Elizabeth
July 1578, 16-20

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Institute of Historical Research

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Arthur John Butler (editor)

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1903

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60-83

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'Elizabeth: July 1578, 16-20', Calendar of State Papers Foreign, Elizabeth, Volume 13: 1578-1579 (1903), pp. 60-83. URL: http://www.british-history.ac.uk/report.aspx?compid=73366 Date accessed: 24 November 2014.


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July 1578, 16-20

July 17. 83. The DUKE of ANJOU to DUKE CASIMIR.
I doubt not that you have been duly advertised of the request made to me by the States-General of the Low Countries to aid in redeeming them from the miseries and calamities wherein they were held by the iniquitous treatment of the Spaniards. Whereby I was moved with compassion that I determined to make choice of sufficient persons to send to them and discover what they required of me. Which negotiation allowed so long a time to elapse that I thought it would come to nothing, and therefore did not inform you of it, seeing nothing to make it worth while, until now, when I have repaired hither in person to hear the state of affairs by word of mouth. I find this such that I can go no further without informing you, seeing the good offices which you are doing for the same occasion as brings me into this country, and the share you will have in their deliverance. I do it the more willingly since I know that the Queen of England not only joins her resources to ours, but has intelligence by means of her ambassadors. This may also cause you to enter into this mutual correspondence, wholly necessary to bring to effect what we equally desire. I feel sure that if there is anything in the past to make you discontented it will be easy for me to satisfy you, seeing that I have never changed my good affection in respect of you, as the present bearer, M. de Beaujeu.—Mons. 17 July 1578. (Signed [by error of copyist]) Henry. Copy, encl. in No. 120. Add.: Monsieur de Vualsinghen, &c. Seal. Endd. by L. Tomson. Fr. 1 p. [Holl. and Fl. VII. 58.]
July 17. 84. POULET to WALSINGHAM.
Immediately on receiving your letter I conferred with Marchmont, Monsieur's agent, and told him that I found it very strange that after so great promises and a messenger dispatched by Monsieur so long since, his deputies were not arrived at Antwerp, as also that Rochepot and his forces had not joined the States' army as was appointed. He seemed very sorry that those matters passed in this order ; and finding that I would not be satisfied with his excuses, resolved to resort to the Queen of Navarre, and that I should hear from him next day. I concluded that being minded to send into those parts very shortly, I should be sorry to write anything that might breed any spark of jealousy or suspicion between princes ; and for any great desire to increase the intelligence between my sovereign and and his master, would not fail to write as he would direct. I thought I could not take a better course to procure some honest and direct answer, which I have expected these two days, but it comes not. This kind of proceeding gives suspicion of some bad meaning, and many are of opinion that French ambition will aspire to higher things than may be safely granted. You cannot be ignorant that Monsieur has been at 'Mounts,' and is still in those parts. The manner of his departure moves many to think that fearing lest the States will deal coldly with him, he will do his best to assure himself of Hainault and Artois ; and has cast himself among them, to let them know how well he trusts them, and if this will not serve, that he has his forces ready to force them. Some 30,000 francs have already been sent to him from hence. They were stopped about St. Quentin, but restored by order from hence ; and now it is said that by sales, loans, and other shifts, 40,000 francs are in readiness for him and will be conveyed to him. It is thought that his forces will be in readiness before the 15th of next month, or perhaps somewhat 'rather.' They are given out to be 25,000 foot and 6,000 horse ; but the better opinion is that they may be 1,200 (some say 2,000) horse and 6,000 or 8,000 foot. You may be sure that if he continues firm in the enterprise and finds any 'comfort' in Hainault, he will want no followers and may increase his Army at his pleasure. I am told that orders have been given by the king to get 20 cannons ready with all diligence, that 47 companies of men-at-arms are put in readiness, that new companies of foot are being levied for the king, and the garrisons of the frontier town reinforced from 50 to 200, that there is intelligence between the King, Monsieur, and the King of Spain, that Monsieur and Don John will assail the Estates in several provinces. I pray God the saying of Cato be not verified in the Low Countries ; 'who, being retired to Utique, cried out that he did not marvel if all things went to ruin and destruction, when in the midst of the pangs of death, ambition and the desire to rule reigned yet among the captains and soldiers.' It is possible they could be content to have me the author of this message. I believe nothing less than that Monsieur has intelligence with the Spaniard, and if I am deceived in this, I cannot tell what I would believe hereafter. I fear rather that the ambition of his young counsellors will not be contained within reasonable bounds. If you will give me leave to play blind Bayard, and to speak as I think, I wish Monsieur to be satisfied if possible ; wherein I know I follow the counsel of the thrifty merchant, who thinks he has saved so much as by good policy he has forborne to spend. The hurt, and not the good, that Monsieur may do, is especially to be considered. Some of good judgement here say that the States were all French, till for fear of the French they had assured themselves of English succour, and now they would shake off the French they care not how. The preparations made by the King serve, as I take it, to show the Spaniard that he has no intelligence with his brother, and if this will not serve, to assure himself against the Spaniard. I had written thus far when Marchemont came and told me that 'Fugières,' having left Monsieur at Rome on the 13th, had arrived here. When he left Rome, a gentleman had been dispatched to Antwerp with letters from Monsieur, who has sent express orders here to hasten Bacqueville in his journey to her Majesty, without any change in the instructions he has already received. I understand from this gentleman that the King and Queen Mother are calmed, that the King takes care how his brother shall be provided with money, that motion is made to have the King's license for Marshal de Cossé, and that he will consult his mother about it. The free passage of money and soldiers is no longer in doubt, and letters are given out secretly for that purpose. It is true that la Noue has given his word to Monsieur to come shortly to him, and has said to an honest gentleman of the Religion that he is persuaded that Monsieur's resolution tends to its advancement, and the quiet of Christendom. Monsieur relies on la Noue for the ordering of his camp here ; in which he is assisted by Fervacques and la Chastre. This bearer left me the 17th, in the evening. Bacqueville departs for England on the 19th. Copy by one of Walsingham's secretaries, Endd. by L. Cave. 3 pp. [France II. 60.]
July 18. 85. CAPTAIN CABRETES to —.
Since I left Paris I have had no occasion to write to your Lordship, thought I did write by another hand. This is to inform you that the King of Portugal sailed from Cadiz on the 7th to attack the kingdom of Fez in Barbary. He goes with a great force and a fine army, taking about 1,000 sail, large and small, 35,000 fighting men, not counting the adventurers, who are said to be more than 10,000. He takes victuals for 60,000 persons for 6 months and pay for all his people for the same time, all in gold species in cases ; besides 70 pieces of field artillery, 3,000 or 4,000 horses, great quantity of mules or oxen to carry stores and draw artillery, in such wise that he has one of the finest armies heard of for a long time. Charles V. never had such a fine force at sea ; and all without help from anyone, for the King of Spain has given no help. I hope to God that he will do something good. My only doubt is whether they are all soldiers. If I were sure of that, I should say that with those forces he might make himself king of Africa : I do not know but what I would say it would be enough to go to Constantinople. I would undertake to take all Africa sooner than a couple of fortresses in Christendom : which is worth most, I leave you to think. We shall see what he will make of it, and send you information punctually. His Majesty here has been having a trial made of a sort of ship suggested by me, in the fashion of a pinnace' (saitée i.e. saettia). She has some points of the pinnace, some of the galeass, some of the galley, some of the ship, made up of all four ; and has come out very good and good looking. She is of 300 tons burden, draws only ten span when in fighting trim (ne veult que dix pans de charge pour la guerre) travels under sail faster than a galley with oars, namely four miles an hour. She can carry 300 fighting men or 600 for transportation (pour débarquer en terre). She mounts 50 guns, large and small, can fight four galleys and is not as wasteful as they. She has two prows, one in front of the other, and a beak like a galley ; can carry four galley's guns forward and fires lower than a galley. Without her guns, but all ready to sail, she might cost 5,000 to 6,000 ducats. They have sent her to the Indies to try her all over, and up to now have a good report of her. I could wish you had the means to have six, armed and equipped, and I would show you what has never been seen nor heard ; for with six of those I would make my master a little king, for I have proposed that they should build me six and let me go cruising for a winter. I pledge my head that I would build a hundred at my own expense, and they should not cost more than a million. Then you may think that the possessor of a hundred could land 40,000 men, and 100 breaching-guns if he wanted, and victuals for 6 or 8 months. They are good at all seasons, winter and summer. You may judge if they could not do something good, even in Turkey for my own part I would begin with little and end with much. You will hear how the king has granted me rents worth 600 crowns, 300 at Barcelona and 300 at Naples, and has told me that I should be attached to the viceroy of Barcelona until a good opportunity offered for employing me. But I know if they want to do nothing, it is not my nature to stay doing nothing ; and 600 crowns a year will never make me any richer if I do not do something. So I thought well to let you know that if a good opportunity presents itself for employing me in any job at sea—for on land you people know more than I do and are better pilots than I—but by sea I can give you a better account of myself than any other man. I shall be at Barcelona if you want to write to me ; you can address your letters to Thomas Lusion, who will see that I get them.—Madrid, 18 July 1578. P.S.—To-day news has come that the King of Portugal has taken Larach [El-Araish]. I do not know if it is confirmed. Copy in hand of Poulet's secretary. Endd. in Fr. Fr. 2 pp. [Portugal I. 11.]
86. Another copy. Endd. : A letter written from Madrid, etc. Fr. 2 pp. [Portugal I. 11a.]
July 18.
K. d. L. x. 598 (from another copy).
87. WALSINGHAM to BURGHLEY.
Doubting your absence from the Court, I send you a copy of our letter to Mr. Secretary, by which you may perceive what has passed between Monsieur's deputies and us ; as also the speech we had with the Prince of Orange touching his repair to Mons in the sort he did. It is thought that through the affection which Count Lalaing bears to Monsieur (who commands in the town of Mons) and the great promise made by the duke's deputies, who have long resided in that town, has (sic) not only brought it to his devotion, but other towns in the province ; and it is to be feared that others of the provinces will be won to run that course, especially considering our cold and uncertain dealing towards them. The sending of Lord Cobham and me into these countries with so slender matter, when they looked to have by us her Majesty's resolution touching such assistance as she might please to give, not a little advances Monsieur's affairs, who is likely to make his profit of their necessity. For though they have no great affection to the French, yet being resolved, as it appears to us, never to return to the Spanish obedience, and seeing no assurance of English help, standing as it does always upon doubtful terms, and being ready to alter upon every cross accident, it is to be feared they will be driven to throw themselves into the French protection. Her Majesty's delay in signing the bonds for Spinola and Pallavicino (a matter I understand you have been made acquainted with) has bred a marvellous discontent at this time when for lack of payment of their soldiers their whole army might be thrown into disorder by mutiny. If you heard what speeches are uttered, not only by those of this country, but by strangers that are not interested in the cause, seeing the assurance promised by her Majesty's letters procuratory take no better effect, whereby they say they know not what credit may be given to English promises and assurances, you would I am sure wish both for her Majesty's honour and that of the realm that double value had been given rather than this delay should have bred so great discredit. It is the greater grief to us to hear these speeches that 'we have no colour to excuse the same.' I beseech you, therefore, if the bonds are not dispatched, to further the hastening of them. If her Majesty shall not like that the States hereafter—which were a very dishonourable and dangerous course by the alienating of these countries—take any further benefit by her bonds, it were meet that her resolution in that behalf were signified to them, and that her agent here were inhibited from any further dealing in it ; for as they themselves say, though her assistance be chargeable to her, yet the unseasonable and uncertain bestowal of it does them more harm than profit. Touching their present forces ; their camp being within 12 English miles of this town, not far from Lyre, the Archduke prayed us to accompany him thither, having already given orders for the whole army to be put in battle array. We found the total number of horse to be 8,000, of whom 6,000 were reiters, 1,500 men of arms, and 500 light horse ; all so well appointed, both for horse and 'armour,' that I think the like has not been seen these many years past, either in this country or elsewhere. But for this I refer you to my cousin Pelham's report, who was at the camp with us. It is true that most of the foot had not yet come ; but those present, at least 10,000, were very well appointed. It is thought they will not hazard a battle till Casimir's arrival. For the point of religion, the liking or disliking of granting a toleration being referred to the consideration of the several provinces, all is quiet and no further speech made of the matter. So thanking you for your letter of the 12th I take my leave, beseeching that I may be remembered to my lady and the poor solitary Countess.—Antwerp, 18 July 1578. Holograph. Add. (no trace of seal). Endd. by Burghley's secretary. 3½ pp. [Holl. and Fl. VII. 59.]
July 18.
K. d. L. x. 605 (from another copy).
87. DAVISON to BURGHLEY.
The presence of my Lords here has made me somewhat slack in writing to your Lordship, and that I do it now is rather for duty than for matter's sake. The thing which most perplexes and confounds opinions here, is the arrival of the Duke of Alençon at Mons. The States are utterly irresolute what course to take with him ; and surely it is a question of policy very hard to discuss, whether were better to accept him as a friend or reject him as an enemy. If they accept him, he desires as the first point to command their whole forces jointly with the States. What a demand of a stranger! As though it might not content him to govern his own army ; thrusting himself as he does into this country undesired, unless it be of some 'particulars,' and with a force of which the States have no need, being otherwise strong enough to make head against their enemy. But consider the effect, if it is granted him. One of the first points is that the Archduke must be either deposed or 'abridged' of his authority, and how that would be digested abroad, or avoid confusion at home, is doubtful. But if this were compounded, is all the danger to be found in respect of the Archduke? No ; for what assurance can the States have that he will march sincerely with them? Is his word or his promise sufficient? To such as know what the French faith is generally, and what testimony the Duke has given of himself in particular, the caution is ridiculous. It cannot once be doubted but that he comes to serve the Spaniards' turn or his own. I grant he pretends nothing less than the first, though it be disputable ; what policy can it be for them to suffer the second?- unless they like from one tyranny to run into another. But this must be sounded somewhat more in detail. If they receive him with such authority as he desires, what is that but to commit their fortune to the hands of a stranger? Is it to be thought he will carry himself sincerely in hope they will voluntarily accept him for their master? Both he and his ministers are too well acquainted with the contrary inclinations here to look for it. Will he embark on a war against the King of Spain, being disavowed as it seems by his brother, in respect of one particular province, which perhaps is not so generally at his devotion as he presumes? Few men believe it. What then? Does he hope, being master of their forces and so the better able to give them the law, to become the easier master of the State? The matter is not without suspicion ; and undoubtedly he will thereby have too great an advantage either to betray them, or to serve his own turn, if that be his drift. The question is then : seeing they cannot receive him but with great danger, shall they utterly reject him? That were the way, in some men's opinion, to draw upon them either an outward war or an inward disjunction. For if he could join with the Spaniard, being openly or secretly backed by his brother, it could not but be dangerous. Or if those of Hainault accept him, as they seem resolved to do, it were a thing of no small consequence ; knowing the immeasurable ambition and desire of some princes, and the gap which would thereby be opened to him for a conquest of the rest of the provinces. The less of these mischiefs is surely hard to find out. If his coming might either advance a sound peace, or untie the knot of the long-continued amity between Spain and France, or else set the two brothers by the ears, all were well enough ; and one of these three must in reason happen if there be no hidden treason in this action. But till the doubt be decided we remain on all sides full of jealousy. For the Protestants of France are not without fear that these preparations both on the part of Monsieur under pretext of this journey and of the King under colour of hindering it have some 'aspect to themwards.' Those here are likewise doubtful that it is a snare to betray them, or at best to make profit by them, the French King winking at the matter, as one glad to see the war thrown out of his own State ; and Duke Casimir perhaps suspicious that this bait is laid for his overthrow, or at least as a block to hinder the 'pretence' it is thought he has to winter with his army in France. But what their real drift is, time must discover. It remains to consider, as the matter has gone thus far, how the mischief may be prevented. In some wise men's judgements this lies specially in two points ; one in finding some expedient that the Duke's forces do not join those of the States, but be employed apart ; the other, in case he do join them, that he commit his person to remain in the hands of the States while his army is in the field. The first will be of some difficulty ; the second, if he mean plainly, may perhaps be compassed. You will know more by the next. That I am meantime fallen into this tedious discourse, I know not how, is rather as wishing your counsel and judgement for the course to be taken, than as interposing my own opinion ; and if I have overshot myself I humbly crave pardon. Duke Casimir is still in Guelders passing his muster. It is thought he will join the States' forces in 10 or 12 days. They increase their numbers as their money will allow them to empty their garrisons. Don John assembles his troops between Tillemont and Diest, resolving to fight. The States pretend to do the like, though some hold it better for them to defer than to hazard the battle ; but resolutions depend on the uncertain accidents and advantages of war.—Antwerp, 18 July 1578. P.S.—Bacqueville, sent last from the Duke of Alençon to her Majesty, did, by Montdoucet's confession, pass through Paris and communicate with the King and Queen Mother. The Duke since coming to Mons has dealt his letters very plentifully all the country over. Rochepot and Combell are upon the frontier with 2,000 men, and have sent to the States to have Commissaries assigned them to pass their musters. La Noue is come to Mons, and is looked for here to-morrow with the [rest cut off]. Add. End. 2 pp. [Holl. and Fl. VII. 60.]
July 18.
K. d. L. x. 605
88. Promissory note by William Brooke, Baron Cobham, and Francis Walsingham for 30 or 40 florins, 'or some similar sum,' borrowed from Baptista Spinola upon the sums which, according to his obligation given to Davison on June 28, he is to pay as soon as Benedetto Spinola in London should receive the obligations of the Queen and the City of London. Endd. by L. Tomson : Obligation of Lord Cobham and Sir F. Walsingham : to be cancelled. Fr. 2 pp. [Ibid. VII. 61.]
July 18.
K. d. L. x. 600 (from another copy).
89. WALSINGHAM to WILSON.
On the 15th of this month, Montdoucet came to us, by order as he said of Monsieur, about things that concerned the good of the country, which he said was the only cause of his repair hither. Des Pruneaux would have come with him but for some little indisposition he is of late, fallen into. He tells us that since his arrival here, he has received letters from Monsieur, certifying him of his repair to Mons, that he might the better give order for the execution of that which may tend to the benefit of this country, and we should shortly hear from him. To which we answered, her Majesty could not but find this kind of dealing strange, that she and her ministers should be so dealt with ; for upon our first coming to this town we had been given to understand that he and the other deputies would repair to us in a very short time, to acquaint us with their master's intentions. We waited 15 days and could hear nothing ; then their master himself arrived, the States not being privy to it, nor her Majesty for aught that we could learn. What she and the States might conceive of it, they would easily judge if the case were their own. The matter of their own delay they excused on the ground of awaiting answer from the States, to whom they had written for leave to come and treat with us ; without whose privity they could not deal, considering the jealousy people would otherwise have conceived. For the other point, of their master's repair hither, without knowledge given to her Majesty or the States, they alleged a dispatch that he made, being on his way to Mons, of one M. de Bacqueville to her Majesty, to inform her of the cause of his departure from France and repair to this country ; which he did, being loth her Majesty should enter into any jealousy of his doings, which she and we would find were meant sincerely and plainly. Thereupon we took occasion to let him understand that if contrary to his promises made to her Majesty, to his protestations published in point, and to all honour and justice, he should seek to impatronise himself of any part of this country under colour of maintaining their liberties, he would thereby not only wound his reputation, but also provoke her Majesty to employ the forces and means that God had given her to 'impeach' the same. If he bore that good will to the country which he outwardly pretended, as there were but two ways to do good, the one by procuring a peace, the other by prosecuting the war, and peace being most desired if it could be had, and the other not to be entered into unless the first could not be obtained, it could but be most to his honour before entering on war to offer a treaty of peace ; following the practice of an expert physician, who does not use sharp medicine when temperate will serve. To attempt force and show no cause why, were a very hard course, especially for a prince a stranger to the cause, no way as yet injured. Thereupon they took occasion to clear their master of suspicion of seeking to make himself great ; declaring that he sought not to impatronise himself of any part of the country, that he could keep his promise to the Queen and maintain his word given to the world ; that for the matter of peace, before proceeding to any hostility he would send a herald to Don John to move him to pacification ; that time did not serve his master to spend many days in treaty, now that he had drawn many noblemen and others to the field. To this last point we replied that sending a herald is commonly the denunciation of war, no fit instrument to be employed in that message. The choice of some gentleman of quality were more agreeable, who might at some convenient length lay down to Don John the cause of Monsieur's coming, and use some persuasion to bring him to a composition with those of this country. If he should refuse, being so friendly moved therein, he would make his cause appear worse to the world, their master would enter into the action with more honour, and her Majesty be the sooner induced to join him. They promised they would acquaint the Duke with our opinion, but seemed to fear that the States would not yield to any treaty of peace, having had sufficient experience in Don John's dalliance in that behalf : who had made his profit of their treaties to their great disadvantage. We assured them of the contrary, that the States were well enough inclined to peace, as we offered to show them by their answer to us : of which we imparted to them so much in writing as concerned that point. We doubted not therefore of success though they stood upon some very hard conditions ; to which however, if earnestly pressed, Don John might be drawn to yield. Their conclusion was that within 3 or 4 days we should understand Monsieur's further intention. This conference being in the morning, late in the evening Dampmartin came to us, letting us understand that he was to go to the Duke to report both of the speech that had passed between us and also between the States and them, to whom they had letters of credit, and had in charge besides to let them understand that the Duke being informed of the jealousy conceived against him by certain evil and slanderous bruits given out, thought no way so good to remove it, as to come in private and commit himself to their hands, to be used, if they liked, as a pledge to perform what he had promised for their assistance, without affecting any of their towns, or wishing to impatronise himself of the country. And to the end his mind might the better appear, he desired they would send Commissioners to him to whom he would with all sincerity open his intention as to his repair into this country, and the employing of the forces he has on the frontiers. When he had thus acquainted us with his repair to the Duke, and the speeches delivered to the States, he prayed us to suspend our judgement and not be carried away with any slanderous bruits and indirect practices such as he knew would be given out against the Duke. The next day, seeking to inform ourselves of the truth of his proceeding with the States, we were given to understand that the speech used at the delivery of the letters did not in all points agree with that which he reported to us : especially that no such protestation was made as that the Duke's meaning was not to 'affect' any of their towns or seek to possess their country. Continuing much amazed with this strange manner of Monsieur coming into the country, we thought good to know the Prince of Orange's opinion. We acquainted him with the substance of the conference between the Duke's ministers and us. He approved the course we held with them, but told us plainly that he thought Monsieur came with another intention, alleging the place of Scripture : Non reni ut mitterem pacem. He declared that he found the Duke's manner of repair into the country as strange as ourselves, and could not tell what to think of it until certain commissioners who had been sent to him should return. Yet seeing we desired to know his opinion, he showed us that in the treaty that was to pass between the States and him, they were principally to regard two things : first, that nothing might be done but with her Majesty's consentment, her Majesty continuing to them her assistance as promised in her letter to Mr. Davison of May 22, which caused them hitherto to stay all proceedings with the French ; the second, to have a special regard to the safety of the country. For the first, they were to use our advice, and therefore meant to pray us that when the matter came to further debate, they might understand what they were to look for at her Majesty's hands. As for the other, he saw that if Monsieur were disposed to do them hurt, or had any treasonable intention, he might grow most perilous to them. For his own part he could not think that, for the respect he bears both to the Queen and to the States and princes of religion in France and elsewhere, he would be drawn to betray them ; which would make him hateful to as many as profess civil honesty, of what religion soever they be. Notwithstanding, touching the affecting of the government of the country, he was to be looked to, which could only be done by drawing into the association one greater than himself ; which, he said, was her Majesty, without whose power to bridle him, he might grow very dangerous. It behoved her therefore to resolve very speedily what she would do. Thus much for the country and State itself ; they were, he said, perplexed with his coming and greatly troubled in taking some good way of counsel for the Archduke, for Monsieur refuses to serve under him. To reject the Archduke, though he himself might be justly out of fault, not being one of those that had procured his coming, could not but be reproachful to them ; it might savour of too great lightness and offend the Emperor and all other princes in Germany and elsewhere. To prevent such inconveniences they would be driven to make him Governor of the States, whereas he is now Governor under the King by provision, the King allowing of it, which hitherto he has not done ; and being made Governor of the States, all things will pass under his name and the States, and his authority being thus disposed, the Duke of Alençon should have the title of Defenseur de la liberté Belgique, putting him in hope that if Don John by his means should be expelled, they would be content, in case they had any disposition to change their master, to accept him. But how this bare promise would content him, he doubted ; time only would show. For lack of her Majesty's open assistance they were driven to have recourse to these doubtful remedies. This much passed between the Prince and us. We also thought it very meet to deal effectually with the Emperor's ambassador, persuading him to repair to Don John and lay before him the hazard of the loss of this estate, now that the Duke is entered into the matter, unless he accepts the proposed conditions. Though these may seem very hard, yet the Emperor and her Majesty giving their word for their continuance under the king's obedience, there is no doubt they will perform them for the danger that otherwise the Emperor and her Majesty should concur with the King of Spain in taking revenge for the 'violence' of the same. The Ambassador promised that as soon as Baron Preyner had received his answer from the States, which he expected would be the 16th, he would forthwith repair to Don John and do what lay in his power ; but first would confer with us, and take such direction and advice as we should think most convenient. The evening after Mr. Sommers's dispatch, the Archduke sent to us to let us know that he was minded to go to the camp to see the whole force in battle array and have a perfect view how they were furnished for service, and requesting us to take the pains to come thither to him the next day. Accordingly we put ourselves in readiness to wait on him there, and so attended on him from Lyre, where he had lodged that night, to the camp, where we saw 8,000 horse ; 6,000 of them reiters as well-appointed as ever came out of Germany, 1,500 men-at-arms and 500 'argolets,' all in good order and well-appointed. But as Mr. Pelham, who was there, and is now returned, can tell her Majesty about it, we forbear to enlarge any further. We hope you have already procured the signing of Pallavicino's bonds. The stay of them has wrought great alienation of mind in some that stood best affected to her Majesty. Being almost out of hope of the performance of the good she promised them, and seeing on her part they stand on doubtful terms they seem to have some inclination to make their peace or work their safety some other way. We forbear to write what speeches are uttered, and how the minds of many, not of smallest account among them, are cast down even by the small delay used in this point. We see small hope but there will be a general falling from the good devotion they still bear to her Majesty, if she do not speedily enlarge herself for their relief ; for the more their state tends to hazard the more it behoves them to be provided with some stay. If her Majesty refuses to be this, they see where to cast their anchor, resting yet in some breath of hope that she will not forsake them ; considering they made first offer of themselves to her before all other princes, and continue as much at her disposition as her own subjects. Present danger abides no long delay, which causes them to be instant for a speedy resolution ; that they may with better advantage make their agreement where otherwise necessity will constrain them. Endd. by Burghley's secretary : 18 July 1578. Copy of the letter to Mr. Secretary Wilson from Mr. Secretary Walsingham out of Flanders. [Walsingham's mark] mark. 7 pp. [Holl. and Fl. VII. 62.]
[July 18.] 90. [WALSINGHAM] to the EARL OF WARWICK.
If either confession, contrition, or satisfaction may cancel my error, in that I have falsified my faith and not according to my promise advertised you of the state of things here, whatever penance you may impose on me I will very religiously and catholicly perform. Meantime I will not fail, during my abode here, to recompense my former silence with such diligence that you shall have cause to be content. This State, through many sudden changes, as it falls out in weak and sickly bodies, upon every new accident is subject to new opinions what will become of it. Monsieur's repair hither breeds divers strange imaginations. They that fear least, doubt greatly that he will make himself master of the greater part of Hainault ; and surely if we continue our wonted uncertain dealing (whereof I see no hope of amendment) it is greatly to be doubted that he will have a further foot in the country than ever the King of Spain will be able to remove, or we to hinder ; of which I fear we shall too soon see an experience. I forbear to advertise you of the strength of the States' camp, for you will be informed of it by my cousin Pelham, who 'was to review' it in our company, and will be with you as soon as this letter. Casimir's forces are as I am informed 5,500 horse, as well-appointed as ever were brought out of Germany ; besides 4,000 French shot under M. d'Argentlieu, one of the best soldiers in France, and no less well affected to her Majesty. He has also 2,000 'lanskenicks' of the best sort Germany yields. When all these forces are joined, if God give them courage and mind to depend wholly on His name, who is the only giver of victory, I doubt not of the event. And howsoever things fall out, the loss of half a dozen battles does not put the King of Spain in possession of these countries ; which perhaps to some will seem a paradox, but in time they will learn to be of another opinion. To-morrow the camp moves towards the enemy ; but as I am informed with no intention to fight till Casimir's forces join, except upon some very great advantage. Don John and the principal ministers of his army have already been confessed and 'haseted' [qy. houseled], to speak in catholic terms. They give out great brags of assured victory, but I hope it will prove an account made without their host ; for it is commonly seen that these presumptuous promisers to themselves of victory often take the worst, which I trust will fall out here. Copy. 1 p. [Holl. and Fl. IX. 3ι.]
July 18.
K. d. L. x. 591
91. The LORDS of the COUNCIL to COBHAM and WALSINGHAM.
We have received your letters brought by Mr. Sommers, and he has been heard at good length both by the Queen and by us touching the matters committed to his report. Wherein as he had discharged his duty with good direction and to our satisfaction, it has been thought meet, on his return to you by her Majesty's command, that for most of the matters here debated upon his coming, you shall again give credit to his report, as one who for that purpose has been present to hear what has been said on those matters. But for your further direction, the Queen's pleasure is, and she has commanded us to signify, that you shall forthwith return home again : and to that end shall declare to the States that since the principal cause of your coming was to be mediator for a peace (wherein the States know in what sort they have proceeded), and finding by their answer that they cannot or will not assent to any peace without such extreme conditions as her Majesty cannot 'allow' to propose to Don John, for she is sure he will never agree thereto, and thereby seeing that your abode there is in vain, you shall prepare to come thence without any further expense of time. Nevertheless if you have entered into conference with the Duke of Alençon's Commissioners, you shall as you see cause abide there some time longer for that purpose, and proceed therein to such effect as may tend to help the States against the forces of their enemies, without danger of making the French, under colour of aid, a possessor of the Low Countries. Concerning the money which the States desire to have, either by a further imprest from England, or on the credit of her Majesty's bonds for £100,000, her pleasure is that you should answer them that considering what great sum of money they have already freely had from her, for which she has no other security than writing in parchment and wax, and that it is known how divers towns have been offered to M. d'Alençon only upon an offer to aid them, there is reason that her Majesty should have as good for her interest. Therefore before any further sums are yielded to them, they shall be asked what security they will give for repayment of it. If the States are silent, and 'remit it to your demand' ; you shall say as of yourselves that you think it reasonable that they should offer some maritime towns into the custody of her Majesty, as 'gaiges' for the repayment of all such sums of money as have been or shall be lent to them. And so upon communication they may be pressed to deliver in pledge Flushing and Sluse or one of them. You may add that upon your return with assurance given to you which you shall require in writing, of their willingness to offer those towns in pledge, you will be the more able to deal with her Majesty for the further enlarging of her favours. Yet you shall only give them comfort by offering your own endeavours, without making any promise in her Majesty's name. Further, her pleasure is that you shall charge Davison to retain the general bonds of the £100,000, and unless she sends a new warrant he shall not grant the use of them for borrowing any sums of money. But he shall not make the States think that their relief by that bond is to be accounted desperate, but only to rest suspended till better security may be had from them. She also wishes you, Mr. Secretary, not to forget to put the States in mind that it was agreed when the bonds for £100,000 were given, and covenanted, that her Majesty should be repaid for the money already lent to them to set Duke Casimir in the field, out of the first money that should be received out of the said bonds ; and therefore no money should be taken up to be delivered to the States upon those bonds till her Majesty has been repaid, of which she desires me to remind you. So, being heartily sorry that you found no readier means to work the peace, we recommend the cause of the afflicted to God's favour and defence.—Havering, 18 July 1578. (Signed), W. Burghley, T. Sussex, F. Knollys, James Crofts, Chr. Hatton, Tho. Wilson. Add. Endd. by L. Tomson. 2 pp. [Holl. and Fl. VII. 63.]
92. Minute of the above letter, with many alterations and additions in the hand of Lord Burghley. Endd. 3½ pp. [Ibid. VII. 64.]
July 18.
K. d. L. x. 593
93. BURGHLEY to COBHAM and WALSINGHAM.
We have long been in expectation of Mr. Sommers' coming. Last Wednesday he came, and being in the afternoon with her Majesty, he had not time to impart his whole charge to her ; but when she perceived that the States required more money, I will not write how greatly she misliked thereof. I did as much as I could to mitigate her offence, though it fell sharply in speech upon myself. Yesterday she had again more talk with him privately ; and being still offended, she called me before Mr. Sommers and then flatly 'denied' to lend them any more money, charging me with great oversight that there was no security for the money already lent, by having some towns in pledge. To which I answered that for the former money her Majesty had the bonds of the States, as was at the time thought meet, and for more to be lent, if she did not like the former securities, I 'perceived by' Mr Somers that she might have some towns, and so I thought it best for her to proceed ; whereby the common cause shall be stayed from danger of ruin and also her Majesty may have more hope of repayment. But this advice did not content her, but that Mr. Sommers should speedily depart to call you home. Which though yourselves for private reasons desire, I would you might have stayed ; so that by getting this money taken up for the States by her Majesty's credit you might have seen the army in full readiness ; whereby if Don John will ever yield to terms of peace you might have had opportunity to further it. And now since we heard last night of Monsieur's arrival at Mons, I wished that her Majesty would not in this hasty sort call you away ; and to that she yields, that upon that occasion if you have any just cause to stay longer she wishes you to do so, as was partly written in the common letter before we heard of Monsieur's arrival. 'Mr Sommers can tell you how sharp her Majesty has been with some of us here as Councillors, whereof you, Mr Secretary, was not free of some portion of her words, nor yet good Sommers himself, for coming in message to require more money.' Yet we all most dutifully bear with her offence, not despairing but that however she mislikes things at one time, at another she will alter her sharpness, especially when she is persuaded that we all mean truly for her safety, though she sometimes will not so understand. I must pray you both to receive this letter jointly ; for as you are joined in charge I can write nothing to one of you, but it is meet for both. Mr. Sommers can inform you how he found here that a packet which he and you thought was sent by Roger Williams did not come ; whereby surely for lack of the matter therein contained, her Majesty was at Mr Sommers' coming prepared to mislike what he brought, because as she said you had been there almost 5 weeks (sic) and she never till now could hear of your negotiation. And last night it happened that Mr. Sommers reporting part of your first negotiation with the States and the Emperor s Ambassador, I answered that I had not heard of it ; and he affirming that a full report of it came by Walter Williams, I sent for Mr. Secretary Wilson. who denied the receipt of any such. On questioning W. Williams we could not find any 'lyklood' that he brought any such packet. Then Mr. Sommers told us that he had a copy of it, which we read, and found that her Majesty would have been greatly satisfied if it had come in season. So being informed of it, though she would not read it, she heard a report of it from me, wherewith she seemed somewhat pacified. All this and much more Mr. Sommers can report at length, and so I end with my paper.—From Havering, where I am kept only to receive some chidings upon daily debate of these matters, 18 July 1578. P.S—.My Lord, I can get no supply for Dover, notwithstanding all importunity, which arises from a cause that both of you may know hereafter ; the same being I think the cause why Mr. Pelham is so suddenly called home, though I am not made acquainted therewith. Holograph. Add. Endd. by L. Tomson. 3 pp. [Holl. and Fl. VII. 65.]
July 18.
K. d. L. x. 595.
94. WILSON to DAVISON.
The Queen not intending that you shall use your procuration for £100,000 has commanded me to require you upon your allegiance not to intermeddle further in the said power, but to retain the bonds and deal no further till you hear more. You will also understand of this by letters which my Lords have written to Lord Cobham and Mr. Secretary, so that of necessity due regard must be had thereof. I must tell you, with regard to your own service and dealings, the Queen is well pleased therewith.—Havering, 18 July 1578. Add. Endd. ½ p. [Ibid. VII. 66.]
July 19. 95. — to [DAVISON].
Dr. Christophorus Ehemius wrote me that you would like to hear from me. I am the more ready to comply because I deem it an honour to be of service to you and above all to her whom you represent, to whose good offices towards the Christian commonwealth I owe more than I can conceive, let alone express. Though I have nothing worthy of her preeminence or of your expectation, I will do my best to satisfy by faithfulness and diligence in writing. They write from Rome on the 12th inst., that the Pope was holding many consultations about Low-Country matters ; his chief effort being by the offer of peace to avert the storm expected in the probable success of the 'Belgian' forces. Alençon's entry into Flanders was a matter full of uncertainty, because he could not get the places he was expecting or at least asking for. Those who know most about things say that the French marriage is the same play that was acted before ; and the suspicion is increased by the fact that the Secretary l'Aubespine, the ambassador to the Pope, had hardly reached Rome when he took care to let it be generally known that he had orders to assure the Pope that the King did not favour Alençon's designs, while he did not write a word to those people here who are usually informed of the King's most secret counsels. The King of France too has let it be known here, as he had done before the marriage (sic) that nothing is more important to him than the tranquillity of his realm, and that he has gone to Rouen, in order to keep the imperfectly-pacified province in its duty. He adds that he is collecting an army solely to prevent any harm to France on his brother's account. Others, however, write that some great matter is in preparation : Queen Mother is going to Alençon and back, Montmorency is being tempted with divers blandishments, the Huguenot chiefs have in vain been summoned to the war in the Low Countries ; both royalists and Huguenots have committed acts of hostility in many places, showing the untrustworthiness of the peace. Meantime the King is issuing edicts confirmatory of it, sending commissioners through the provinces in that behalf, winking at the secret assemblies here and those of the Huguenots. He is offering to let Navarre have his wife again, who however does not want to go back ; in short, it looks as if a new wedding was in preparation. The Venetians, before giving their assent to these plans, and as they affirm at the Pope's request that they would send an ambassador to the King and Alençon to deprecate the expedition, are said to have discussed the matter for a fortnight. Still it is a settled opinion among many in Italy that there will be war between Spain and France on account of Alençon ; though this view seems to have abated suddenly. The Spanish garrisons in Italy are much depleted by the departure of the troops for Flanders. Many Italians are so eager for something new that they seem to seek war, which other people dread, for the pleasure of it. The Princes of Italy however, and the Pope, are thought to be trying only to keep war out of Italy, for they fear that in the present exacerbation and alienation of people's minds it would bring with it a change in all things, and especially in religion, ruinous to themselves, and their realms. Those 10,000 Italian troops destined for the Low Countries in addition to what Serbelloni took, do not appear so far. Some however are starting every day ; among them many volunteers, not Spanish subjects only, who may hope for large reward, but from other places, the Pope most liberally promising heavenly rewards to all who go to this war. We hear nothing certain from Turkey, the later news appearing to contradict the former ; for the Turks have learnt excellently to imitate Christians in putting out false news. In the latest letters from Constantinople to the ambassadors of the great Powers here, some tell us there is written the truth about the slaying of Ismael, King of the Persians, by his sister on account of the murder of their brother. A brother has succeeded ; not having been murdered with the others because being terribly deformed and almost blind, he was thought of no use for reigning. With the kingdom he has inherited his brother's hatred of the Turks, and is waging war with them fiercely. Mustapha Bassa is going against him with vast forces. I have no certain news, only what many have heard, that negotiations are going on in the East, and in Egypt that the Turk is cutting much timber in that realm to build ships in order to open his road to India and bring the Portuguese to order ; while those who seem to know those things say that the war which the Portuguese have determined upon in Africa is more dangerous to themselves. The King of Fez is splendidly prepared and equipped with cavalry and musketeers, and has lately received from Algiers reinforcements of troops and equipment of all kinds. The only hope lies in a popular rising, but that is clearly a slippery one ; since experienced people observe that nothing but calamities come from frequent changes of sovereign, while the Christian Kings from whom aid might be hoped for are at a pass where they can hardly defend themselves, let alone other people. The news we had in the penultimate letters from Genoa, dated the 5th inst. of the capture or sinking of 12 African pirate 'biremes' by the 'biremes' of Doria and the Duke of Florence has come to nothing. The Florentine is certainly on the way to establish friendly relations with the Turks, and in the recent letters which I mentioned from Constantinople it is said that the Florentine Consul, 'Balio' they call him, has carried matters so far with Mahomet Bassa that a Florentine ambassador is daily expected who will settle the rest without much trouble. This galls the Spaniards who are carrying on their own business diligently at Constantinople. Occhiali had quite lately not sailed from Constantinople ; they say he has only 40 galleys. There is a rumour, more copious than I think truth would allow, all over Venetia of a new and important outbreak, and they say the Venetians have certain news of it from Crete. This is how the affair is related : The Governor of Cyprus, appointed to succeed the one who was murdered by the troops of the garrison for his avarice and cruelty, had secretly made away with a good many of them. The rest angry and fearing the same penalty had killed him, with the aid of some Turks whom he brought from elsewhere as a reinforcement ; and afterwards summoning the Christians into the garrison to associate with them, had hung out from the towers the flags of the Christian princes, Spain, the Pope, and Venice and informed the Governor of Crete of the whole thing. On receipt of this news they say the Venetians thrice summoned an extraordinary meeting of the Senate [rogatorum = 'richiesti']. However that may be, it is thought that no Christian prince will at present take possession of that kingdom, vacant though it be. They are deterred by the difficulty of holding it, and the fear of a war with the Turk. I have talked to some Germans who are here, lately from Crete. They say that they first heard the news at Zante, brought by the same solitary despatch-boat (celox). Persons coming from those parts say that the Archduke Charles's commander, Furemberg, is hard beset by the Turks in the castle of Bitz on the Turkish frontier, and that Charles is trying with all his forces to relieve him. When I had written this I happened to speak with a great personage. He affirmed distinctly more than once his belief that the French plans were formed in concert with Spain, and that this was according to the Holy League which most certainly existed between them and others. I wrote this at short notice, so forgive haste. In future I will if possible see that letters go by a quicker route.—Venice, 19 July 1578. Add : Viro amplissimo A.R.L. : and below in another hand : Angliæ Reginæ legato N. Antwerpiam. Latin. 6½ pp. [Venice I. 1.]
July 19.
K. d. L. x. 610 (from another copy).
96. DECLARATION by DUKE CASIMIR.
Duke Casimir has heard what has been set forth by Mr. Mildmay both orally and in writing as to the cause which has moved the Queen of England to send an embassy into the Low Countries, and how the ambassadors wish to learn his opinion touching the proceedings of the Duke of Alençon in the country. He is thankful to find her Majesty so desirous to promote the good of those countries by the establishment of peace, and prays that God may bless her laudable designs. All Europe will participate in their good or evil fortune, and feel the effect of the steps taken by her Majesty. He thanks the ambassadors for the detailed information as to their mission which they have been kind enough to give him, and hopes they will continue it, as it is very necessary for his own guidance. He begs them to communicate to him the Estates' answer and their own opinion thereupon. As to the Duke of Alençon, it seems to him that things have gone too far for retreat to be possible without falling into irreparable mischief. If one may judge of the future by the past, it cannot be doubted that his action is very suspicious to all honest people. His whole conduct throughout, the end of his protestations, promises and oaths, are known to all. The foreign captains and soldiers, especially the Germans, bear him no good will ; and if he be appointed head of the army there is reason to fear that he will not succeed in establishing the necessary obedience. Obedience cannot exist with distrust, and there are too many reasons for distrusting both him and those nearest to him ; persons corrupt, abandoned to all manner of dissolute living, faithless and lawless, whom in spite of the warnings given him at the time of the late expedition into France, he has chosen to keep as his friends in preference to honest and well-affected people. To put at the head of a foreign army, therefore, one who has not only deserted his own friends, but has persecuted them with fire and blood, the son of such a mother, and (not to go into other details) one who has sworn not to observe any oath that he may take in future, is a matter in which his Excellency thinks it would be proper to proceed with caution. He doubts not that her Majesty having consented to his coming here (as he has heard from various quarters) has not done so without great consideration. He will willingly conform to her judgement, being assured that she and her ambassadors will proceed so prudently that no harm will follow. But to the question whether he will be content to be commanded by M. d'Alençon, the Estates consenting to his having the command of the whole army, his Excellency only embarked in this matter at the solicitation and command of her Majesty, whose orders he will receive willingly and with a light heart, being sure she will command nothing save what is to the advancement of God's honour and glory, to the public tranquillity, and to his own credit. He is not so aiming at increasing his own dignity that he would for that reason wish to set back the public cause. He refers everything to her Majesty's orders and the ambassadors' judgement as to what is expedient for the cause. They are of consummate experience in the handling of affairs of State, and he is sure they will need no guide to find the right road. Any road they take to arrive at the desired goal cannot fail to be agreeable to him. As to the Marquis of Havrech, his Excellency will take the first opportunity of shewing him his desire to do pleasure to those who are well affected to her Majesty's service, and will be glad from this moment to maintain good intelligence with him and all other lords who hold the good part ; so that all pulling at one rope they may the sooner achieve their laudable enterprise.—Zutphen, 19 July 1578. Copy in writing of L. Tomson. Endd. : Mr. Mildmay's negotiations. Fr. 2 pp. [Holl. and Fl. VII. 67.] (Covering letter, of July 24, appears to be in British Museum.)
July 20.
K. d. L. x. 620.
97. DAVISON to BURGHLEY.
It is so long since I wrote to your Lordship that I can scarcely allege any excuse that will not rather accuse me. Since the Ambassadors came hither I doubt not but you have been well advertised of everything, especially of the Duke of Alençon's arrival at Mons, which does not a little perplex the opinions here, because they do not see how they can either accept or reject him without danger. It is a difficult question ; for if they receive him as he desires, namely to command their whole forces, they will put their fortunes into the hands of a stranger for whose fidelity they have no caution but a French promise, and it is not yet certain whether he comes on behalf of the Spaniard or of himself, though the latter appears most likely. But seeing the matter is so far forward, the question is what shall be done with him. By refusing him, he may join the Spaniard, or at least dismember Hainault from the rest, being as they seem resolved to embrace his protection. For the first, there is manifest peril in such a conjunction ; and if the latter succeeds, a gap is opened to an invasion. The remedy how to prevent one and the other, in the opinion of some is to receive him and use his proffered succour, but so that either his forces may be employed apart, or else, if he obtain his desire, that he commit his person into the hands of the States for the better assurance of his sincerity, while his army is employed against the enemy ; hoping if by his means they expel the Spaniard, to deal afterwards well enough with him. But on this question much may be said. His letters since coming to Mons fly all the country over, to make himself and his enterprise plausible. His object is not hard to guess at. He has as yet only two regiments of foot upon the frontier, under Rochepot and Combell ; the rest are said to be following à la file. The Duke of Aerschot was sent yesterday by the States to give him la bien renue. There is some talk since of his coming to Brussels within three or four days ; but no certainty. The States' army, 8,000 horse and 10,000 foot, is encamped a mile from Lierre between the Great and the Little Nethe. Casimir has not finished his musters in Gueldres. The enemy assembled his forces between Louvain and Diest, purposing to fight ; but some think he will rather retire into garrison and make a defensive war, abandoning the field a while to his adversary.—Antwerp, 20 July 1578. Draft. Endd. 1 p. [Holl. and Fl. VII. 67.]
July 20.
K. d. L. X. 653.
98. DAVISON to WILSON.
I write less often since the coming of my Lords, because you can hear everything from them. The Duke of Alençon's arrival at Mons is the matter which at present most troubles opinions here, the States and country generally, reserving the Henuyers, being as unwilling to accept him as fearful to reject him ; and which were the less dangerous is a question hard to discuss. His letters of insinuation are plentifully dealt all the country over. I send herewith the copy of that he last wrote to the States. Rochepot's and Combell's regiments are on the frontier, whence they have written to the States to send them commissaries to pass their muster ; the rest follow à la file. La Noue is said to have arrived at Mons and is looked for here to-night or to-morrow, to take charge as marshal of the States' army encamped a mile beyond Lierre. Duke Casimir has not yet ended his musters in Gueldres, so that it will be towards the end of next week before he comes into Brabant. Both the enemy and the States seem resolved to fight, though some think it better that their side should rather defer than hazard a battle ; wherein the counsel of one side and the other is subject to the accidents and advantages of war, and the event to the will of Him that is God of armies.—Antwerp 28 (sic) July, 1578. P.S.—The difficulty about giving Spinola and Pallavicino contentment for their bonds very much touches the credit of her Majesty's procurations and prejudices the States' service. Please consider this and further their satisfaction. Draft. Endd. 1 p. [Holl. and Fl. VII. 86.]
July 20. 99. The ESTATES to the DUKE OF ALENÇON.
We have received your letters and learn by the same your arrival in these parts, for the deliverance of these countries from the oppressions in which they have so long been kept by the tyranny of the Spaniards. In reply we cannot omit to declare to you that this your good will towards us much binds us to endeavour to deserve the same by humble acknowledgement thereof. We take this readiness as a pledge and assurance of your desire to set us at liberty. But as your coming in person, and the advance of your troops are not altogether agreeable to the last communication, we should have been glad to send our deputies to you as required, to treat more in detail, were it not that one part of the deputies for the provinces not having yet arrived, we could not have given them sufficient authority and instructions, resolved upon by the whole of the States. Further, according to our treaty with the Queen of England, we should have wished the matter to be done with the consent of her ambassadors here present. Therefore to accelerate matters we beg you to send us someone of yours with full powers to propose the conditions on which you mean to take your stand, and to conclude the treaty once put forward, so that we might with full understanding of them agree in taking so good a resolution that we may not only procure the general welfare of the country, but show how much we think of your greatness and service.—Antwerp, 20 July 1578. (Signed) A. Blyleven. Copy. Endd. Fr. 1 p. [Holl. and Fl. VII. 69.]
July 20. 100. Another copy of the same. Endd. by L.Tomson. Fr. 2 pp. [Ibid. VII. 70.]
July 20. 101. English version of the same. Endd. by two hands. 1 p. [Ibid. VII. 71.]
July 20.
K. d. L. x. 615.
102. E[DMUND] TREMAYNE to WALSINGHAM.
The day after Mr. Sommers' dispatch I brought Mr. Vice-Chamberlain a copy of the negotiation that miscarried ; which he desired as a means for dealing more substantially with her Majesty for your justification and her satisfaction. On my delivering it he told me that since I was last with him he had had some talk with her Majesty, wherein at great length she uttered the causes of her discontent and mislike of your doings in this service. First, you did not on the Prince's request for money on behalf of the States allege the covenant agreed to at the time of the issuing of the bond of credit for the £100,000 ; which was that out of the first money raised upon it her Majesty should be paid the £40,000 which she had already lent. But by not pleading that covenant in her behalf, you suffered them 'to run on in opinion' they would have the use of that bond without paying any part of the former loan. The other cause of misliking is that you have not more earnestly urged upon them the unreasonableness of their proposed articles ; which are so imperious that no one could think them reasonable between subjects and their prince. And by the demonstration of their absurdity her Majesty looks that you should have made it plain to them that if they persisted in standing upon such proud and extreme terms she would be compelled in honour not only to leave dealing for peace, but utterly to leave them ; by which course she conceives they would have been driven 'by way of coaction' to more reasonable demands, or else admitted that she was provoked to leave them by their own default. Now albeit Mr Vice-Chamberlain does not press me to inform you of this by a messenger sent on purpose, yet knowing what little account you make of such an expense in respect of your desire to satisfy her Majesty, and that by knowing the points of mislike you might be able to supply the default, or to answer it, as the state of the matter shall require, I have thought meet to write what I have conceived. When I had written thus far I showed it to his honour, who thought good it should go on. Asking him in what state her Majesty remained, he said she was much pacified and doubted not but all would be well ; and he would work to that end. So I send this to my Lady, with my advice that it be sent with all haste. And as you know my good will, I would not wish that you should impart my doings to any man more than her Majesty's service may require.— Havering, 20 July 1598. Add. Endd. 1½ pp. [Holl. and Fl. VII. 72.]
July 20.
K. d L. x. 613.
103. LEICESTER to WALSINGHAM.
It was my hope to arrive here three days after Mr. Sommers' dispatch, and was (sic) not a little grieved to hear of it. Whereupon I thought it my duty every way, having occasion offered both by her Majesty's own speeches and by others' declaration, to deal faithfully and sincerely with her, to remind her how dangerous a course this resolution might take for her, how manifest a loss she would bring not only to her friends utterly by her foes (sic), but to make her friends her utter enemies. I also laid before her your great discredit which must fall out upon this dealing, and her own hurt, never to have any trust again among strangers ; and that this would be the best that would fall out on this hard answer sent by Mr. Sommers. Well I found her earnestly resolved not to change her mind ; yet I had then much more to further the matter. Horatio Pallavicino was here, and showed me what he had done upon the opinion he had of her Majesty's honourable dealing ; how far he had stretched his credit upon trust of it, and of your ambassadors having both given your hands for his assurance. He had already disbursed the sum advertised. Whereby I took occasion to show her how greatly it touched her in honour, beside the surety of this whole service in hand, to see your credit maintained that were so employed for her. And as all men had expectation from her noble proceeding in this action, sending such a one as you are, no man doubted your doing anything but what was commended by her, or having such authority to deal for the advancement of this service that what you did might be held as in a manner concluded from herself. Therefore if you have given either your word or your writing for the assurance of this money, her honour and credit are called in question if she do not perform it. But all this would little prevail howsoever the matter goes. I am not acquainted with any particular cause, but methinks by Mr. Secretary Wilson some dealing there has been not good. I find her Majesty very 'paremterry' to have this first payment answered according to the covenant, and seems greatly offended any other course is taken. But if you have given your word as is informed, and have found by experience there that it stands the cause and her service in such stead as is most likely in reason, assuredly I wish you, before all be marred or. overthrown by this message, to send to her again and lay before her how nearly this touches both her and you, and what danger must follow both to the cause and to herself by this defacing your doings under her own commission ; and let the weight of the cause appear to her by the most earnest mean you can devise. For 'my none' part I consider, and reason so persuades me to think, if she proceed in this strait order with that side, she can look for no good of her former doings, and all she has hitherto made show to do for them is cast away. Besides, her honour will be touched more than ever I knew it, and you her ministers for ever 'defaced,' which has forced me to be plain with you. And as I have ever preferred her safety and honour before her money or wealth, so I have, and will while I can speak discharge that duty which honesty and truth binds me to. And I take God Almighty to witness, and you also have I trust known it in me, I never yet respected private matter before the public, for her. I came but yesterday to Court, and therefore cannot write much, though there be a great more cause to write than I wished. I do not mean to leave (sic) as long as I may have opportunity to put her Majesty in better remembrance of this 'manner of course' ; which makes me afraid, and the more I love her the more fearful I am to see such dangerous ways taken. God give us all here about her His grace to discharge honestly, faithfully and truly our duties ; for never was there more need, nor stood this Crown ever in like peril, I mean this our only Queen whom God alone must now defend and uphold by miracle. Other ordinary helps are almost past hope. Among other things I noted that speaking of those money matters, she misliked much that you did not press the States more earnestly for some sufficient pawn of towns for her. I thought if that had been done she would not so greatly have stuck at your satisfying the rest. God grant they be not already so discouraged as to fall desperately away from her, and content themselves with what they have of her already, and so 'make reckoning rather at leisure' and seek better helps than to pay away what shall do them good at present, looking for no more at her hands. Well, Sir, I would I could tell how to advise you best both for her service and your own proceeding ; but knowing both your judgement and experience of our causes at home, and now your present eye-observance of their affairs there, I must rather refer you to what you can yourself better judge than seek to direct you by a wrong line ; having less cause than you have to see far into those matters. Yet I cannot leave this part of friendship undone, to impart to you what passes here, and to offer you my poor help in furtherance of all things that may tend to her Majesty's service and to your own commodity. In haste this Sunday night, 20 July. Add. Endd. by L. Tomson. 4 pp. [Holl. and Fl. VII. 73.]