563. DUKE CASIMIR to WALSINGHAM.
Some months ago I commended the promising youth Count
Jerome Schlick to her Majesty, the Earl of Leicester, and yourself
by letter, and have of late addressed you on the same behalf. He
has shown himself so kind and liberal in his innate regard for the
students of sacred literature as to give me great hopes that by the
munificence of the English Bishops Count Schlick's studies,
especially in theology, may be furthered by an annual pension.
Wherefore, knowing your power to do so, I beg you in my name so
to advance Count Schlick and his studies with the English bishops,
that he may feel my recommendation to have been of service to
him.—Dover, 17 Feb. 1579.
Add. Endd. Latin. ½ p. [Holl. and Fl. XI. 56.]
564. DUKE CASIMIR to WALSINGHAM.
Your affection to the common cause and particularly to myself is
not now for the first time known to me, which is the reason why I
have always made great account of your friendship. I will ask you
to continue your good affection toward me, and be sure that
wherever I can render service to her Majesty or kindness to
yourself, I will do it with all my heart. Wherewith I commend me
to your good graces, not forgetting Mr Wilson.—Dover, 17 Feb.
P.S.—(Autograph). Please let me have a copy of the statutes of
the order, by the first opportunity.
Add. Endd. Fr. 2/3 p. [German States, I. 72.]
565. DR. CHRISTOPHORUS EHEMIUS to [WALSINGHAM].
Having learnt two days ago that my master Duke Casimir had
crossed the sea to England, and not doubting but that her Serenity
would have related to his Highness [sic ; but the converse must be
meant] what I wrote to him when he was still in Flanders
concerning the stay of John Lesley, Bishop of Ross, a Scot, by the
Duke George John, Count Palatine, &c. adding a hope that I would
endeavour to get copies of those letters and instructions that the
Bishop had with him, some of which I and other trustworthy people
saw and read, and be able to send them to you, because I thought important
that you should know them, I performed my duty so far as
to send one of our Prince's councillors to Duke George John, to ask
for copies of the letters. The attempt however being in vain and
the messenger having been only allowed to inspect and read them,
I thought it would be agreeable to you and my prince if I were to
tell you also what I wrote to his Highness ; so that in the event of
his having left England again for Germany, the Queen might be
able to get the information from you.
The matter then stands thus. A fortnight before the arrival of
our messenger partly at the instance of the Emperor, partly because
Duke George John did not want to offend the Duke of Guise, with
whom he is on very friendly terms, the Bishop had been let go, and
had proceeded straight into France to the King ; not however
without exchanging a bond of which I send you a copy. Certified
copies were also retained of all letters found on him ; which were as
(1) Credentials from the Pope ; mostly what they call briefs, to
the Emperor, the Archbishops of Prague and Wratislaw, the Electors
of Mainz and Trier, the Duke of Bavaria, the Bishop of Würzburg,
the Empress Dowager, the Queen Mother of France, the King, his
brother Alençon, Guise, the Chancellor Birago, the Cardinal of
Bourbon, and Don John. Thence into Scotland, to twelve earls, to
the nobility, to the Queen your prisoner, and to the King. The pretext
contained in these letters was a commission to restore the
Scottish colleges in Germany, France, and England, and to that
end to implore the aid of the kings and princes.
(2) Letters commendatory to the Queen Mother of France and to
the King of Spain ; also the King's reply to the Bishop, testifying
his readiness to do all he could for the captive Queen of Scots. A
letter to the same effect from Don John to the Bishop was also
(2) Various consolatory letters from cardinals, bishops, &c. to
(4) A long list of barons, earls, nobles and learned men in
Scotland divided into classes or heads ; those who are unquestionable
and those who are doubtful Catholics ; also heretics, whether hopeless,
as they call them, or such as offer some hope of recantation ;
and lastly, those who are Atheists and addicted to no religion ; with
the names clearly written under each head.
(5) The characters in which the chief men in England sign their
(6) Various letters from noblemen in Scotland, complaining of the
state of that kingdom and professing their aspirations for liberty.
(7) Letters patent, as they are called, from the Emperor, commending
the Bishop to all the princes, and giving him safe conduct
(8) Lastly, letters containing advice as to a safe and speedy
method of freeing the Queen of Scots and bringing the King over
to her cause. Wherein the King is advised by the Pope not to be
in too great a hurry about marrying, for if he does, he will be a kind
This last letter our messenger says that the Duke would not let
him read, for various reasons ; but he saw and read all the others.
He says, however, that he feels certain if your Queen or our Duke
Casimir were there to see them, or asked for copies, they would get
Here you have the whole thing briefly. Your business will now
be to move the Queen either to send some person of her own to Duke
George John, or to give instructions to Duke Casimir, if he be still
with you, in order that you may get trustworthy copies.
You know all our public news. Jacobus Andreas and the
Ubiquitaries, who now occupy the Courts and the ears of the princes,
are labouring hard to overthrow the schools and churches in
Salute Sidney, Cobham, Killigrew, Rogers from me. If my
master has gone you may consign to the flames (Vulcano tradas) the
enclosed addressed to him.—Newstadt, 17 Feb. 1579.
Copy by L. Tomson, and endd. by him. Lat. 4 pp. [German
States, I. 73.]
566. THE QUEEN to the DUKE OF ANJOU.
If the urgent request of this bearer did not constrain me, I should
not have annoyed your eyes with another letter so soon after my
last, although my courage was doubled by the good acceptance
which the others had ; whereby you put me under obligation, as on
other occasions of more consequence. Of which your return to
France in consequence of your wish to come to me has not been
the least. It was not a thing I should have wished, fearing how it
might end ; but my desire would be quite other if I am to understand
by it that you have set aside most of the advice in order to
follow the desire which proceeds from yourself. I assure you I am
much displeased that that ungrateful multitude, a true mob, should
so misuse such a prince ; and I think that God, if not men, will be
revenged on them for it, and am glad that you have safely escaped
their iniquitous hands. Nor do I doubt that having passed Scylla
you will beware of entering Charybdis, as I beg M. Simier to set
out to you at more length, as also in respect of the advice which
you have asked of me ; protesting that though I recognise by lack
of wit to instruct you, you may accept it as from one who will
never have a thought not dedicated to your honour and will never
(nunques) betray you by her advice, but will give it as if my soul
depended thereon.—Westminster, 19 Feb. 1578.
Copy (or draft). Endd. : Copy of her Majesty's letter to Monsieur.
Fr. 2/3 p. [France III. 4.]
567. ROGERS to WALSINGHAM.
I wrote to you on the 15th from Canterbury touching certain
letters which the Duke understood that Mr Davison had sent to
you for him and which he desired should be sent back to him.
Since then the Duke came hither to Dover and so to Sandwich and
Margate, where yesterday he left the land and 'was aborded' in the
Queen's ship, the Foresight. To-day, however, because of a north-east
wind the ship was compelled to come about to Dover Road ;
wherefore I being returned near to Dover, the Duke thought good to
come 'a land' again, trusting to hear some news touching his
packets. But hearing nothing of them he requested that I would write
to you once again, and desire you, if the letters were come into your
hands, to send them to his host Spritwell, who has orders to direct
them further. He desired me further but yesterday to cross the
sea with him to Zealand, where he affirms that Junius and his other
councillors are to meet him. Minding to decide there what he
intends to do in the Low Countries, he would gladly communicate
it to me, that her Majesty may be advertised of his plans. For
this cause I am minded to go over with him, and desire you to
excuse me to her Majesty ; as I desired both my lord Deputy and
Mr Brockenbury to declare to you.—Dover, 20 Feb. 1578.
Add. Endd. 1½ pp. [Holl. and Fl. XI. 57.]
568. DOCUMENTS upon the AFFAIRS of HAINAULT and ARTOIS.
(1) Count Lalaing to the States-General.
Being advertised through divers true channels that the Duke of
Guise is amassing a large force in France in order to fall on these
countries from that side while the Prince of Parma with his forces
maintains himself on the other, I thought it my duty to let you know
it in order that you might betimes take fitting steps to meet it.
Some spread a report that the Duke of Guise is levying these people
to avenge the ill-treatment received by the Duke of Anjou at your
hands when he was here ; but I think it is for the goodwill he has
long borne to the Spaniard.—Mons. 20 Feb. 1579.
(2) Copy of the protest signed by the Viscount of Ghent and
M. de Capres at Bethune, and M. de Montigny's promise to
sign the same as required by them.
We protest that we stand by the pacification of Ghent and the
general union, and have no wish to infringe them ; to which effect
if the king is willing to let us remain in that pacification and union,
with the Perpetual Edict, offering us to that end a good peace with
sufficient security and as a preliminary the prompt departure
from these countries of the Spaniards, Italians, Albanese, Burgundians
and all other soldiers not acceptable to the provinces comprised
in this treaty, we promise on our faith and honour to serve
his Majesty faithfully against all men : Provided that if any city or
province is unwilling to accept these offers, which shall be laid
before the generality, we shall not have to embrace them ; deeming
that in that case we are not separating from them, but they are
renouncing us, directly contrary to their oath, seeing that our
union was formed to no other end. And if the King will not
condescend to the above-named points, we bind ourselves to continue
the war jointly with the other provinces against the Spaniards and
all their factors and adherents, and to seek the most prompt and
secure alliance that we can, contributing thereto to the utmost of
our power, employing our lives and goods, and promising to enter
into no private treaty with the King.—Bethune, 3 Feb. 1579.
(Signed) Robert de Melun and Oudart de Bournonville.
(3) What M. de Montigny promised M. de Hèze in the presence
of M. de Willerval and d 'Alennes, this 12th of February in
the town of Lille ; the said Montigny going to Cauchy to
fulfil his promises.
M. de Montigny will not sign the protest till he has the signed
pledge of the Viscount and M. de Capres that within 6 days they
will let him have it, signed by M. de la Motte in order to bind him
to the execution of it ; and that if he will not sign it, they will
declare him their enemy, promising to deal no more with him,
directly or indirectly.
Copies. Endd. by L. Tomson. Fr. 1¾ pp. [Holl. and Fl.
569. WALSINGHAM to DAVISON.
I suppose you have been ere this made acquainted with the great
entertainment Duke Casimir has received here, not only at her
Majesty's hands, by defrayment of all his charges and conferment
of the Garter, and other extraordinary courtesies, but also at my
lord of Leicester's and other lords', and of the City of London with
great feasting and banqueting and a present of 500 marks, and
generally of all, gentlemen and others, that carry any affection to
the Gospel and were present when he was here ; so I think it is
needless to make any large discourse to you here.
After his departure hence and arrival at Rochester, he received a
packet whereby he was given to understand that certain letters
had been delivered for him to you by Junius, to be sent over here,
and therefore caused as much to be signified to me by Mr Rogers ;
desiring that if they were come to my hands, I would have
them sent to him. Now, you know, I have received none, or at least
they have not come to my hands. If they are still with you, I doubt
not but you will deliver them in time ; if they come hither, I will
see they are sent over by the next.
I could not hear that at any time during his stay here he gave
forth any speeches of you to any one but very good, without
any token of any kind of discontent conceived against you,
either in word or show. Mr Beutrich, with much difficulty
a little before the Duke's departure, was admitted to kiss her
Majesty's hand, which courtesy was the rather done him for that he
is, as you know, of free and plain speech where he is discontented.
Her Majesty marvels greatly that you do not send over the bonds ;
they have long been looked for, and if you do well, you should not
make any further delay therein. She also desires to understand
what order the States mean to take for the contentment of
Pallavicino and Spinola, whether to pay them at this day or to take
some longer time with them ; for if they think to cast the burden
on her, besides that they will deceive themselves, they will procure
greater dissatisfaction than they would wish her Majesty to conceive
Monsieur, as we advertised, crossed the Seine on the 8th inst.,
and is gone to Angers. For the rest that have of late come to our
knowledge from those quarters, I send you the occurrents herewith.
—Whitehall, 20 Feb. 1578.
P.S.—(Autograph). This morning the Lord Keeper departed
Written all except P.S. by L. Tomson. Add. Endd. 1 p. [Holl.
and Fl. XI. 59.]
570. RANDOLPH to DAVISON.
I think myself many ways 'beholding' to you, and wish to
requite your kindness any way that I can.
For my kinsman Fordar that is prisoner with the Spaniards, I
have conferred with his master Lord Howard, who is 'mindful and
careful over him' and intends as he says, to provide for him shortly.
I have also spoken to his father-in-law and mean to give somewhat
myself toward his relief. But how soon it will be got where so
many must be contribution, I know not. Pray let me hear again
which is the best way for us to deal for him ; so shall he and his
be much beholding to you.
Your good friend L. is gone to God.
The expectation of Monsieur's coming is very great, and many
doubt of the sequel thereof. It is well followed here by those that
may do much. God send the doings well to prosper where you
are.—London, 21 Feb. 1578.
Add. 1 p. [Ibid. XI. 60.]
571. DAVISON to WALSINGHAM.
The matter which you commended to me in your last touching
the States treating with Spinola and Cataneo for a prolongation of
their terms, I had long before remembered ; but to this hour I do
no good therein. Spinola seems content for his part to prolong his
term, but he flatly refuses to have anything to do with the States
in that behalf or with any other than her Majesty, whose bonds he
has for it and with whom he offers to take such reasonable terms
as she shall think good. Cataneo likewise remits the matter wholly
to Pallavicino in England and will not be brought to treat with the
States in one sort or another for a prolongation ; so that I see
these men are bent to seek no further than her Majesty for their
contentment. I hear that the States also mean to be suitors to her
to supply that lack for them in regard of their present necessity,
and to that end will send over some one very shortly. I hear from
some of the Council that Buischot is named for the journey ; the
rather in regard to other wishes which they mean to commend to
his solicitation. For this matter of Spinola and Pallavicino, if the
pledge remaining in my hands were in England, the difficulty were
the less for her Majesty to take some order with them ; and without
that caution I would not persuade her to hasten that payment,
much less to disburse any new sums till I see better likelihood of
her being indemnified. Only the £400 left out of the particular
bonds by the error of the writer, and for which I am bound, being
part of Spinola's £12,000 and odd. I trust you will take order for
my discharge. This is as much as I can at present say in answer
to your letter.
There has been no little exclamation by the merchants of this
town against the patent and proceedings of one Typper of London ;
whose case I do not well understand. His Highness last Thursday
sent Councillor Liesvelt and Buischot to me, to acquaint me with a
new supplication exhibited to him in that behalf and to show me
what they had to allege against it by the intercourse by which they
pretend to be utterly exempted from any such innovation, and consequently
wronged greatly by it. My answer was that I was not
well acquainted with the case and therefore could say little. I
doubted not that her Majesty, being as well advised as she was,
would have passed no such grant but on good grounds. If they had
anything to allege against it, they should address their complaints
to her Majesty, in whom it was to give the remedy. In short, I
washed my hands of it, under colour that I could with no reason
speak in this or any like case of theirs, finding so little justice as I
did daily in behalf of her Majesty's subjects trading among them.
But I learn that there is a purpose notwithstanding to send over
Buischot or some other to follow this case, finding me indisposed to
meddle with it, and also to complain of sundry piracies which they
allege to have been committed upon them by our nation and to seek
redress for the arrests newly made in England by private
individuals under colour of certain bills of the States. This last
point I assure you is like to breed a foul matter if it be not well
looked to. Surely, sir, to speak in conscience, those individuals may
have some reason for seeking to come by their own this way,
finding little comfort here ; but yet it were hard for their
private respects to draw on a public inconvenience, the rather
seeing the state of things here such that the remedy is at present
desperate and impossible. But of all these things this bearer can
inform you, together with such news as the time affords.—Antwerp,
21 Feb. 1578.
P.S.—I find myself half-maimed for lack of a perfect book of the
Intercourse and other treaties between our country and this, the
occasions to use it occurring daily. At your departure you
promised to procure me one. Please vouchsafe me so much favour,
and whatever the charge of writing be, I will give order to some of
men to have it 'answered' there.
I cannot yet hear with certainty what is become of Walter
Williams. His guide is released and has got to Collen, but he himself
was not heard of when this news was brought in. There was
some report that he was back at Nuys [Neuss]. If this were so, I
imagine I should have heard from him that I sent, or from himself.
I understand from this bearer that Tipper's matter in some way
concerns Mr Vicechamberlain, which has made me the more
'strange' to meddle with it ; supposing the case, if he have any
interest in it, to be far other than they give it out for.
Duke Casimir is landed at Flushing.
Draft. Endd. 3 pp. [Holl. and Fl. XI. 61.]
572. Another draft of the first paragraph of the above. Endd.
1 p. [Ibid. XI. 61a.]
573. DAVISON to WALSINGHAM.
Within two hours after the dispatch of Mr Pyne, by whom I wrote
yesterday, I received the enclosed from Walter Williams, by which
you may see that he has made a fair escape and is gone forward on
his journey. The letter was brought by his guide, who returned
yesterday with the loss of both his horses, and whatever else he had
worth taking, as he says. The 'conscierge' of this house tells me
that he stands bound for the horse Walter Williams had, wherein I
have undertaken his discharge.
I have nothing new to write since yesterday save that the enemy
having recovered the castle of Werdt and put the defenders to the
sword, having yielded to his mercy, has since come to Boxtel, and
has now dislodged our reiters and foot from Turnhout and the
villages thereabouts and sent them to the gates of this town. He is
estimated to be 12 or 13,000 strong.
Our great ambassador has done nothing yet. His excuse is that
the Prince of Parma delays his audience till he has come to a settled
place. By this you may guess the success of that traffic.
The case of the Walloons in Flanders grows to as ill terms as
ever it was [sic]. The delay to give them satisfaction according to
the contract in the pretext. The action of the peasants is
like to cause another Bellum Rusticum ; as they have slain
many soldiers, so within these two days certain companies of
French and others have made a slaughter of them at Temswick,
a village upon the river 3 or 4 leagues hence. I wot not what
form of mischief may grow in a state so troubled within
and without, that these beginnings are not like to bring forth
without the grace of God. The enemy is ranging at liberty about
the country and the approach of the States' forces about this town
has brought things to that dearth that we pay already £4 for a
sheep and for other provisions at the same rate. What this is like
to grow to, and how I shall thereby thrive, you may judge.
I complain not much, though I think no man employed in her
Majesty's time has had greater cause. If it be not some way
considered I must think my hap very hard.
The treaty at Collen, and sending of deputies, find many
difficulties. The assembling of the States-General is like to hold
for next month. M. des Pruneaux hopes that in it his master will
obtain the Garland, notwithstanding all the past difficulties. All
other doings here remain in their old terms of confusion.—
Antwerp, 22 Feb.
P.S.—Duke Casimir is safely arrived at Flushing.
Add. Endd. by L. Tomson. 1½ pp. [Holl. and Fl. XI. 62.]
574. Enclosed in above. WALTER WILLIAMS to DAVISON.
This day I mind to set forward : God grant me a prosperous
journey. There is no travelling by water, and very dangerous by
land ; the frost is so great and the ways so narrow and 'slaprye'
that horses are not able to stand. I shall make a long journey of it
yet ; I trust the 'success' will fall out better than the beginning.
I have got credit here for £20 ; I pray God I may be able to maintain
my credit by keeping payment. I thank God that He has delivered
me out of their hands, and humbly beseech Him to keep me from
them ; for they are maliciously set against her Majesty, and would
no doubt if their abilities stretched to it work what mischief they
might.—Cologne, 10 Feb. 1579.
Add. ½ p. [Ibid. XI. 62a.]
575. Draft of Davison's letter. Endd. 1 p. [Ibid. XI. 62b.]
576. ROSSEL to WALSINGHAM.
In my January letters I set before you the state of things here,
on which subject I have since had no news from you. It is true that
since that time I have been seeing the French off. I thought to
have passed them into France, having got them across the river ;
but owing to the enemy's advance into this country they have had
fresh orders to reassemble and join our reiters. The enemy has
advanced to Turnhout and driven back our reiters quartered there.
We hope with the help of God to stop them, and when all our forces
are assembled to fight them with success. Meantime the summons
to the Estates for a general meeting on Mar. 16 still holds ; which
M. d'Alençon solicits through his ambassadors.
The Estates of Artois are assembled at Arras, where they have
received several letters, honeyed and congratulatory, from the King
of Spain, to draw them to disunion. I do not know if they will
be so imprudent, seeing that those of Hainault have returned to
the union, who yet were the most disaffected.
Talk always goes on about the peace, and the Duke of Aerschotis
to go to Cologne to attend to it, where the electors will meet. I would
have sent you sundry documents of the negotiations since my
departure if I had had time. I shall be able to see to this when I
have heard from you of the receipt of my former letters. This is
only to inform you of my return.—Antwerp, 22 Feb. 1579.
Add. Endd. Fr. 1 p. [Hol. and Fl. XI. 63.]
577. Two Letters from the KING of DENMARK to the QUEEN.
We have received a complaint from John Elmenhorst and Hermann
Oldenseller, dwelling at Lubeck, to the effect that having set
out in a ship to trade towards Iceland, on reaching the seas of our
kingdom of Norway, they were attacked by two pirates, generally
believed to be English ; who having forcibly boarded them and
taken out their goods, carried off the plunder to England and
divided it at London. Of these pirates they say that one was
Thomas Clerk, a subject of yours in London, and his steersman,
'Reff' Gooding. The other skipper was Anthony Niport, living at
; but both vessels were fitted out they say and commissioned
for piracy by a minister of your Court, named Seckforth
[i.e. Seckford]. His influence there is said to be so great, that though
they sent persons to set forth their case and have it lawfully tried,
all access was by his fault barred to them and they were compelled
to depart with nothing effected. Therefore, the injury having been
done to them in our waters, they urgently implore our help to
prevail on you to have the goods taken from them at once restored,
or full compensation made them on a fair estimate, with costs and
But seeing that these atrocious crimes are perpetrated by your
subjects in our waters and elsewhere more frequently than is compatible
with our friendship and the alliance between our kingdom,
not on strangers only but also on our subjects, we cannot fail to be
greatly annoyed thereat. We are quite sure that this violence is committed
without your knowledge outside your territories, and further
that when you know of it you will proceed against the culprits in
a manner worthy of yourself ; and therefore in the present case
as formerly in others of the same kind we call upon you in all love
to interpose on behalf of these persons who have been injured in
our waters, that they may obtain what they seek, as is only fair,
without a lengthy process of law. Then upon mature consideration
a way may be found to remedy by just means the passion of your
people for piracy, that it be no longer able to harm our subjects or
foreigners in our waters or elsewhere. This will be of the greatest
importance for the maintenance of our alliance.—From our palace
at Coldingen, 5 Feb. 1579.
THE KING OF DENMARK to the QUEEN.
From a petition presented by two of our subjects, John of Cleve
and Bernard Russe, we learn that a suit of theirs against the same
pirates has been combined with the case of John Elmenhorst and
Hermann Oldenseller, about which we lately wrote. We therefore
have thought it right to repeat the statement made in that letter,
hoping that you will take up the matter seriously, so that those
pirates and their owner (institor) may not go unpunished.—
Coldingen, 22 Feb. 1579.
Copies. Endd. by L. Tomson : Copies of two letters of the
King of Denmark to her Majesty in complaint of Mr Seckford.
Lat. 1½ and 1¼ [Denmark I. 6.]
578. Statement by Baltasar de Arechaya, notary public in the
town of Bilbao to the effect that Juan de Corcuera, alcalde of that town
having, on Dec. 19, 1578, arrested at Orduña Richard Grafton an
Englishman on the charge of being a spy for the Queen of England,
and imprisoned him at Bilbao, on Jan. 9 following, and the matter
having on appeal been brought before Antonio Garcia de Montalvo,
corregidor and chief justice for the lordship of Biscay, and the said
Richard having made certain statements and cleared himself, the
said corregidor, having seen the whole case and the documents, on
Feb. 9 pronounced sentence acquitting him and setting him at
liberty. The said Richard from the time of his arrest until sentence
was given, was kept in confinement either at Orduña or at Bilbao,
and not allowed to leave the province ; the total time of his detention
being 53 days.—Bilbao, 22 Feb. 1579. (Signed) Baltazar de
Arrechaya ; attested by Gaspar de Villela and San Juan de
Mugaguien(?), notaries public.
Endd. by L. Tomson : A note touching the imprisonment of one
Richard Grafton in Bilbao, and his enlargement.
Spanish. 2½ pp. [Spain I. 19.]
579. POULET to WALSINGHAM.
It is advertised from Nérac, where Queen Mother began to treat
with the King of Navarre on the 7th inst. that the deputies of
Languedoc require free exercise of religion through the whole realm ;
the King of Navarre and Prince of Conde to enjoy their Governments,
with all the privileges belonging thereto ; the King to take
upon him to discharge all debts due by those of the religion to
strangers, and to leave all towns, except on the frontiers, to the
guard of their natural inhabitants (and then no cause to require
restitution of towns in Languedoc or elsewhere) ; Damville to be
removed from his government ; some things in favour of Thoré ;
and other proposals of dangerous consequence.'
Queen Mother answered that this conference was appointed only
to provide for the due observation of the last edict, and that nothing
was less intended than to enter into new demands. But this would
not suffice to remove the deputies of Languedoc from their first
opinion ; and now some of good judgement fear that the fiery spirits
of that province will set the whole realm on fire.
Queen Mother is gone to Port Sainte-Marie very much discontented,
and the King of Navarre is gone after her to appease her.
This young prince is said to manage his matters with such dexterity
that Queen Mother and all her old and grave Counsellors are 'at the
end of their latin,' and find him to be furthest' out of their danger'
when they think he is already in the snare. The conference may be
renewed again, but there is no hope that any good will ensue.
Châtillon has done his best to rescue the castle of Beaucaire, and
failing of his purpose was on his return 'denied to enter' a little
town called Besouze [Besouce], which he took by force, not without
the slaughter of more than a hundred of the inhabitants. He
marched with three or four pieces of great ordnance, and had also
taken another little town, which Damville has since recovered ; so
there is open war in Languedoc between Damville and Châtillon.
Beaucaire has surrendered, but upon what conditions I do not yet
know. It is said that the King has sent his pardon to the captain
and soldiers, but Damville seeing them disappointed of their relief
and forced by necessity to yield at mercy, refused to admit the
King's pardon, intending to punish their infidelity towards him with
great extremity. These proceedings in Languedoc put me in mind
of a 'trifling toy' which was reported to me long ago, and then
seemed to be of no great importance, but now falls out by the sequel
to be worthy of observation. At the last meeting between the King
of Navarre and Châtillon, the King exhorted him to attempt nothing
rashly, to take the counsel of his confederates in other provinces in
all things, and to preserve peace by all possible means. After long
communication and many reiterations, he could draw nothing from
him but this : 'Je ne feray rien que bien à point.' At that time it
was doubted, and now it is believed by many, that Châtillon has
intelligence with strangers. Immediately upon the arrival of this
news Villeroy went to the King, who is at Dolinville.
By the answer enclosed, made by the King to the deputies of
Normandy, it seems that the wound is more covered than healed,
and likely to break out with more danger than at first. The
deputies of Burgundy have received like answer ; those of Britanny
being not yet dispatched, but 'do not like' to be better treated.
The Estates of those provinces are commanded by the King to
assemble on the 15th prox. when he promises to send some
personages of honour with further instructions, to their satisfaction,
and it is said that Montmorency will play this part in Normandy.
It seems to tend to no other end than by practices to sow division
among the complainants ; and if the storm cannot be altogether
avoided, to appease it by 'partialities.' But the truth is that there
is close intelligence between those provinces, 'being no less
united in their affections, than in their demands, with full resolution
to run one fortune in these proceedings.' Montmorency has 'sailed
so long between two streams' that he is feared on one side as a most
dangerous instrument, and perhaps little trusted on the other. The
Protestants of these and all the other provinces have a very ill opinion
of this man. It is affirmed that the Dukes of Guise and Maine have
no part in these popular emotions, and that the Provinces place no
credit in them, especially their own Governments. It is certain
that the Duke of Guise is shortly coming to Court, and some say
that he is the more easy to be intreated because he is not best
assured of Monsieur. Some think that the principal mediators of
his return seek nothing more than to set him so loosely between
two stools that he may fall to the ground. The Duke of Maine is
likewise intreated, but he conies not ; which is thought to be done
of policy for the better security of his brother. Those of best credit
in Normandy resort daily to Monsieur, and the King is informed
that they desire his protection. It is thought that the King will be
forced to call a Parliament, unless he chooses rather to cast himself
and his state headlong into most dangerous troubles.
The Bishop of Ross sent one of his servants to me on the 17th to
say that he was desirous to visit me in my lodging, praying me to
appoint a time. I asked the messenger of what country his master
was, and he answered that he was of Scotland. I asked
when be came to this town ; he said that he arrived 9 days
ago or thereabouts, but had not audience of the King till
the 15th, which was the reason why he did not send 'rather'
to me. I asked when his master left Scotland. He said he had
not been there these nine or ten years. I concluded that I thanked
his master for his 'gentle proffer,' but considering that he had been
so long out of his native country, and being ignorant upon what
terms he stood with those of that nation, I prayed him to forbear
coming to me. This bishop knows he is no stranger to me, and that
I was not unacquainted with his being in this town ; but I thought
good to take this occasion to refuse his acquaintance.
Marchemont, agent here for Monsieur, departed hence towards
Alençon, where Monsieur is now abiding, thirteen days ago, and
took leave of me, promising to come to me immediately on his
return. But having arrived here more than eight days past I hear
nothing of him ; though meeting one of my servants immediately
on his return, he promised to see me at once.
I have sent this to an English merchant at Rouen to be sent to
you by the next that passes from Dieppe, because I would not send
a messenger on purpose.—Paris, 23 Feb. 1578.
Add. Endd. 3 pp. [France III. 10.]
580. VARIOUS LETTERS on the AFFAIRS OF ARTOIS.
(1) The Marquis of Havrech to the Archduke.
Since my last, no change has taken place in our negotiations.
We are in the same position, the Estates consulting without
deciding, M. de Selles with his fautors practising, by all possible
devices, to achieve their pernicious designs, and we on the other
side availing ourselves of all our forces to countermine them ;
having given the matter so good a start by our persuasions, to the
confusion of the others, that we hope shortly to reap the desired
fruit of it, to the satisfaction of your Highness and the generality,
and to advertise you in due course of the decision.—Arras, 23 Feb.
P.S.—MM. de Montigny and d'Alennes having arrived here have
been of great profit, and have tripped up (donné le croc en jambé à)
the perverse and ill-intentioned.
(2) Count Lalaing to the Deputies of the Estates
Those of Bouchain having just informed me by letter that M. de
Moncheau, formerly their governor, died this day, asking me to
arrange for them to be supplied with a native of the country
and that he must be a good Catholic or they will not
receive him, I have thought it my duty to let you know,
praying you at the same time, if I have any deserts,
towards my country, to confer the post on me ; the place being so
near my house that apart from the good to the country in general
it will be a great private convenience to me. I hope that the wrong
will not be done me of refusing this, seeing that the same post, and
at a more important place, has been granted to the Viscount of
Ghent. Otherwise, if so reasonable a thing is refused me, I shall
judge that no one has any sort of desire to make use of me, and
that the notable services which I have done for the country are to
be placed under foot. I hope, gentlemen, that you will show me
the contrary by granting my request, or at least appointing my
brother Montigny.—Mons, 20 Feb. 1579.
(3) The Same tolihe Same.
Another copy of the letter given above, No. (1).
(4) The Abbot of St. Bernard, the Marquis of Havrech,
and Adolf de Meetkerke to the States-General.
In our former letters from Mons we advertised you of the good
resolution taken by the Estates of Hainault together with the good
offices done by the deputies of Lille sent to that effect. On our way
through Valenciennes and Douay we made similar representations
to the magistrates in those places. Those of Valenciennes
replied that it might be held for well-assured that they would never
disjoin themselves from the generality ; those of Douay, that they
would come to Arras and there advise and resolve as should be fitting.
We reached Arras on the 15th ; and after MM. de Selles and
Valhuon [i.e. Vasseur], deputies of the Prince of Parma, had, on the
16th, in virtue of their credentials, laid their instructions before the
Estates of Artois, in the presence of the deputies of Hainault and
Douay, with the object, as we perceive, of inducing them to enter
into a separate treaty with the King of Spain, we, on the following
day, had a long audience. We found many persons disaffected and
malcontent, as indeed they plainly show ; the Visdount of Ghent
and M. de Capres not disguising that they were lately in communication
at Quinchy with MM. de la Motte, de Mauny and others,
and maintaining that it was lawful for them to do so because la
Motte had not yet been declared an enemy by his Highness and the
States. We hope, however, that the decision of those of Hainault
will cause those of Artois not to separate. We have done and will
do our best to this end. The deputies of Lille were also present at
M. de Selles' proposals. There should be no doubt of their fidelity
and that of the commons of this town. Before our arrival, deputies
from Bourbourg came to this town. They tell us that they
were much solicited by la Motte, both by word and in
writing, to declare openly if they would accept the good offers
made by him in the King's name. On their reply that they desired
nothing but the exercise of the Koman Catholic religion alone, the
observance of the pacification of Ghent, and obedience to his Majesty,
la Motte, not content with this, pressed them hard to join him
wholly ; otherwise he would hold them for enemies, and plunder all
their villages, which he had hitherto guarded as his own eye. This
put the people of Bourbourg in such perplexity, that at their
entreaty la Motte granted them some days to consider the matter
and give him an answer ; in such wise that with his consent they
came hither to hear what decision was come to, being assured that
at their return he will want a definite answer, and as they will not
be able to satisfy him, they fear that he will declare them enemies,
destroy their Chastelleny and try to take their very town. Their
soldiers, for lack of pay, are deserting every day to Gravelines,
revealing the secrets of the town to him, and entering his service ;
and they fear that in the end these men will force Captain Salet the
governor to surrender the town. We thought good to advise you of
this, that you may by letter exhort Salet and those of Bourbourg
not to desert the general cause or be taken in by la Motte ; furnishing
good payment to the companies in garrison there, so that the
men may be able to live in the town, which is poor, and not be
forced through want to abandon so important a place. Those of
Flanders who are principally touched by this matter, should take
it to heart, and take all due order on their side ; and that soon,
quia periculum est in mora, as they of Bourbourg declare.—Arras,
20 Feb. 1579.
(5) The King to the Burgomasters, Aldermen and Commonalty
We have heard gladly of the services done by you for the good of
Christendom in general and of our county of Artois in particular, in
driving out all heretics and seditious persons. Wherefore we would
have you to understand that the cause which has moved us to take
up arms is solely to arrive at this result, to maintain inviolably the
Catholic religion, and seeing you oppressed by the forces of the
Prince of Orange, to aid you in shaking this yoke off your shoulders
and preserving alike your estate and our sovereignty. And since
you are well-affected to your own profit and wish for your
deliverance, you will find us ready to help you with such means as
God has given us in this world. And to root all distrust out of
your minds we are willing that you be exempt from all
garrisons of Spaniards or other foreigners ; assuring you on
the word of a King that as soon as with the forces of the country
you are able to guarantee yourselves against invasion by the
the Prince of Orange and his adherents, we will at once cause
all foreigners to withdraw, for we desire nothing but the sole
exercise of the Roman Catholic religion and fulfilment of
our obedience as rendered to the Emperor my father, and that you
should recognise your own good, and with what affection we proceed.
We know well that there are persons in the other provinces
who seek the means to injure us, and that the French aim only at
keeping you in bondage to themselves and diminish our sovereignty ;
but however obstinately any one may desire to ruin himself,
we protest from henceforth that if any endure any loss or
damage, the fault will be in them only and not in us, who are
making war perforce, and that this quarrel is not of our wishing.
And inasmuch as you have begun well, and our desire is only to
see you restored to tranquillity in perpetuity we pray you to continue
on our side, which you have embraced as the best and most
profitable (remembering at the same time that you have often let
slip opportunities, which do not return to the hand every time they
are wished for), herein condescending to accept that which we have
offered you, as many good personages among you know, who can
testify to the love we bear you ; as the effects will show, if you have
courage to look closely into our [qy. your] affairs, agreeably to that
which M. de la Motte has explained to you.—Madrid, 3 Jan. 1579.
(Signed) Philip ; and below, A. Dentiers (sic).
(6) Valentin Pardieu de la Motte to the Captains, Bailiff,
Sheriff (viconte), Harbourmaster, Aldermen, and Cuerheers of
the town of Bourbourg.
Pursuant to the contents of your letter, I am sending by M. de
Corteville that written to you by his Majesty hoping that by its kindness
it will give you much satisfaction. This I know by what he has
written to me, charging me to tell you by word of mouth things
greatly, in my opinion, to your honour and profit. If you think
good, I will go to Bourbourg on any date you may name ; otherwise
you may send to me.—Watthen, 8 Feb. 1579.
P.S.—I shall be to-day at Gravelines on business, when you may
let me know your intentions.
(7) The Same to the Same.
Your deputies, notwithstanding their credentials, have requested
meto put in writing what I wish to say on the part of his Majesty ;
which is, that he offers these means for the maintenance of the
Catholic faith and his obedience, against those who would overthrow
the same. Further I have told them that it is right and proper that
I should promptly know if for these reasons you wish to attack or
favour the claim in question, so that I make take such order in
regard to you as is fitting.—Gravelines, 7 [sic ; but qu. 12] Feb. 1579.
Copies. Endd. : Lettres sur le fait d'Artois, par plusieurs
particuliers pour copies. Fr. 6¼ pp. [Holl. and Fl. XI. 64.]
581. FURTHER LETTERS on the AFFAIRS OF ARTOIS.
(1) The States of Artois and the Deputies of Hainault and
Douay to the States-General.
We have heard what the Prelate of St. Bernard, the Marquis of
Havrech, and Councillor Meetkerke have held forth to us on his
Highness's account and your lordships', in pursuance of their
credentials. Whereupon we thought at the first glance, and upon
good reasoning, that such an exhortation to remain in the union
and concord did not really apply to us, who have always borne
ourselves faultlessly on that footing, without ever doing anything
contrary to it or to the pacification of Ghent ; but that it might
fittingly be addressed to those who have in so many ways
transgressed and violated it. The which, in accordance with our
duty, and for our discharge, we have thought good to set before you,
and at the same time also that we have never received any
satisfaction of the wish expressed in our letter of the 5th ult.—to wit,
that things should everywhere be restored to and maintained on the
footing of the Ghent pacification and the Union following thereafter ;
and that you would plainly declare to us your intention thereupon
by the end of the month ; which has been long awaited and
is being so at this moment. What is more, there is very
far from any evidence given of any kind of wish to make
any provision for establishing the same ; on the contrary,
owing to various transactions, new leagues and confederations
brought about without let or hindrance, by those of the
new religion, as they call it, there is no appearance of much to
hope for. Whereby you may mark what ground or reason there is
to expect of us that we should abide with those who call themselves
the generality ; and further that in the event of our having any
agreement or connivance, or even favourable communication with
those who break out into such excesses contrary to loyalty and
their oath, we can in no way escape the wrath of God, the offence
of the King and great shame to our honour. We follow what is
contained in the Union and agreement, which all well-born and
well-disposed hearts are bound to uphold, and rather die the death
than permit anything to their prejudice. We would further declare
in all loyalty that we desire above all things a general peace and
reconciliation, well noting how much better and worthier that were
than a separate one ; and we are therefore well resolved ....
and no less that it be on the footing of the Ghent pacification, the
subsequent Union, and the perpetual Edict, without admitting into
it anything contrary thereto ; principally and especially as regards
our holy faith and the Catholic religion. We wish also to impress
upon you the uprightness of our proceeding in our present treaty
for reconciliation with his Majesty ; and that such conditions and
assurances should be given us as we could reasonably desire.
We have received letters from his Majesty, of which a copy is
appended, promising to approve and ratify all that the Bishop of
Arras, M. de Valhuon, and their co-deputies shall negotiate and
agree upon with us ; who have declared to us that his Majesty is
minded to ratify and hold valid the pacification, the Union, and the
perpetual Edict, as you may see by the extract enclosed. We have
not however as yet been willing to enter into this, having good hope
of speedily arriving at a general reconciliation on the above footing,
as we have represented at large to the Prince of Parma ; humbly
begging his Excellency to accept with a good heart the aforesaid
general reconciliation, as best for the service of God and the king,
and for the welfare and tranquillity of all his countries. We hope
that he will agree to this ; and steadfastly beseech you not to reject
or put off the good opportunity that is offered, to the more seeing
that at another time necessity may compel us to go further.
We [ask you] to let us clearly know by the 15th March next your
intention in regard to the restoration of affairs, as called for in ours
of Jan. 5 ; and to impart to us the articles of peace given to the
Emperor's ambassador, as well as the contents of your Latin letter
to his Majesty of Jan. 25 beginning—Cum hactenus ; that we may
advise upon all things and take such steps as may be fitting. And
you must not be surprised that we request such speed, and hold
your silence for refusal ; looking to the position to which affairs
have been brought on one side and on the other, and that we are
asking for nothing which cannot worthily and immediately be complied
with.—From the Abbey of St. Vast at Arras, 23 Feb. 1579.
By order of the States of the County of Artois, and the deputies of
Hainault and the town of Douay. (Signed)Marchandt.
(2) The King to the States of Artois.
We have recently understood the good resolution which you have
taken in respect of the maintenance of our holy Catholic Romish
religion and the obedience due to us. We have received great joy
therefrom, and cannot praise you sufficiently, nor omit to write to
you ; declaring our great thankfulness for the same, charging you to
continue the like, as faithful vassals and subjects are in duty bound
to do. And for the great desire we have to see you in peace and
tranquillity, we promise to ratify all that the Bishop of Arras,
M. de Yalhuon, and their consorts shall agree upon with you in
virtue of their commission received from our beloved nephew the
Prince of Parma, lieutenant-governor and captain-general of our
Netherlands . . . . February 1579.
(3) Declaration, dated 23 Feb., by the Bishop of Arras, M. de
Selles, and M. de Valhuon of the King's intention to allow the Ghent
pacification, the Union, and the perpetual Edict to have their full
effect, in general and in particular.—Abbey of St. Vast, before the
States of Artois, and deputies of Hainault, Lille, Douay, Orchies.
Copy. Flemish. 6 pp. (a little damaged). [Holl. and Fl. XL. 65.]
582. Form of obligation on the part of the Archduke and
States-General to colonels of reiters, for payment in three yearly
instalments of 568,080 fl. salary due to them. (Signed) Matthias ;
Copy. Fr. 4½ pp. [Ibid. XL. 65 bis.]
583. The GHENT PRISONERS to DAVISON.
The Queen's.letter having had such efficacy with those of Ghent,
that, owing to it and to your diligence, we have left that place—as
all reverence is deservedly due to her Majesty not from this town
only but from all others, all provinces and people in the Low
Countries for the favour so magnanimously shown to them in their
need—we beseech you, with the humanity you have shown towards
us, to be urgent with his Highness, the Prince of Orange, the Council,
and the Estates, to the end that what has been begun may have
such issue as can fairly be hoped and expected from her favours ;
which would remain fruitless, not to say illusory, if after getting
away from Ghent, wherein the chief difficulty seemed to consist, we
remain here, stuck in the mud (enrachés) as it were afresh, in a
town wholly outside the jurisdiction of Ghent, and where the
garrison is entirely dependent on the Prince of Orange, and the
commands of his Highness and the Estates can take effect. All
these ought, for the reasons given above, to defer to her Majesty's
requests, especially in a manner so reasonable as her claim that
we should be set free or take our trial. This we beseech you to
take to heart, and to put the coping-stone on our obligations
towards you ; herein desiring the maintenance of her Majesty's
reputation even more than our own rights and liberties.—
Dendermonde, 28 Feb. 1579. (Signed) Les détenus en Tenremonde.
Apparently written with the left hand. Add. Fr. 1¼ pp.
[Holl. and Fl. XL. 66.]
584. WALSINGHAM to DAVISON.
I was glad to understand from your last letter the escape of
Walter Williams, both for his own sake, as I make good accounts
of him, and in respect of her Majesty's service.
I am sorry the state of things there grows to so hard terms.
For my own part I see not how it can be redressed unless God
work some miracle.
Touching your forbearing to send over the bonds on account of
the danger mentioned in your letter, I very well 'allow thereof' ;
referring it to your discretion to send them when you can do it
most safely, for they are not to be hazarded with danger of
The dearth of things there that you write of may perhaps move
her Majesty to 'revoke' you ; and indeed I see little cause why
you should stay there longer, especially as we have here no disposition
to deal any further in those countries' causes, in respect of the
low ebb we see them fallen into, of which we have as little regard
as if we were not all interested in their fortunes.
If her Majesty 'revoke' you the pawned jewels must be had over,
which she cannot well do without payment of the money 'answerable
by the bonds ; but that I see her no way disposed to perform, so
that I think she will in default thereof yield to a prolongation of
the term of her bonds.
The negotiation of Monsieur here 'takes greater foot' than was at
first looked for, 'and receives no small furtherance upon occasion
of the decayed state of things in the Low Countries' ; for her
Majesty, foreseeing that if the King of Spain once come to have his
will there, he will prove no very good neighbour, thinks this the
best means to provide for her safety, in which respect it is to be
thought she will in the end consent to the match, though otherwise
not greatly to her liking.—Westminster, 28 Feb. 1578.
Add. Endd. ½ p. [Holl. and Fl. XL. 67.]
585. 'An Estate of the men of war to be entertained this year
by the States' Companies under M. de la Garde, Mr Norris, Col.
Balfour, Col. Stuart, Col. Steenbach ; in all 48 companies, 4,500
horse, 1,000 pioneers, to cost 239,000 fl.' The money to come from
Brabant, Guelders, Flanders, Holland and Zealand (over and above
the 25 companies and 200 horse which they pay), Utrecht, Mechlin,
Friesland, Overyssel, Groningen, Ommeland.
Also forces under M. d'Egmont, M. de Montigny, M. de Hèze
M. d'Alennes, 36 companies, 1,000 horse, 10 companies under M.de
Bours ; costing 130,000 fl. to be paid by Artois, Hainault, Valenciennes,
Lille, Douay and Orchies, Tournay and Tournesis.
The finances pay 10,000 fl. a month for the artillery ; making a
total expenditure of 349,000 fl. per month.
Endd. by Davison. Fr. 3pp. [Ibid. XL. 68.]
586. Account of expenses for the entertainment of M. Semiers at
Sion for 7 days and his supper at Richmond, and the Duke Casimir
at Somerset House, Hampton Court and Windsor for 21 days, and his
supper at Westminster, the total amounting to £926 l1s. 4½d
Superscribed : A brief extract of the expenses with sundry noblemen
½ p. [Ibid. XL. 69.]