Elizabeth
June 1579

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Institute of Historical Research

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Arthur John Butler (editor)

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1903

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516-529

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'Elizabeth: June 1579', Calendar of State Papers Foreign, Elizabeth, Volume 13: 1578-1579 (1903), pp. 516-529. URL: http://www.british-history.ac.uk/report.aspx?compid=73400 Date accessed: 31 July 2014.


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June 1579

June 2. 686. POULET to WALSINGHAM.
By good hap I have had speech with the party mentioned in your last letter. He names himself Peter Douglas ; and says that leaving Scotland in April he came to a village distant four miles from the Earl of Shrewsbury's house, whither he was conducted by one Mr. Stringer, but the Earl would in no wise speak with him. Thence he went to London, where after conference with the French Ambassador he was appointed to take his journey towards France in the company of du Vray, who forsook him at Canterbury ; whence he came to Dover in the company of French lackeys. The truth is that my servant George Poulet found him at Dover, where he pretended to be a Frenchman, and used no other language than the French ; and passing over in my said servant's company, was content to be 'beholding' to him for a matter of 40 sous after his arrival at Boulogne. By occasion of this acquaintance with my servant he has been content to speak with me ; and resorting to my house at a time appointed, after I had spoken to him as I thought fittest to induce him to speak roundly and sincerely with me, tells me that his coming into this country was to levy 5,000 French soldiers to be landed in Scotland for the deliverance of the Scottish Queen. To this purpose, after conference with such as he was addressed to her, he was minded to go into the Low Countries to confer with the Earl of Westmoreland, and thence into Spain to have the assistance of the Spaniard. The voyage to Scotland was not to be performed till September. The plot was so surely laid that the execution of it would have been bloody, mischievous and dangerous. He had lived lewdly all the days of his life ; but the honest usage of my servant towards him had stirred him to a further and deeper consideration of this enterprise. He found himself touched in conscience and stricken from heaven as was St. Paul ; and therefore forbearing to confer with such here as he was directed to, he was resolved to take another course, and by my advice to return to England, to seek the deliverance of the Queen of Scots by means of some friendly composition. To which purpose if he might be 'admitted to her speech' he trusted to give her such counsel as should be to her benefit and to the liking of the Queen my mistress. I answered that this good beginning showed his good meaning, and I doubted not he would proceed to the discovery of the circumstances with such roundness as should deserve thanks and further consideration. To that purpose I told him that this weighty enterprise could not be undertaken without the advice and assistance of some great personages in Scotland, and prayed him to inform me who were the principal dealers therein and at whose hands he had received his instructions. He told me plainly to hold him excused, and that he would never deal traitorously with those who had reposed trust in him. Then I prayed him to tell me what course he was directed to take in England ; with whom he had conference there, and to what effect. 'No,' says he, 'I will not tell you ; and yet you must believe that we want not friends in England.' I told him that although he spared the English, I trusted he would not refuse to tell me all matters that concerned the French ; and then asked him if he had not been addressed by his instructions to the French Ambassador, in what sort he had proceeded into him, and what letters of recommendation he had received from him to any of these parts. In his first answer he said that he had conferred with both the French ambassadors ; but afterwards denied that he had spoken with de Symiers, affirming that he had imparted all his instructions to 'la Mauvissière.' I asked him if 'la Mauvissière' had recommended his cause by letter to any of his Court or country. He said that he had tasted too much the dangers of this world to carry letters in a matter of this importance, and that he had none and would carry none. Then I told him that I trusted he would not refuse to tell me to whom he was addressed in these parts and what comfort he had received from them. He answered that his instructions directed him to the Ambassador of Scotland, whom he found gone to the baths in Lorraine, and to the Duke of Guise ; but his mind being changed, and abhoring the cruelty of their bloody enterprise, he had made no motion, and being required by the Duke of Guise the day before to meet him at St. Denis, had refused. I replied that the Duke of Guise was lodged in this town, and therefore I found it strange that he had been appointed to speak with him at St. Denis. He said it was to the end that their meeting should be the more secret. 'This levy of 5,000 men,' quod I, 'is a matter of great charge, and will require a good purse' ; asking if he thought his friends of this country would defray a matter of £20,000. 'Yea,' said he ; 'we are assured of 300,000 crowns, which are ready here for us by order from the King of Spain when we require them' ; affirming that nothing was more certain than that the King of Spain would invade Ireland very shortly. I talked with this man at great leisure, and did not fail to use all the good means I could devise to draw all I could from him. I have given you the substance only, in as few words as I could. He concluded that if I would advise it, he would not fail to repair forthwith to the Court of England, where he would acquaint Her Majesty with his opinion as to these things ; and if it please her to give him access to the Queen of Scots he trusted so to deal with as would content both the Queens, and asked my letters of recommendation to Her Majesty. I told him that if he refused to take letters from the French Ambassador, he had greater cause to fear to carry mine, which being found upon him would be his undoing for ever. Therefore pretending that I would make no difficulty to grant him my letters if he required them, I urged the other point, of his own danger, so that I knew he would refuse them. I thought good to give this man all the fair words I could devise, and 'comfort' him to proceed in this journey ; promising so to recommend him to Her Majesty in my letters that he should find his conference with me not wholly unprofitable. I assured him that my letters should be there before him ; yet he promised not to fail to depart the next morning. Now I refer this man to the better judgement of your Honour and the Council. I will only say that besides his own confession for the time past, I think him to be a false harlot in this action, and doubt not but he will tell other tales before he escape out of your fingers. His coming to me was of his own seeking, and he made no difficulty to repair to me at any time I would appoint, which I looked he would have desired to take place at some time of the night. Many other things seem to bewray his crafty malice ; and the concurrence of these sharp threatenings on every side gives cause to suspect that they are nothing but 'Buggs to fear little children, forged of purpose to serve some other turn.' This man tells me that he finds the Bishop of Ross to be of his opinion, desiring rather the deliverance of the Queen of Scots by the favour of our Sovereign, than by 'any other' forcible means. It is credibly advertised from Venice that the truce between the Turk and the King of Spain was not concluded on April 9 ; and some there think it will not take effect. The Turk makes great preparations against the Sophy, and yet they do not spare to treat of peace. It is also advertised by letters from Venice of the 15th ult., that the preparations in Italy go forward slowly. The soldiers have as yet touched no money ; the King of Spain and the Duke of Florence cannot agree upon the conditions of a loan, and now they look for money from Spain. The Ambassador of Portugal pretends great affection to our nation, and to be very careful to entertain amity between Her Majesty and his master. He says he has written so liberally, and you there proceed so coldly that he thinks the burden will rest on his shoulders, and that it will be conceived in his country that your fair speeches have brought him into a fool's paradise. He prayed me to assure you upon his honour that an ambassader is coming from his master into England without delay, and therefore he wishes that Mr Wotton may be dispatched speedily, and that you will please to reserve your 'jealousies'—the only ground as he takes it of your slow resolution—for such as deal haltingly or dissemblingly with you, which he protests to be far from his thought. He affirms that Don Bernardino makes his profit of this temporising, and spares not to assure his friends that Mr Wotton will not depart so soon as was intended. He tells me that nothing is more requisite than to make known to the Spanish and French by open testimony the good understanding between England and Portugal ; and that the pride and ambition of the Spaniard will be dangerous if the peace is made in the Low Countries and the truce agreed with the Turk. It is certain that Queen Mother will not be at Lyons till the end of this month ; some think not so soon.—Paris, 2 June 1579. P.S.—The conference I had with the Scotchman was yesterday morning, not before ; and this letter is delivered to-day at 4 a.m. Add. Endd. 4 pp. [France III. 24.]
June 5. 687. CHRISTOPHER CARLEILL to [? DAVISON].
Antwerp, 5 June.—Yesterday morning Count Egmont with 20 or 30 horse made 'semblant' to go out of Brussels, as though he would 'go discover' somewhat abroad, at the opening of the gate called 'La porte de Hawse' [qu. Halle], whither he had caused to come certain carts laden with hay as though they were bringing it to the town. Behind and among the carts were hidden certain foot soldiers. The gate no sooner opened but the Count with his horsemen and the foot men from among the carts took the gate, and was forthwith relieved by certain burghers who were acquainted with all beforehand ; and thus kept it till the coming of seven ensigns, who were not far off. The Count with these fresh companies (who are said not to be above 50 in a company) marches on to the marketplace, and seizes it and the Townhouse, having left as he thought a sufficient guard to keep the gate. M. 'Temple' and the other burghers seeing themselves thus surprised, resort to all the other gates, and furnish them with good strength of such burghers as were most assured. M. Temple's 6 ensigns, which form the garrison are some of them dispersed with the burghers at the gates, but most of them employed in seizing the king's house and the Prince of Orange's, 'two very strong places, as your honour knows well enough.' Thus much we had by a principal burgher who was sent thence about noon and arrived here about four hours later, 'after requiring' some speedy assistance ; whereupon the Prince dispatched 'here hence' the 3 companies that came the other day from Mechlin, and ordering them to go to Vilvorden has directed that three companies of that garrison shall march 'alongest' with them to Brussels. This morning early he received new letters written last night at 12 o'clock, whereby he learns that Temple has by far the greater part of the burghers on his side, holding good for the Estates ; the others for Egmont and his malcontent allies. Temple and his party having secured the places aforesaid, he is employing his brother with some of his best soldiers and one of the colonels of the town to win the gate which Egmont's people hold against them. He himself is occupying Egmont and his forces in the market-place, and entertains them in such sort that his brother and the troops with him recover the gate with the loss of few or none of his men and some dozen or fourteen of Egmont's folk slain, before Egmont could send them any relief. They have since parleyed with Egmont, who by the artillery in the market-place, the strength of the Townhouse, and the assistance of the burghers who 'meddled in the practice' thought himself at first strong enough to hold his ground ; but since losing the gate, he has been content to hearken to conditions. Temple only waits for the coming of the supply which was sent hence last night, and it is thought would be with him this forenoon at latest ; and upon its arrival he will at once set upon Egmont, or at least cause him to accept conditions of leaving the town at once, which by all men's judgement he will be forced to yield to. Yesterday too there began a report here that the Spaniard had entered Maestricht as far as the bridge, but was resisted there and driven out again. His entrance 'should' be by means of a mine which blew up the ramparts and many of the townsmen that were near the place. Some did not 'stick' to say that the town was lost, but this is thought to be altogether untrue. Our Englishmen, with la Garde's and Stewart's regiments only, are now about Ravestein ready to pass the Maes. They are not above 3,000 strong, of which the English are said to be the better part. Endd. by Burghley's secretary. 2½ pp. [Holl. and Fl. XII. 1.]
June 7. 688. JACQUES DE SOMERE to DAVISON.
I wrote fully to you by the last post of the religious disturbances in this town. We have since begun to see the fruits of them, namely that those of Mechlin have turned out his Excellency's garrison, and broken up the Church that was planted there, the greater part of the Protestants retiring with the soldiers, as not daring to trust themselves there any longer. Soon after, Count Egmont thought to carry the town of Brussels by surprise, on behalf of the Walloon malcontents. He seized a gate, introduced seven of his companies, and held the market place and Townhouse, in the hope that the burghers would side with him, whether from hatred of the Religion, or in hope to be delivered from M. du Temple's government. But on some of his soldiers beginning to shout 'ville gagnée !' and that they were come to get three months' pay, the people, dreading some disaster, joined M. du Temple, who was holding the palace, the Nassau mansion, and all the upper town ; in such wise that finding themselves the stronger, they held the Count and his people so closely surrounded that they could hardly move, and drove off 60 of his soldiers left at the gate by which he had entered. Finally, with the succour that came from Antwerp, they were in a position to have cut them to pieces ; but alarmed by their threats of setting fire to the town, they were content to turn them all out, with their chief. You may judge how ashamed he was at seeing his enterprise balked. He received much ignominy as he went out, some spitting in his face, others calling him traitor and worthy to celebrate the day of his father's execution by a like penalty. God be praised, who has broken his illstarred designs. You have heard the efforts made by those of Maestricht from the 25th to the 31st ult. They drove the enemy out of the town, which he had entered in two places, and regained the ravelin which they had lost. The Prince has received further good news from them this morning, but I have heard no details of it to send you.— Antwerp, 7 June 1579. Add. Fr. 1 p. [Holl. & Fl. XII. 2.]
June 1
and 13.
689. Copy (translation) of the oath taken to King Henry of Portugal (June 1) by the three Estates of the Kingdom, the City of Lisbon, and the Duke of Braganza : and (June 13) Don Antonio. Oath read by Michael de Mora, the King's secretary ; sworn for the clergy by George de Almeida, archbishop of Lisbon ; for the nobles by Don James de Castro ; for the commons by Alfonso de 'Alba carca' [Albuquerque]. Witnesses : Simon Gonzaley Preto, high Chancellor, Dr Gaspar de Figareto, Paul Alfonsas, Peter Barbarossa [al. Barboza], Jerome 'Peritathesa' [qu. Pereira de Sa], masters of the requests, Dr Jaspar de 'Pethytha,' chancellor of the court called the supplications, and Dr John de Soyza, chancellor of the civil court, or in his absence, George Lopez 'which at this present serveth in his.' For the City of Lisbon, oath taken by Alfonso de 'Albokerk' and Dr George de Quina. Witnesses to the Duke of Braganza's oath ; George de Taitha, bishop of Viseu, Francis de Sa Menesses, lord Chamberlain, Simon de Morando, and the Doctors Alfonsus and Barboza. To Don Antonio ; the above, with Don Diego de Silvetha, 'earl of Sortelia,' captain of the guard, and others. Endd. by Burghley : Matters of Portugal, for the King of Spain. Stitched, 15½ pp. [Portugal I. 13.]
690. Another, apparently independent, version. Endd. 17½ pp. [Ibid. I. 14.]
June 13. 691. ANTOINE GOSSON to DAVISON.
Having heard of your safe arrival in England, then at Court, and at your own house among your friends and relations, I am much rejoiced thereat, and pray that God may increase your prosperity. You are now in your own peaceful, happy and flourishing country, instead of in one where only misery and confusion is to be seen. Even since your departure notable things have happened, following one another closely both in time and place. On Ascension Day, the churchmen were turned out of this town. The next day, the Mechlin people wanted to make reprisals, so that to avoid inconvenience it was necessary to withdraw the garrison. Soon afterwards on the same pretext, Count Egmont surprised a gate of Brussels, introduced 7 or 8 companies, seized the market-place and might easily have mastered the rest. But God had pity on this people and stopped short the enterprise of that half-fledged lion (lion à poil follet) ; and roused up the soldiers and burghers, who ranged themselves in arms against him. The fight would have been bloody, but good mediators were found who persuaded the Count to retire with his people. God made it entirely successful, and he went out in shame and confusion on the Friday before Whitsunday, the anniversary of the day of his father's death in the same place which the son had seized, and went to his castle of Gasbek. The town thus miraculously preserved is quite reassured. His Highness has sent to the Count to know the cause of this disturbance. He could give us no valid reason, professing repentance and saying that his enterprise had more passion and rashness about it than resolved malice. I was myself sorry for that lord's disaster, whom I revered and loved for the likeness in our fortunes. On the other side, those of Artois and Hainault have sent to the Prince of Parma to ratify the articles of their reconciliation and take the oath to him. But I hear he would not accept them on the conditions they proposed. He continues to besiege Maestricht, and those within to defend themselves courageously. People feel sure that they will not be subdued by force, and of victuals they have plenty for two or three months yet. A Councillor of State has been arrested here on discovery of some fault ; and yesterday his Highness published a regulation about religion here, to satisfy everyone. I am telling you what I know : common things, which you know already. But I have experienced so much of your kindness that I feel sure you will take it in good part. I leave you therefore to enjoy your good time behind these storms and tempests. As for myself, I shall remain here patiently waiting for God to dispose and terminate these affairs. Meantime I shall not forget your courtesy and friendship.—Antwerp, 13 June 1579. Add. Fr. 2½ pp. [Holl. and Fl. XII. 3.]
June 20. 692. VILLIERS to DAVISON.
A subject of great importance on which to write to Mr Walsingham has arisen. If you had been here I should have communicated it to you, to do the same diligence thereafter which I do now. If you are at the Court I doubt not but he will communicate it to you. You will, in my opinion, judge as I do ; and therefore I will ask you, in the name of many honest folks in Germany, to solicit the dispatch of the Queen's letter, and to have a copy sent to me. Similarly, having communicated with Mr Vet [?] to ask the same of him, you will do a service to God and His church. Having reason to fear that, as you threatened, you have gone to the country immediately on your arrival, I have sent word to Mr Walsingham of what has passed at Cologne. Since the Duke of Terranova has presented his articles, all men judge that there is no likelihood of peace. I am on the other side, not decidedly, but in opinion. I send you two letters which I have received for you. As you charged me, I have spoken with M. Junius, but though he promised me an answer he has not given me one yet. I do not know if he has written to you himself. I will ask him again. Our affairs go on as you saw them : with resistance from those who have always broken us up, and founded on the same reasons, so that we can escape only by a peace, or by ruin becoming so apparent that men are constrained to re-unite. Maestricht is still besieged. The enemy has taken one gate, on which he brought four guns to bear. Those within have countertrenched. There has been 4 days' fighting, but we do not yet know whether those without are battering the trenches or those within the gate. In any case, they are in danger. I beg again to recommend to you the matter on which I am writing to Mr Walsingham, for it is important. My wife and I salute you and Mrs Davison.—Antwerp, June 20, 1579. Add. Fr. 1 p. [Holl. and Fl. XII. 4.]
June 21. 693. JAN VAN WITENHORST to DAVISON.
As you advised, I am sending my respectful letters to the lords to learn how my affair is getting on, and hope soon to come over, either myself or some other in my name. Meanwhile I beg you to let me know what seems to you necessary for the furtherance of the affair in question, and I and mine will ever be grateful.— Antwerp, 21 June 1579. Add. Fr. (Subscription in Flemish.) ½ p. [Ibid. XII. 5.]
June 21. 694. JOHN COBHAM to BURGHLEY.
Last Tuesday the Spaniards gave a great assault to Maestricht and were again repulsed with great loss, but won a tower on the wall, which they have reinforced with earth and would have planted great ordnance in it. On Wednesday M. de Farger [Hierges], being master of the ordnance and the principal man the King has of this country, going to view the tower, as soon as his head appeared was struck by a bullet and slain, and his ensign with him by a falcon-shot. They of the town have made two cavaliers which command that tower and most part of the walls ; yet it is thought here that the town cannot long hold out without speedy succour. Champagney with the rest of the prisoners at Ghent were escaped, but we hear for certain that they are all taken again save three, who are M. 'Rasingham,' M. 'Suevingham,' and M. van Harp. They are safe with Rasingham at Lille in Flanders, for 'his' [he is] governor of Lille. M. la Noue still lies within three leagues of Bruges, in the highway betwixt the malcontents and la Motte. He is well entrenched, but does no great matter as yet, for the malcontents number almost 6,000. The mutiny of our English and Scots continues. They will not march out of 'Megen' [Meghem] without money. Yesterday M. Liesfelt and others of Duke Matthias' privy council conferred with Count Egmont, M. 'Mountayne' and M. 'Dehayes.' It is thought the malcontents and they will agree and will join all together and go to the relief of Maestricht. Their only stay is articles and pledges of religion, which it is said will be granted. The receiving of certain mass-priests in Antwerp again has much contented the malcontents. Mass is said openly in Our Lady Church, St. James Church and two others, besides chapels and nunneries. Letters have come this morning from the camp that the Duke of Terra Nova has express command from the king to 'remove' the siege of Maestricht, and the king will have a peace. We are also advertised that 1,500 Spanish horse are gone towards our men to see if they can 'find any advantage' of them. —Antwerp, 21 June 1579. Add. ('per me, Wm. Paidg post.') Endd. 1½ pp. [Ibid. XII. 6.]
June 25. 695. ROSSEL to WALSINGHAM.
I think you will have heard of my second expedition into Flanders to reduce all the French companies into one regiment. Circumstances did not allow of this, owing to the neighbourhood of the malcontent Walloons, who would have been followed by other disaffected persons ; besides that M. de la Noue was not minded to keep the country if the reduction was made, being so poorly accompanied. He desired me to go to Bruges, to make the four Members of Flanders understand that they must make up their minds as to an offensive or defensive war. If offensive, they must furnish him 3,000 more men quickly, with 600 cavalry and 6 cannon or demicannon to follow, and then, his people being paid, he would drive the malcontents from their holds. If defensive, he thought they should place garrisons of horse and foot in the towns on their frontier to stop inroads. After a long consultation the four Members asked my advice, which was that as the enemy was in their country and had taken fortresses of theirs, they could not act on the defensive, but should rather take the offensive and drive them out. At this conference M. de la Noue was sent for to Bruges, and afterwards sent to Ghent to talk them over to a better understanding with the other Members, and to furnish contributions for an offensive war as they were able. During this journey took place the escape of the prisoners, and other 'novelties' done by the Gantois in surprising Meldeburg and other places, including the person and castle of M. d' Oignies, grand bailiff of Bruges ; which caused a fresh discord between those of Bruges and of the Liberty. Him M. de la Noue is trying to get restored, that he may move them to something better. On returning to Antwerp I found many other incidents and divisions over what had happened at Brussels ; MM. de Montigny and de Hèze having been at Gasbek with M. d'Egmont. I understand that they have concluded a league, although efforts were made to hinder it by sending Councillor Liesfelt to them ; it being reported that the deputies from Hainault and Artois who are in the enemy's camp have been insulted and called traidor de Dios y del Rey for insisting that the Spaniards should withdraw. This discontent gives hope that they will return to the union. It is even said that in a meeting at Mons it was decided to make war on the Spaniards on their own account, sending their forces to the Meuse in the direction of Namur. I fear it is only talk, for their discontent with the Prince is driving them to this madness, to ruin themselves in order to destroy him if they can. I am sorry to say that he is beginning to incur the murmurs of the people for this business of Maestricht not being relieved ; though they have sent urgent letters begging for reinforcements, having lost most of their soldiers and peasants in the frequent assaults. His Excellency and the States have again asked for the 'hundredth,' which was granted. Since then they have demanded three florins per chimney ; but to this those of the birrat [qy. breede raad] of Antwerp would not agree. They met on St. John's day to consider other means of supporting the army, and making those whose incomes are not below 1,000 florins maintain so many soldiers, those who have less, fewer ; each according to his ability. Thus it is clear that they distrust those who manage their finances, as indeed they say aloud in public ; whereby his Excellency is greatly discontented, to the point of asking for his dismissal. Amid this confusion the peace will vanish and go off in smoke, as is plainly seen from the impertinent articles sent by the Duke of Terranova. On that account an express messenger has been dispatched to the deputies at Cologne to finish the conference in a fortnight at furthest ; and that then, if no decision is arrived at, they declare the King of Spain deposed, and the Estates absolved and dispensed from their oath. Des Pruneaux had an audience of the Estates last Tuesday. Letters were presented from M. d'Alençon, stating that his marriage was agreed upon, and that nothing remained but for him to go to England, after taking leave of Queen Mother, who might return any day from her journey to Spain [sic], where she is said to have had various success. If peace is not concluded, it has been resolved to receive M. d'Alençon as lord in these parts, for the advantage of that marriage, since des Pruneaux maintains it is the salvation of this state. I send you a letter which I received from Cologne at my return, in which you will see what the Catholics there think, and other obscure matters, which I hope to explain when I have heard from you. I received your last, in which you bade me not attempt or risk anything in the matter of the marriage ; which I would not do without your order ; besides that it is not expedient, as things are tending to another end. Since Liesfelt was sent to Count Egmont, his people have assaulted by escalade Ninove, a little town where there were two ensigns from Ghent, of 'Deryove's' regiment. These were all cut to pieces. Similarly he had seized Hault [Ath] and Nivelle, showing that he has a grudge against the Brussels people. Such is the sequel of our divisions, and the way of the nobility in these parts. We hear that great military preparations are going in various places on the coast. Their object cannot be immediately ascertained, and it will be necessary for her Majesty's service to have a watchful eye.—Antwerp, 25 June 1579. Add. Endd. Fr. 4½ pp. [Holl. and Fl. XII. 7.]
May-June. 696. Various documents relating to Portugal.
(1) An address, apparently on behalf of Dom Antonio, to the people of Portugal, calling upon them to maintain his right to the succession. It consists of 42 clauses, each beginning with the words 'Let me remind you,' and is headed 'Remembrances which the kingdom (ho Reino) of Portugal makes to its people.' It opens with 'My people, the beginning of wisdom is the fear of the Lord, and next to that, to direct oneself rather by the teaching of experience than by temporary and apparent reasons.' 'When my good King Henry dies, you may with justice give unto him to whom you shall give me, and who deserves me' ; and proceeds to recall incidents in the history of Portugal, such as the conflict with Castile under John I. There will not be wanting another Dom Nunalvarez, or another Pucelle of France ; points out that the dominions of the King of Spain are a source rather of weakness than of strength, being so ill-treated that they 'only desire to throw off the yoke, and would rather be governed by Turks than by Castilians'—'see how the Flemings have taken the Prince of Orange for their governor and defender, and have risen, preferring the toils of war to peace with servitude. If subjects rise in this way, why should freemen submit ?' ; advises 'that in order to defend your rights and those of the person to whom the succession may be adjudged, train-bands should be organized as in times past, galleys should be fitted out with all speed, and trustworthy persons be sent to France, Germany, Venice, England and Italy to report our troubles, and how much it concerns them to help us' ; and concludes with : Prope est Dominus omnibus invocantibus cum in veritate.
(2) Summary of proceedings in the Cortes of Portugal up to 12 May, 1579.
The Cortes met at the end of March. At Easter some 'proctors' went home, and returned. The nobles sat in the monastery of Carmo, the prelates and clergy in the cathedral, the proctors for the towns at Sao Francisco. Up till to-day, May 13, nothing has been concluded either as touching the policy and government of the country nor as to the king's successor ; which alarms all men. Please God all may turn out to the peace and quietness of this realm. We hear that two ambassadors are come from the Pope, one envoy and one ordinary nuncio. Another ambassador has come from France, from the Queen Mother, and one from the king is expected every day and who is now at Madrid. An ambassador came also from the Prince of Parma, and went away again and is at Madrid ; and they say he is coming back. Another came from the Duke of Savoy ; and there are many proctors here from the kingdom about the matter of the succession. Our king has notified King Philip, the Duke of Braganza, Don Antonio, the Prince of Parma, and the Duke of Savoy to come all of them and plead their cause. There you have my news.
King Philip has here the Duke of Osuna his grandee, and a great lawyer ; and two other great lawyers are expected. He has also Don Christopher de Moura, his ambassador. That king has written a letter to the Chamber of this city, a copy of which is sent herewith [see No. 607]. There is no end to the scandal here, and the matter does not go as I should wish. There are other papers and things which do not satisfy me ; such as I can send will go with this. I pray our Lord to give us peace and quiet in this realm, and that this affair of the succession may so turn out as to accomplish the common good.
(3) Speech made by the trades (?) of Lisbon to the nobles joined with the clergy, after the receipt of King Philip's letter.
We hear that certain chief persons and nobles, forgetting their obligations and honour, are saying and doing things against the common weal and the safety of these realms, which as good Portuguese we are determined to prevent ; remembering what the inhabitants of this city did in the time of King John I and other kings. Wherefore we beg you as heads and chief member of this Republic, that you would aid in supporting it, and not endanger its honour and rights by party and private claims. And be sure that for this and for the defence of our right and the punishment of unquiet Portuguese, we are ready with 15,000 or 20,000 men within the limits of this city, whom we can assemble in two hours if necessary, and set fire to the houses of those who are beginning to talk against the quiet of these realms ; which we will not put into execution inasmuch as we hope for their punishment by another way. We thought it our duty to give this reminder in this and the other two Estates so that all may with more security treat of the common weal, without fear of force or violence, or of other crafty or prejudicial methods, and that, if not, they may hear who make impossible and devise no remedy ; all of whom should have been, and should be, objects of suspicion.
(4) Sentence upon Pedro Dalcaçona Carneiro.
'It having been proved that the accused, being of the Council of the late King Don Sebastian, and bound to advise him well and bring him out of all dangers, did the contrary, and advised him to go in person to Larache, a notoriously dangerous expedition, against my opinion, and that of his grandmother and his uncle King Philip, and received from the King great honours and rewards, while those who dissuaded him were dismissed ; and nothing being proved calling for a severer sentence, I condemn him to be no more of my Council, and to lose his office of controller of the treasury (but not the sum paid him for his journey into Castile), and not to come within 20 leagues of the Court till further orders.' Luis da Silva, who was controller of the treasury, has been taken in his house and proceeded against ; it is expected he will be sentenced, but no one knows what it will be.
Copies. Endd. by Burghley's secretary : Jun. 1579. Remembrances of Portugal by the King to his people. Port. 7 pp. [Portugal I. 15.]
June ? 697. 'The effect of the articles signed upon by the Prince of Orange and magistrates of Antwerp, with them of the religion.'
1. A 'gull' [gul, 'frank'] oath to be true to the king and the town and so maintain rest and quietness.
2. The prince and magistrates to suffer no garrison of strange soldiers to be placed in the town without consent of the burghers.
3. Every person to apply himself to the maintenance of the privileges of the town.
4. That the contract made last September touching the state of religion shall be maintained till further order be taken by the Estates of the land.
5. All persons both of the old religion and the new shall promise not to 'misdo' one another, but assist, help and aid.
6. The keys of the gates shall be in the hands of the Prince, and the opening and shutting of them at his order and appointment.
7. Henceforth the long watch to be kept within the town both by soldiers and burghers, without exempting anyone on the ground of his religion.
8. All the risings of men 'chanced,' to be imputed as a thing done for the safeguard and 'wealth' of this town, and no man to be called to reckoning for anything past ; which the Prince promises so far as in him lies.
9. Every man not appointed to be of the watch to depart to their [sic] houses and about their business.
10. Four hundred horsemen to be provided for defence of the town, and certain ships of war, if the Prince shall see cause and think it needful, and the captains to be by him appointed within the 'whole' consent.
11. That all manner of persons spiritual and temporal shall be contributory to the maintenance of the charges.
12. The artillery to be placed on the walls and be in the order and custody of the Prince.
13. If any prince should under the pretence of religion, . . . . . trouble, every other person to be assistant to . . . . of him.
14. The Prince and magistrates to take oath for the upholding of these articles and the captains to take oath to the like. The Prince . . . . to every person to use themselves . . . . . . and endeavour themselves to the observation of these . . . . and he offers himself to do all which may tend to the service of the King, and preservation of the town, and common weal of the same.
pp. [Holl. and Fl. XII. 7 bis.]
The following letter probably belongs to the correspondence of Nov. 9, 1578 :—
698. The QUEEN of NAVARRE to the QUEEN.
As my brother the Duke of Anjou is sending M. de Simier to you for so good a cause, I would not omit to accompany him with this letter, to testify how great I should esteem my brother's fortune if he could attain to the felicity which I know he most desires, namely your favour and alliance. I beg you to believe that among all who are bound by relationship to desire his welfare, there is none who wishes this . . . . for him more than I, for the singular affection I bear him . . . . your wishes and merits . . . . . . which makes all those who have the good fortune to know you desirous of serving you, and me in particular. (Signed) Marguerite. Somewhat damaged. Holograph. Add. Fr. ½ p. [France II. 83 bis.]


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