects ; and in case it is not done, I shall have an ill opinion
of the whole affair, and shall withdraw from the game as the
most honourable course, for I have promised it on your word
to my soldiers.
Add. Endd. by L. Tomson. Fr. 2 pp. [Germ. States I. 58.]
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April 26.
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824. DUKE CASIMIR to WALSINGHAM.
I have received your letters and heard from my Councillor Beutrich
of your kindness to him. I have accepted her Majesty's
proposals, more in order to show how much I long to serve her,
than for any opinion that I have of the adequacy of this aid
to do anything worthy of her Majesty's greatness, or of any designs,
from what I see and hear of the state of things. But I pray to
continue your goodwill by getting her Majesty to furnish (if the
States will not, of which I have little hope) the other 20,000l.
If this is in default at the place of muster, I assure you I shall lose
all hope of a good issue, besides that her Majesty's reputation
and mine will be in danger of being impaired ; for relying on
Mr. Rogers's promise, I have promised my reiters on the faith
of her Majesty that there would be no default. I may tell you
that I hope they will be on the bank of the Rhine about May
20, and the money should be at Cologne or thereabouts at the
same time. I will give orders to a merchant there called Isaac
Lewenharte, who will transact all my business. I entreat you
once more by your regard for the public welfare, and for your
mistress's reputation, see that there be no default. If any delay
arises, all that the Queen has done will be in vain.—Lautern, 26
April 1578.
Add. Endd. Fr. 1¼ pp. [Ibid. I. 59.]
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825. Another copy in hand of L. Tomson, and with notes by
him. 1 p. [For. E.B. Misc. II.]
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April 27.
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826. WALSINGHAM to ROGERS.
Touching the money to be received by Duke Casimir by virtue
of such authority as you carried with you, the States requested
that the money might be paid into their hand ; but as the order
for it was already dispatched by you, her Majesty did not think
good to alter her determination. Their reason was that as the
money was to be employed in their service and the charge consequently
laid on them, they thought they had good reason to ask
it of her Majesty. It was answered that if the receipt were
made out to them it was sufficient, and it was ordered that you
should so acquaint Duke Casimir, in order that when the money
is received by him, by virtue of her Majesty's letters which you
have for him, he deliver his acquittance to the States' deputies,
who (as is prescribed in your instructions) are to give their bond
to her Majesty for its repayment. As for the other 20,000l.
to be delivered him at the time and place of his rendezvous,
nothing has been done ; for it is not doubted that the States
will be furnished with a greater sum before that time by means
of her Majesty's bonds given them. Of this you will not need
to make any mention, unless instantly urged thereto ; in which
case you may answer as before.
As for writing to the Count Palatine in gratulation of the
concord between him and his brother, her Majesty thinks it
needless at present, especially as the time being so long passed,
more convenient opportunity may be found hereafter.
Some certain news of his forwardness in this expedition is daily
looked for at your hands, with such other circumstances as belong
to the whole cause and may be understood in these quarters. The
sooner and more fully you advertise the better welcome your
letters will be.—Greenwich, 27 April 1578.
Copy. 1⅓ pp. [For. E.B. Misc. II.]
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April 29.
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827. OBSERVATIONS touching DON JOHN, the state of his camp,
and his proceeding in this war.
He remains in that part of Hainault which borders on France,
and commands the following towns :—
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'Jeblowe,'
Tillemont,
Bovines,
Sychena,
'Arskott,'
Diest,
'Leawe,'
Nivelle,
Bins,
'Seymey,'
Beaumont,
Soigny,
Louvain,
Marienbourg,
'Claramount,'
Namur.
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the States' camp was overthrown.
abandoned.
yielded.
executed to the last man.
yielded.
endured the cannon.
rendered.
abandoned.
abandoned.
endured the cannon.
abandoned.
yielded.
yielded.
taken by composition.
rendered.
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His camp contains 18,000 fighting men, including 3,000 horsemen.
He makes special account of 6,000 being Spaniards of the
old bands. The rest are mercenary of sundry nations and customs,
and of doubtful valour and resolution.
He is not encamped in any one place, but has distributed his
companies as garrisons among the towns he has won ; which
prevents him from putting an army in the field, or doing any
great exploit. Withal no store of great artillery, field pieces, or
cannon powder. He expects a provision of these from Luxembourg.
He entertains great intelligence with certain persons in the
Council of the States, by whom joined to the factions he has in
many principal towns, he expects to prevail more than by force.
He has contracted with the Duke of Brunswick for 4,000 reiters
and 3,000 'lanceknights.' [Marginal note : I hear that by the
Diet of Worms the Duke is forbidden to make any levies of
men against the States.] As soon as they arrive, he means to
march, intending to put them in the garrisons and recall his
own companies to the camp.
Where he takes places by composition he observes his covenants.
Every individual in the country where he commands lives as
freely and securely as if there were no war at all. The husbandman
under his protection labours the ground in safety, and bringing
victuals to his camp, receives his money in quietness and
returns without fear of violence. He punishes all pillage with
death, not sparing any nation or nature of soldier of what merit
soever. By these humanities he makes deep impressions in the
hearts of the people, and so changes the course of the worse that
he begins to lessen in the popular sort the ancient hatred borne
to the name of Spaniard.
He is surrounded with a grave council, with whom he is used
to communicate really touching the direction of the war ; the
Prince of Parma, Octavio Gonzaga (he governs him most), Don
Gabr. Nyno, Dr. del Rio, Count Barlemont, Count Charles Mansfeld,
Don 'Lopus,' Don Pe. de Taxis, M. de Billy, Mondragon.
These, in all their behaviours, do wonderfully reverence him, and
by their example he is honoured with a universal obedience of the
inferiors. He has by nature a present wit to conceive, a deep
judgement to dispose, a ready ability of tongue to express ; easy
of access, affable in conference. For the rest, so jealous of his
common conversation and behaviour that he strives to make his
life a doctrine and example to the residue. Only he is noted of
this vice, not to be temperate in accidents.
Touching the Estates.
They have referred the administration of the whole war to the
Prince of Orange ; who having reduced it to a war defensive seeks
chiefly to fortify his towns and prepare the inhabitants to defend
with their bodies the country by which they live.
He has brought them to consider their own condition better
than heretofore ; in which humour they begin 'to embrace armour
and weapon according to soldiers,' esteeming the stability of their
liberties to consist most in their own valour.
By this means he begins to suppress their ancient vice of
drunkenness, and by working degrees alters to better the natural
error and pusillanimity of that nation.
At Eughien, the frontier town nearest to the enemy, he has
made a 'spurr' able to contain 500 fighting men, with flanker
according to fortification, and a ravelin to cover the gate. This
is two leagues from Soigny, where lies a garrison of Spaniards.
In this town are 1,000 soldiers, natives of the place, for whose
better training he has sent in a cornet of horse and four ensigns
of foot, foreigners. Count 'Aygmond' governs here.
In Brussels Count Bossu commands. Of foreign soldiers he has
nine ensigns of Scots, four of 'lanceknights,' four of Walloons,
three of Burgundians, besides 4,000 burgesses, 'bodies of good
resolution.' He has cut eight spurs with their flankers, each
able to contain 1,200 fighting men, and the counterscarps to each
made to receive infinite troops of small shot. The town is thought
impregnable unless by famine or treason.
Their camp is disposed about the districts of Mons and Philippeville
under Count Lalaing. From Germany they expect a regiment
of reiters, with, as they hope, companies of 'the infanterie
Swyzzer.' Otherwise they wish to be relieved in that way from
England. They desire to have the aid of the English before all
nations, both for the long continuance of the alliance and equal
conformity of customs and complexions ; but finding the compassion
of England cold and slow, and their perils increasing, they
labour to bring in the French, wherein they seem to have more
than general hopes.
All the Frenchmen have left Don John. He says he was obliged
to 'decass' them upon the insolences they committed in the
country ; but it is thought they were recalled by secret order
from the French King. When the States' camp was overthrown,
it is thought he had followed his victory that day to the gates of
Brussels had he not feared the ambition of the Frenchmen, whom
he doubted, for their great strength, to be able to govern in
'so great a fortune.'
The secretary Escovedo is slain in Spain.
Endd. in Burghley's hand : Mr. Fenton's declaration of Don
John's estate. 4½ pp. [Holl. and Fl. VI. 37.]
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April 29.
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828. Another copy ; imperfect. Endd. 2 pp. [Ibid. VI.
38.]
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April 29.
K. d. L. x.
434.
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829. WALSINGHAM to DAVISON.
This gentleman, Mr. Bingham, who is come over to serve the
Prince, is as you know a gentleman of whom I make so good
account that no favour is greater than I would desire to be shown
him by such as are as well affected to me as I would deserve
of them. His devotion to the Prince is no less than his ability
to serve, and I need no other speech to commend him than the
fruit of his service he has beforetimes performed. The Prince
knows him well.—Greenwich, 29 April 1578.
Add. Endd. ¾ p. [Ibid. VI. 39.]
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April
[? 30].
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830. MR. WILKES' report of his negotiations with DON JOHN.
On the 18th of this month, at Beaumont in Hainault (where
I had waited three days for Don John to come from the siege
of a town called Chimey, four leagues from Beaumont), I had
my audience. On delivering the first part of my instructions, I
paused to feel his disposition towards peace, and whether he had
sufficient authority from the King to yield to a surseance of
arms. Having given me very attentive hearing, he spoke by an
interpreter as follows.
First, he declared that either he had not well understood Mr.
Leighton, or his answer had not been well conceived by Mr.
Leighton, that her Majesty was now again sending another with
the same message, which he thought he had so fully answered
then that she might have remained satisfied without proceeding
further.
That, however the States seemed by words to desire a pacification,
and to promise the two points of the Catholic religion and
their obedience to the King, he had found by experience their
proffers to be mere words and 'collusions,' without effect and not
faithfully intended, as might appear by their proceedings ; and
that until they made better demonstration of their desire for peace,
he neither would believe them, nor 'leave to prosecute against
them.'
The King and himself as his minister have not only desired the
quietness of the countries, but have offered the States as reasonable
conditions as any prince might grant to his subjects, having so
grievously offended God and their sovereign as they had done.
And hereupon he took occasion to discourse how graciously the
King had dealt with them, by withdrawing the strangers, etc.,
and how ungratefully it had been requited on their side.
Touching her Majesty's fear lest the States in their desperation
should be constrained to accept the offer of the Duke of Alençon,
which I urged the more deeply to him because I found in my
passage by Antwerp that two gentlemen were arrived from Monsieur
to treat of that matter, he said that he knew well the state
of the French at this present, how unable they were to embrace
any such enterprise ; and even if they were able and were received
by the States, yet that was no reason for the Queen to take part
with them against the King, his brother, who, thank God, was
a prince able to defend his own countries against the strongest
of his neighbours. The King knew best how to govern his actions
both towards his subjects and also towards such as should aid any
of his rebels ; and therefore his Majesty would do well to give
him leave to take order in his own causes as he thought best, it
not being usual among princes to intermeddle in each other's
government.
Where the Queen signified to him by me that she will not
endure his persisting in subduing them by violence, he answered
first that neither he nor his brother liked to be threatened,
and that for his own part, having authority to proceed for peace
and war as he shall see most fit for the King's service, and
finding that a surseance of arms must greatly hinder the service
of his Majesty by permitting the enemy to fortify and increase
his forces (the King now having the advantage of them) he
desires her Majesty to pardon him if he does not yield to her
request.
If she thinks good to assist the States against the King (which
he hopes she will not, both for the example thereof and in
consideration of the long amity and league between the King
of Spain and her) he shall be constrained, in defence of the King's
right, to turn his forces against her and any other who shall set
foot within the countries for the aid of the rebels.
To this answer of Don John's, delivered very amply by his
'troucheman,' whom he used more for majesty's sake than for
defect of speech in himself, I replied severally to every point
as of myself. Concerning Mr. Leighton I answered that although
his message agreed with mine in the point of surseance of arms,
there was this difference to be found between them, that her
Majesty then wished it to be granted till she received answer
from the King of my then legation into Spain. Mr. Leighton
did not then deliver to him the Queen's full resolution, because
she had deferred it till she should be advertised of the King's
intent.
As to the States' intention not to embrace the peace, but that
their words were collusions without effect, I replied that I did
not think them so void of discretion and honesty as to abuse
so great a prince as her Majesty, at whose hands they sought
succour in this necessity. Where he awaited better demonstration
of their desire for peace, I asked him what reasonable demonstrations
he would require from them ; but he refused to set them
down in direct terms to me, seeming, as I conceived, that he
would have them displace the Prince of Orange, the only hinderer
of the Romish religion, to submit themselves to the King, and
to stand to his courtesy. Whereupon I took occasion to say that
the minds of the States and people were so exulcerated by the
former violence of the Spaniards that they would hardly trust
without good security, and rather than hazard their lives and
liberties to the Spaniards' mercy, they were resolved to take any
desperate course. Therefore I thought if he meant to end these
troubles to the best advantage, he would not do better than
yield somewhat to their just offence and infirmity, for if he
should persist in subduing them by conquest, there would follow
the risk of the alienation or at least the ruin of the whole country,
and the destruction of the people, an infinite expense to the King,
and the 'spoil' of a gallant army now under his 'conduction,'
which might be employed elsewhere to the King's better benefit.
And though he might in the end achieve his enterprise, which
in all likelihood would require a great time, the King's loss would
be augmented on all sides.
To the point that he and the King were desirous of peace, and
had offered very reasonable conditions, I answered that the offers,
as it is reported, had been so doubtfully delivered, the difficulties
so lightly treated, and all done with the sword in hand, that the
States have been put in apprehension that the offers have been
made only to gain time and to divide them. If he would take
an ordinary course, cease all acts of hostility for a time, and
proceed effectually to treat of peace, it was not to be doubted,
both parties being agreed on the two principal points, that in a
very short time those troubles would be ended.
Touching the small account Don John made of the Duke of
Alençon's practices, I only replied, the ability of France was
not so slender as he esteemed it, and that the Low Countries
were a fair morsel for the French King's brother. But concerning
the Queen's interest in these countries, besides the care it behoved
her to have that the enterprise of the French might not take
place, there were other considerations moving her to be thus
careful, such as the ancient leagues and treaties between England
and the Duchy of Burgundy for mutual succour, in case of extremity,
wherein not only the princes were tied to one another,
but also his people and principal cities of both countries are
bound reciprocally to the like mutual assistance. Further, I laid
before him the inconveniences of the intermission of traffic between
England and those parts, which having for the most part been
drawn to Antwerp and other places, is now by these troubles
wholly interrupted, to no small discontent of the Queen's subjects.
And for the Queen's meddling in his brother's causes, if he
considered by what necessity she has been led to interpose in the
matter, and how honourably she has always dealt in it with the
King, her Majesty rather deserved thanks than to be misliked
for her good offices.
I replied little to his point that he 'misliked of' her Majesty's
threats ; but to his flat denial that he would yield to any
surseance of arms I desired him to consider better what I had
already declared to him for her, as also such other difficulties
as I had of myself laid before him, and hoped he would easily
alter his opinion touching an abstinence, if he really desired
to pacify the countries.
Here he interrupted me, saying he would advise further of the
matter, protesting that the only thing he desired was to pacify
the countries, and would not omit any means to further the same,
provided the subjects would also acknowledge their duty towards
God and their sovereign, and all things to be done to the King's
honour. To which I answered that if the King would agree to
her Majesty's interposition in the treaty of pacification, I thought
it would be brought to pass with the greater facility ; she being
an indifferent party and 'tendering' the weal and quiet of both.
Which interposition he seemed to like very well ; but still harping
on the small opinion he had of the States' inclination being
towards peace, he told me he should hardly make any direct
answer to the last part of my message concerning a surseance
of arms, until he heard from M. de Selles (who by virtue of a new
commission from the King is now treating with the Estates'
deputies at a place between Antwerp and Louvain) what he finds
of their disposition, I should receive his resolution if I would
stay four or five days ; but he left it to my liking. I answered
that knowing her Majesty's desire to see these differences compounded
she would take it very well that I should attend his
pleasure, he being so well affected to a peace, as he seemed ;
whereupon I thought it not amiss to stay for so short a time,
both to see the issue of this treaty and Don John's answer, and
to acquaint myself better with the state of his army, which neither
in number nor in quality is as great as it is made [out], as I
shall be able to inform you more particularly at my coming.
I find that the late defeat of the States, and a few small towns
taken with no difficulty, has rendered the Spaniard so insolent
that he makes his account to be master of all these countries
within two months ; and to augment his insolence the negligence
of this careless and cowardly people, the soldier for the most part
fearing to encounter the Spaniard, and the townsman flying the
country when the enemy approaches, serves to great purpose.
Considering the fearful nature of this people, Don John takes
a course which, if he follow it, will, as the effects already show,
greatly further his enterprise. When he takes any of these small
towns by assault, or 'by the cannon,' he in no way 'offends'
the inhabitants ; he receives the soldier into the King's pay, if he
will, and if not, permits him to depart with his sword ; he releases
the person in command in any large town, with only some slight
acknowledgement of his fault, and sometimes gives him a chain
or like present ; he does not allow his own men to spoil, or take
anything without paying, upon pain of death, and in punishing,
he spares no man. At his departure from any large town he
leaves no garrison behind ; the people that live within the compass
of his camp are maintained in as great security as they
ever had in those parts.
Hereby you will best judge what may be the issue of this kind
of proceeding ; how much it will assure a fearful people, already
weary with these sharp wars, who in the government of the state
have their authority with the rest.
On April 26, being on the point of sending away one of my
servants with the substance of my first audience, Don John sent
John Baptista de Taxis to me, requesting me to repair to him,
as he had to confer with me further in the matter of my
negotiation.
At my coming to him, after making those of his council and
others then present withdraw, he began to discourse at large of
the injuries and indignities he had since his coming into the
country received at the hands of the States. Notwithstanding
which he had always persisted with a singular desire towards
them and sought by all means to pacify the troubles, pitying
the misery of the country and people. And although no effect
had followed of his good affection, yet those about him could
witness his sincerity and inclination in that behalf, contrary to
the opinion of divers that thought him to be transported with an
appetite of revenge. Herein they did the King, his brother, no
small injury to think him so void of discretion, as not to be
able to judge with what mind he proceeded ; and if there had
been any humour of revenge in him, it might now be quenched
sufficiently by the late defeat at Glebourse [sic].
For his own part, he protested he had no intent, in prosecuting
this war, to keep himself governor of these countries ; he desired
nothing more than to be removed if it should please the King.
'For,' quoth he, 'their natures may admit no governor among
them, but some woman or some child, such as the Archduke
Matthias is, and no man of valour and virtue ; and were this
cause ended, I would not remain among them, if the King would
give me the inheritance of the whole countries.'
He then descended to the particular points of my legation.
Since his last conference with me he had more deeply considered
of the matter I had proposed to him, touching the surseance of
arms which her Majesty now required. He could do nothing
without commission, being but a minister to the King, and therefore
had perused his commission very diligently, but could not
find, though he had authority to make peace, that he had any
authority to grant a surseance of arms. He desired therefore
to be excused, for he neither might nor would yield thereto for
the reasons alleged at my first audience.
But if the States really desired peace, and the Queen would
interpose to treat of it, he would like it very well, and would
further the pacification in any way he might. 'But,' quoth he,
'in the meanwhile during the treating of the peace, nous nous
romperons la tête ; for I see no possibility of peace so long as
the Prince of Orange manages the affairs of the States, and
does not withdraw according to the offer made by the Prince
of Parma.'
Concerning the attempts of the French, he assured me that
the French King and the King, his brother, were at present on
so good terms that he made no doubt but that the French King
would answer for any action of the Duke of Alençon, and, therefore,
his Majesty might rest satisfied in that matter. Howbeit,
if anything should be attempted on those countries by the French
and her Majesty had a desire thereupon to make head against
them, she might do it as invited thereto by the King, his brother,
in case he were not able of himself to withstand them ; but to
make her doubts of the French a necessity to assist the King's
rebels, he hoped she would be better advised, for the example
thereof.
He desired her hereafter to forbear to threaten the King, his
brother, and himself, and not to think them of so base mind as
to bear the threats of any Prince in the world ; for if he thought
she had any opinion to 'fear' him from prosecuting any violence
against the rebels, he would, where he intends to do one mischief,
offer a hundred, and if thereupon the Queen should enter into
his brother's countries to assist the said rebels, he would not
forbear to turn that sword towards her, which he now handles
for their chastising.
I replied only to the material points of my negotiation. I
charged him with having at my first audience confessed, in
express terms, that he had authority to yield to a surseance of
arms if he saw it necessary for the King's service. It seemed
contrary to common reason that a man being fully authorised
to make war or peace should be restrained from the necessary
'dependences' and means to achieve one or the other. It was
a plain and common proceeding between two hostile parties,
that before they descended to treat of the chief points of peace,
they first ceased for a time all acts of hostility.
He answered that though he had a general commission to
make peace and war, it was in the ordering and means thereof
referred to his own discretion, in which he was to follow what
he thought best for the King's service. There could be nothing
more pernicious to it than a surseance of arms, which indeed
he could not grant as he had not got it expressed in words in
his commission.
I asked whether since Mr. Leighton was last with him he
had not written to his brother for express authority to yield to
a surseance of arms.
He answered that he never wrote, but might well do so if he
should hereafter find it necessary ; and here he declared that if
the States would effectually put into execution the two points
which the King demanded of them, and to which they seemed
to yield in words, it would not be needful to demand any suspension
of arms, for peace would be certain.
I answered that if the King would only allow the pacification
of Ghent to be continued in force, which he himself with good
advice had allowed and accorded, and confirmed by his perpetual
edict, I thought indeed these would need no further treating ;
for if that were executed, all quarrels were ended.
He replied that the King would in no wise yield to that pacification,
and that the opinion of the divines, that it would in no
way prejudice the Romish religion and the due obedience to the
King, understood it as the state of things was at that time ; but
now since the state of things was wholly altered, and many
innovations crept in among them, the King has found the
observing of that pacification so dangerous that it cannot but
overthrow the one and the other. These two points the King
is resolved to preserve and maintain as in the time of the
emperor his father, though it be at the hazard of all his kingdoms
and countries.
Much other talk passed between us at that second audience,
which I omit as not pertinent to the substance of my negotiation.
Copy. 13¼ pp. [For. E.B. Misc. II.]
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April.
|
831. The QUEEN to [? the DUKE of ANJOU].
From the present bearer we have learnt your wishes up to the
present time ; also your wish to be always retained in our good
graces, wherein the gentleman in question will communicate
to you the answer we have given. From him we also hear that
the current report of a little dissatisfaction said to exist between
our good brother the King and yourself is by no means such as
the world has been wished to believe ; of which we are very
glad as regards you, and hope that you will so order yourself that
your conduct may bring forth no fruit other than appertains to
your honour.—Greenwich, April 1578.
Copy. Fr. ½ p. [For. E.B. Misc. II.]
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April
[20 ?].
[The Marquis
took leave on
the 10th, but
was in London
on the
20th or later.]
|
832. The QUEEN to the ARCHDUKE MATTHIAS.
We know the state of your affairs well enough to ascribe the
delay in your envoy's arrival solely to the perturbations of the
time. None could have been more agreeable to us than the
Marquis of Havrech, the bearer of this. He will himself tell
you our answer, which is in brief of such sort as to be pleasing
to you, honourable to ourselves, and not alien to the convenience
of the Catholic King and our ancient amity with him ; points
we have always considered so far as was consistent with doing
nothing unworthy of ourselves to help our neighbours, and not
suffering them to be oppressed, taking thought at once for our
own reputation and the safety of the Low Countries. In which
intention we abide.—Greenwich, April 1578.
Copy. Latin. ¾ p. [For. E.B. Misc. II.]
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[April?].
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833. NOTE as to the Levy of Reiters.
Duke Casimir is for many reasons unable to take the field
in aid of the Estates or anyone else unless he has 7,000 or 8,000
reiters or thereabouts, and two regiments of infantry under his
orders.
He cannot fix a limit to the possible cost of these, whether that
required to raise them, or that to be furnished at the place of
muster, inasmuch as this does not depend on him, but on the
terms he may be able to make with the Colonels, Rittmeisters,
and Captains. These rise or fall according to the ready cash
which can be paid over at the levy or the muster, and according
to the security which can be given for future pay.
As regards the time necessary to bring the whole army out of
the Empire and within the enemy's borders, he could do it within
two weeks from the time when the means for raising the men
are in his hands.
Endd. by L. Tomson ; Walsingham's mark. Fr. 2/3 p. [Holl.
and Fl. VI. 40.]
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