Elizabeth
October 1579

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Institute of Historical Research

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Arthur John Butler (editor)

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1904

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67-82

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'Elizabeth: October 1579', Calendar of State Papers Foreign, Elizabeth, Volume 14: 1579-1580 (1904), pp. 67-82. URL: http://www.british-history.ac.uk/report.aspx?compid=73434 Date accessed: 18 April 2014. Add to my bookshelf


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October 1579

Oct. 2. 58. CHARLES DE BEAULIEU to DAVISON.
Certain cipher dispatches from Bernardino de Mendoza to the Prince of Parma have been sent out of England to M. de Villiers to be deciphered, and he has applied to me for that purpose, knowing that at the beginning of the troubles in Zealand I found the trick of them, whereby we got at the truth of our enemies' secrets. The like I did in the service of her Majesty whenever she would have the mails from Spain or from the ambassador rifled, by that means to know the truth of the heart as against the feigning of the mouth. This I did, with much labour of my wits, until I arrived at a knowledge of the characters in this cipher, 350 in number, used to denote the alphabet, and so devoted myself to it that some time afterwards you requested me to decipher another cipher, that of the Portugal ambassador. In recompence for this I asked you to take up the case of my brother, Jan de Beaulieu, against Benedetto Spinola in respect of the wrong which had been done him, causing him and myself great loss of property and time, and at the end had to compound for 200 crowns. Notwithstanding all this I am ready to serve her Majesty whereinsoever God gives me grace ; but seeing that this science is rare and very laborious, and that ordinarily such discoveries are largely recompensed by the great lords who seek the service of the small servant, I pray you recommend me to her Majesty or Sir F. Walsingham for the reward of this practice and labour. It will be a great help to me and of small account to her Majesty ; and if she will do this she will find me ready to acquaint her with other ciphers which it will be to her advantage to know. As for the marks which have remained blank in the cipher, noted with the cipher number and underlined, these are names of persons and places which I do not know. You will be better able to judge of them than I, to know the persons referred to, or the places situated in the regions mentioned in the missive.—Ghent, 2 Oct. 1579. Add. Fr. 2 pp. [Holl. and Fl. XII. 34.]
Oct. 5. 59. VILLIERS to DAVISON.
I send two letters which I have received for you. I would have sent them sooner had I not been extremely unwell for the last fortnight. Now, thank God, I am better, though I cannot walk ; but I hope to be out of the house within four days. I have been employing M. de Beaulieu to decipher some letters that Mr Secretary sent me. [in margin] I have sent the decipher to him. He has nearly finished, not without difficulty ; and has asked me to write you a word of commendation to accompany a letter which he is writing, which is enclosed. You will do with it as reason directs, but I could not honourably refuse his request. We are here, as everywhere else, in much apprehension about the marriage, and by what I can learn you are in no less difficulty. I pray God for an issue that may redound to His glory and the good of the realm of England. Affairs have been brought to such a position in Flanders that it is now the most easily-guided province in the whole country. It is not yet rid of soldiers, for this malady, caused by the ambition and ignorance of others, is too deeply rooted. It is, however, beginning to work itself off, alike by the resistance which the Walloons have met with as by the diversion those of Tournay, Cambray, Landrecies and Bouchain have made. These have begun the war by rifling M. d'Egmont on his way to be married ; and he has lost his jewels and the lady's, with 10,000 florins in silver. The enemy have left Willebroek, hearing of the approach of M. de la Noue, who is now in the place. The peace proceedings of Cologne cannot so far be broken up ; there are always some persons to knot it together again. Yet I think we shall soon hear the issue of it : but if it is broken we shall be in a new difficulty with M. des Pruneaux, whom we have contented up to now by saying that the peace was still on foot. If you ask me about the departure of the Spaniards, they seem to be making good preparations, but I cannot believe it till I see it. Those of Arras certainly have not proclaimed their peace, and say they will not do so till the Spaniard has fulfilled his promise. I commend myself to your good grace and that of Mrs Davison ; my wife and Marie do the same.—Antwerp, 5 Oct. 1579. Add. Fr. 2 pp. [Holl. and Fl. XII. 35.]
[About Oct. 5.] 60. NEWS from the LOW COUNTRIES.
Since the overthrow received by the States' men about Willebroek as 'per my last' I told you, the Prince of Orange not meaning to leave it unrevenged sent men both by water and by land under M. de la Noue to attempt the taking of the fort ; but the enemy that kept it, hearing of their coming, sent to Mechlin for aid, and finding no 'conford' left the place, which the States' men took without a fight. It is thought they will so provide for its keeping that it will not hereafter be lost without great blows. The agreement being published in Mons, Arras, and other places of the confederacy, those of Valenciennes have demanded three months to resolve thereupon ; meantime they will remain neuter, yet show more favour to the States than to the enemy. The like is alleged to those of Bouchain, Beauvais, Landrecies, Cambray, and other towns of those provinces, to the great discontentment of the Malcontents. The Prince of Orange so wrought at Ghent, with the aid of the four Members of Flanders, that they hope to be assured of these places ; having sent 40,000 gilders for payment of the garrisons, while as much or more is ready to be conveyed shortly. Count Egmont, as he was travelling towards Mons with three or four wagons laden with ladies and gentlewomen, besides certain stuff, with his plate and jewels, conducted by 80 horse, meaning to celebrate his marriage there, was encountered by M. 'Dentzy,' governor of Cambray, with several soldiers of that town and Bouchain ; who slew five or six of the Count's men, took some prisoners, and dispersed the rest. The Count being well mounted narrowly escaped, leaving his ladies and carriages to the spoil. They were taken to Bouchain. Count Lalaing had laid a train to entrap M. de Villiers, governor of Bouchain, but did not succeed. By cutting a ditch near Bois-le-duc, by order of those of Holland, they laid the country about Heusden so far under water that the Spaniards who went to besiege it were forced to retire, and it is thought those of Bois-le-duc will also be annoyed. The Spaniards have dispersed into sundry places thereabouts, and 300 of them coming near the gates of Breda those of the town issued out and took them in such a place that they slew eight or nine, took three or four prisoners, and forced the rest to retire. In Mechlin there is a great stir about the taking in of the soldiers that came from Willebroek. Part of the townsmen will receive them and the other part will not ; so they are in arms against one another. What will follow the Lord only knows. Those of Termonde have drawn up certain sluices and drained most of the country round about Aelst, so that it is thought it will greatly hinder approach to the town. 1¼ pp. [Holl. and Fl. XII. 36.]
Oct. 5 & 8. 61. ADVICES from ITALY.
Prospero Colonna is at Pisa with 3,000 soldiers, and so far as we hear, ill-satisfied, because no vessels appear there to embark them. It is not known when they are coming, and meantime the soldiers are not being paid, insomuch that it would not take much to cause some disorder. Don Pietro de Medici is still here, which is a sign of delay. On the 28th ult. two envoys from Venice arrived here accompanied by some honourable Venetian gentlemen. They were received with the greatest honour possible, and lodged in the Pitti Palace. On the following day the Grand Duke gave them public audience at his usual palace, and on the 3rd they had audience of the Duchess, whom they presented with a rich collar of jewels, valued at 8,000 ducats. They go on being entertained at feasts and should depart within eight days.—Florence, 8 October. The lady to whom the Duke of Alva's son and heir was said to be married found out, it seems, that he was not so much so. She is marrying the son and heir of the Duke of Massa, with 80,000 scudi of dowry, and they make him a grandee like those of Spain. For the other news from Madrid I care not. Herewith I send you a roll (? un Rol) of the preparations at Naples ; subject to the risk that if it is not so they (the preparations) it is that lie, as usual, for the truth is that they are the greatest fittings-out ever seen in our time. It is much affirmed that the Viceroy of Naples will go with the fleet to Cartagena, and that the Commendador Mayor, who is ambassador here, goes to Naples, while the ambassador here will be the Marquis of Alcanluces, who has been staying here nearly a year. Fabrizio Colonna, eldest son of Marcantonio Colonna, Viceroy of Sicily, is going as general of the Sicilian galleys since Gil Danerade (qu. d'Andrade) has died. He left Naples for Leghorn with galleys to embark the soldiers who are in Tuscany, of whom Prospero Colonna is colonel. I think he had news of 22 Algerine galleys that went about in these seas, and they were the cause of his not going to Gaeta. Yet some say that one galliot caught them, but that he retired to Gaeta in great haste. Yesterday, St. Francis's Day, news came that these galleys had entered the port 12 miles from here and watered. Some say that they have taken cattle and certain people. The lieutenant of the Pope's guard, who was sent with light horse to reconnoitre, says that they have done nothing but take water. Now that they are gone it is said that Don Giovanni da Cardona, general of the galleys for the kingdom, is coming from Naples with 28 galleys and going to cruise on the coast hereabouts. Up to now it has been summer in these parts, and never was seen such a dry September as this last, for up till to-day it has not rained. They say the ships are all going to Sardinia and thence to Cartagena.—Rome, 5 Oct. 1579. Marginal notes in Burghley's hand. Endd. by him and Wilson. Ital. 1¼ pp. (Italy I. 2.)
Oct. 12. 62. POULET to the QUEEN.
Having received from Monsieur the enclosed letter, making ample demonstration of his constant affection towards you, I would not fail to impart it to your Highness. The bearer is also commanded by Monsieur to pray me to signify to you that he esteems as nothing all the testimonies of good will that he has yielded hitherto, and prays you, whatever you hear of the doings here, to assure yourself of his good will in all sincerity. It is possible this clause bore some secret meaning, which I leave to your wisdom. M. Hallot de Montmorency speaks so honourably of your Majesty and your Court, with profession of his devotion to your service, that you have no cause to repent of your favour to him in England. He took the pains to dine with me yesterday, accompanied by M. de Marchemont, and after dinner took his journey towards Monsieur, and though I had not heard from England since I last wrote to his Highness I thought good to trouble him with a word or two, fearing to offend if having received a letter from him by M. Hallot I let him depart without an answer. Marchemont tells me that the companies levied in Burgundy and those parts by de Rieux, brother to de Laval, Beaujeu, and others their assistants, mentioned in my former letter, are at the devotion of the Duke of Guise, and have been assembled by his order and at his charges. He is of opinion that their enterprise is all one with the other forces of Champagne, which are indeed commanded by the most 'confident' servants of the Duke, and are said to be two or three regiments, besides those of the king's guards. He says that Matignon received yesterday express command from the King to repair speedily into Champagne ; so that he doubts not but some great matter is in hand, but cannot as yet sound the bottom of it, though he professes to fear that it reaches to the prejudice of his best friends. I learn from others that the companies levied by de Rieux and others are to be employed in the service of the Estates against the Spaniards. If the French have any part in these doings I doubt not but you are made acquainted with it, and therefore forbear to trouble you with the bruits of this town. The King is at Olinville, accompanied by the Duke of Guise, who seems to have great credit with him at present. Queen Mother has been sick, but is recovered ; and now they say she will not be here until the 15th of next month, being in great hope to speak shortly with Bellegarde at Monluel, a town belonging to the Duke of Savoy, four leagues from Lyons. We hear by letters of the 22nd ult. from Rome, Venice, and other places in Italy that the Spanish army was to be embarked before the last of September. It is confirmed in many ways that a good part of it is already arrived at 'Calis in Spain.' The son of the Duke of Terranova departed hence yesterday for Spain, having remained two or three days secretly in the house of the King of Spain's agent here.—Paris, 12 Oct. 1579. Add. Endd. by Lisle Cave. 2½ pp. [France III. 37.]
Oct. 4. 63. Enclosed in the above :—
THE DUKE OF ANJOU to POULET.
M. Hallot de Montmorency being back from England I am dispatching him to the King my brother, and have charged him to call upon you in my name, to let you know in what good health he left the Queen of England and learn from you if any occasion offer for me to employ myself in your service, as you may be sure I will do in all that concerns you and wherein you require it.—Verneuil, 5 Oct. 1579. (Signed) François. Add. Endd. by Poulet. Fr. ½ p. [France III. 37a.]
Oct. 12. 64. POULET to WALSINGHAM.
Please peruse the enclosed papers, by which you will see the good skill and painful diligence of your servant. I am desired to sue in his behalf that his annuity for one year, of which two or three months are already expired, may be advanced to him. Such honest and towardly servants are worthy to be cherished. I trust Sir Henry Cobham is on his way hither.—Paris, 12 Oct. 1579. P.S.—I refer to your consideration to show her Majesty the enclosed copy of my letter to Monsieur, or no. Holograph. Add. Endd. ¼ p. [Ibid. III. 38.]
Oct. 16. 65. ARCHDUKE MATTHIAS to WALSINGHAM.
Not wishing to let an opportunity pass of writing to you our gratitude for your good will, and this bearer, Mr Roger Strange, presenting himself, we have thought good to write begging you not forget us nor diminish your good will aforesaid whether to us privately or to these countries, whose good we desire as our own and whose state is greatly shaken by this war ; a matter of no small importance to the realm of England, as you can well judge. Commend us to the Queen our good cousin, assuring her that we shall not fail to obey her when she honours us with her commands.— Antwerp, 16 Oct. 1579. Add. Endd. Fr. ½ p. [Holl. and Fl. XII. 37.]
Oct. 17. 66. VILLIERS to DAVISON.
I hope with all my heart that things are going well in your country ; but as I cannot know in detail what is expedient and what not, I can but remit all to God, to whom we must pray to have a care of all, chiefly of several honest folks who are there. I have often dreaded the scourge of God, principally by reason of the churchmen, who are so horribly corrupt that most of them only think of the kitchen, and even talk of nothing else ; for by reading of sacred literature and histories of the Church I perceive that the corruption of the ministers is the cause, or the certain sign, of the Church's ruin, if it be not remedied. And so I say often Da pacem Domine in diebus nostris and the rest. There is little or no talk of the marriage in France, and it is certain that M. d'Anjou has left the Court illcontent over some article respecting it, I know not what. I am for many reasons extremely grieved at what has happened to Mr Stubbes, and I am even afraid that his intimates may find themselves in trouble. I make no doubt that his friends will aid him to the best of their power, although if her Majesty takes this action to heart I fear it will be difficult. I have spoken to his Excellency touching the key. He would have liked her Majesty or at least Mr Secretary to write of it to the States ; but he has not omitted to communicate, as I think Mr Gilpin will write to Mr Secretary, as also of the merchants' affair with those of Holland and Zealand. I have let them know what Mr Secretary wrote to me, and in pursuance of his Excellency's command have placed her Majesty's letter in the hands of Me Vander Varch. In a few days their deputies should be here ; I will do what I can to enable them to make an end of it. It seems likely that the Spaniards will leave the country ; but war is beginning between the districts of Tournay and Cambray with some small towns on one side, and Artois and Hainault, now given up to the Malcontents, on the other. I commend myself to your favour and that of your wife, not forgetting Francis. My wife and your Marie say the same.—Antwerp, 17 Oct. 1579. Add. Fr. 1 p. [Holl. and Fl. XII. 38.]
Oct. 21. 67. POULET to the SECRETARIES.
It is generally affirmed that Bellegarde, departing from Carmagnola the 29th ult. arrived at Chambéry on the 10th inst., intending to meet Queen Mother at Montluel on the 15th ; and in letters from Lyons of the 14th it is affirmed that this meeting holds. Although many here will not believe it till they see it performed, yet some well acquainted with the humour of the man do not think it impossible. The meeting in this place of surety is no great matter. It has perhaps been 'wrought' by the Duke of Savoy for his better discharge towards Queen Mother ; and yet it has been compassed with such leisure that it is to be supposed the advice of the Spaniard has been used therein. But there is great expectation of the resolution, which no doubt will be of great consequence to make or mar in diverse ways. The ambassadors here have been advertised by letters of the 22nd ult. that the Spanish army in Italy has received its pay and is embarked. Some are of opinion that the ships may pass to Ireland, and the galleys remain on the coast of Spain till some good occasion shall be offered to employ them in Portugal. It is certain that Queen Mother has been highly offended with the whole company of those in best credit with the King, and it is not to be doubted but that many princes and many other great personages blow at this coal with might and main. The King desiring to keep peace with his mother, or perhaps not daring to offend her, and fearing lest these men should receive some 'scorn' in his own presence at her arrival, has sent them all to her one after the other, excepting only d'O, who has been excused by his father-in-law Villequier. Hereby it is easy to see that Queen Mother is king and queen of this country, and has lost no part of her authority ; some being of opinion that this reconciliation between her and the King's good servants will prove to be counterfeit. It is thought now that she will be here shortly. Camillo Fera is lately returned from Monsieur. He gives out that Monsieur professes all brotherly love and fidelity to the King, and upon the arrival of his mother will not fail to return to the Court. 'Otteman,' a professor of the civil law, not unknown to you as I think, has his eldest son dwelling with me, 'and is' schoolmaster to my children. He has lately written to his father that his friends here advise him to agree with his brethren for his portion of heritage ; the father being a native of this town of good parentage and having a good right to lands of good value. 'Otteman,' the father, writes back from Basle on the 30th ult. that he could 'like well with' the advice mentioned if it were not that it would be better or worse very shortly, as all the world would know without delay. Further, having lately received a letter from one of Normandy, dwelling in this town, he forbears to write to the Norman, but commands his son to assure him that if those of his country would do their endeavour they should not want assistance, and that, doubting the messenger, he durst not write as plainly as he would. It seems by this that there is something in brewing in that country. There has been great expectation of the resolution of the clergy assembled long since at Melun, and now lately here ; and indeed their short dealing gives cause to think that they have their favourers of all degrees. The King, forced by necessity, has been content to forget his greatness and use very familiar speeches to win them to his lure. Yet lately he had dismissed them in some choler, but they were countermanded the same night, and as yet no conclusion has ensued. For the matters in question between them, I refer you to the bill enclosed ; which at the first show does not seem to 'import' you greatly, but the 'consequence' discovers many things worth considering. I cannot assure you what will become of the companies of horse and foot assembled in Champagne, though I have used the help of M. Marchemont ; but it is given out that Matignon is countermanded, and it seems that the matter is not great, since the King has departed to take the air of the country for five or six days, accompanied by the Queen and the Duke of Guise.—Paris, 21 Oct. 1579. Add. Endd. 2½ pp. [France III. 39.]
Oct. 25. 68. VILLIERS to DAVISON.
I have nothing new to tell you save that on Friday last [Oct. 21] at daybreak Colonel Balfour took Menin by escalade, without losing a single man. He followed point by point the orders given by his Excellency. He found there two cannons, two culverins, and other pieces ; so that the Walloons must have been much astonished at finding their road cut off on every side. The Spaniards have left the neighbourhood of Mechlin, not venturing to attack M. de la Noue, who had only 1,000 French and 700 English. So Willebroek remains over. It looks as if the Spaniard would withdraw. The Burgundians are marching, but I think it is for an alarm which certain French have given them in their own country. There is reason to fear that Madame has a quartan. She and Mlle d'Oranges greet you and your wife, as do my wife and Marie.—Antwerp, 25 Oct. 1579. Add. Fr. ½ p. [Holl. and Fl. XII. 39.]
Oct. 25. 69. Agreement made between Claude d'Estampes, lord of la FertéImbault, one of his Highness's Chamberlains in ordinary, appointed on the 5th October current, of the one part, and Baudouin de Gavre, Baron d' Inchy, governor of Cambray, of the other part. M. de la Ferté assures M. d' Inchy that his Highness will be avowed and supported by the King his brother in his present undertaking, and will have no intelligence with the King of Spain. He will in case of necessity aid M. d' Inchy with 2,000 foot and 500 horse at his own charges, to be commanded by M. d' Inchy under him ; and will spare no means, even his person, if need be. Payment for a garrison of 300 'heads' in the citadel of Cambray, with 150 horses, shall be supplied monthly or quarterly so long as the war lasts or other need requires. To make the soldiers better affected six months shall be paid in advance. Further, 5,000 or 6,000 florins shall be paid in cash, to provide the place with necessary munition and indispensable works, such as mills, required for the safety of the citadel. If the Estates enter into a treaty with his Highness, or M. d' Inchy intends to be comprised in it, he is to have no stricter conditions than in the case of other towns, and this agreement will be void ; but if they do not carry out the treaty they have begun the present terms will hold good. In the event of M. d' Inchy going to the army or elsewhere on his Highness's service or his own account, he desires the French commander to act as his lieutenant with full powers ; but he is not to be pressed to leave the place save of his own free will. If M. d' Inchy asks aid from his Highness, one-third of the garrison shall be French ; and if the succours are attacked by Spaniards or their adherents M. d' Inchy will withdraw them into the town if their safety requires. In order that M. d' Inchy's authority may be secure, it is agreed that he holds it from his Highness. All these things M. de la Ferté, in virtue of his powers promises that his Highness will ratify if M. d' Inchy will swear allegiance to him as his sovereign, renouncing every other prince from henceforth. He will administer the same oath to his soldiers and other subordinates, and will admit a company of French, numbering 100 to 120 men into the citadel, under a French captain, who shall act as his lieutenant. All soldiers, Flemings or others shall swear that if anything happens to (au cas Dieu adrienne à faire sa volonté de) M. d' Inchy they will obey whomsoever his Highness shall appoint ; and that meantime the French captain shall remain governor, and they will obey him as they did M. d' Inchy. M. d' Inchy shall let his Highness know by the end of December what succour he wants ; the agreement to remain in force meanwhile. If his Highness requires his forces elsewhere, and cannot carry out [?] his desire to entertain the present agreement, M. de la Ferté will let M. d' Inchy know his intentions before the end of December. —Signed and sealed at Cambray, Oct. 25. Copy, somewhat damaged. Fr. 2⅓ pp. [Holl. and Fl. XII. 40.]
Oct. 25. 70. 'HER MAJESTY'S ANSWER to the TURK'S LETTER.'
Elizabeth, etc. to Sultan Murad Khan etc. We have received your letter of March 15 in the current year, and have learnt from it how graciously the letters were accepted which were presented to you by our subject William Harbroun, resident in your city of Constantinople, containing a petition for himself and his two partners to trade freely in your dominions. Nor only that, but how easily and how worthily of an emperor the request was granted. We receive the favour most gratefully, and lest you should think you have done a kindness to an ungrateful prince, we will at no time suffer ourselves, so far as we are able, and according to the goodness which God through whom we reign has implanted in us, making ingratitude abhorrent to us, to be conquered or outdone by any prince who has deserved well of us. But whereas a permission similar to that enjoyed by your allies the French, the Poles, the Venetians, and even the subjects of the King of the Romans, has been granted to a few of our subjects at their own request and without any intercession on our part, we ask that the credit of so singular kindness may not be confined within the limit of two or three men but may be distributed among all our subjects. You will the less regret it that the products in which our realm abounds and which those of other princes lack are so necessary for the uses of mankind that no people can be without them, or fail to rejoice when it has obtained them by long and difficult journeys. But everyone sells more dearly to others in proportion as he seeks a living and a profit from his labour. So as the acquisition of those products is advantageous, but the purchase of them from others burdensome, the advantage to your subjects will be increased by this free access of a few of our people to your land ; the burden will be diminished by allowing any of our subjects to go. There will further be the like and equal freedom of trade which we shall grant to your subjects, which we promise shall be as full as any of your allies grant to any of the princes, or as has ever been conceded to your subjects. If you will accede to our request, we will see that our subjects trade with your country. Your expression of goodwill towards us leads us also to speak on behalf of our subjects who are held as prisoners in your galleys (triremibus), that whereas they have fallen into this misfortune for no fault committed by them they may be granted their freedom. We pray God, who alone is over all things, and is the avenger of idolatry, and jealous for His honour against the false gods of the Gentiles and others, to prosper you with all those gifts which are deservedly held most desirable.—Greenwich, 25 Oct. 1579, the 21st of our reign. Copy. Latin. 3¼ pp. [Turkey I. 1γ.]
[Oct. 25.] 71. THE QUEEN to MUSTAFA BEG.
Your letter of Mar. 15 was handed to us by William Harborne, who at the same time recorded your kindness to our subjects. As it has taken the form of promoting the trade of our merchants to the dominions of his Imperial (Cæsareæ) Highness it demands our gratitude and reciprocity of good offices. As by your good means matters are so far advanced that he has begun to incline to Harborne's request on behalf of himself and his partners, and we would not willingly be excluded from the conveniences granted to the snbjects of other states, we have written to his Highness to testify our gratitude, and to ask him to allow to all our subjects the same permission that he has granted to a few ; promising like liberty to his subjects in our dominions. We beg that you will aid us in obtaining this request. And as we have also dealt with him briefly for the freedom of certain of our subjects who are captive in his galleys we ask you to show your goodwill to us by promoting their cause. Copy. Latin. 1¼ pp. [Turkey I. 1δ.]
Oct. 26. 72. POULET to WALSINGHAM.
Please peruse the enclosed paper. I have written to Mr Wilson by this bearer, Mr Jackson, and doubt not that he will acquaint you with my letter, which contains only an answer to his sent by the same ; save that Bellegarde and Diguières of Dauphiné have conferred with Queen Mother at Monluel. She takes her journey to this town, the King intending to meet her at Montargis ; and some think they will spend some time 'abroad' before returning hither. I fear Sir Henry Cobham's lingering on his journey will 'turn both him and me to great hindrance' ; it being likely we shall have to seek the King I cannot tell where, or to tarry here I cannot tell how long. I have now no hope to see any part of the term in London.—Paris, 26 Oct. 1579.
Enclosure in the above :
The English gentleman who I told you three weeks ago was come from the Court of the Catholic King stayed here 20 days in the house where Morgan lodges. He is gone to find the Prince of Parma, and his name is Owen. He has been waiting for an answer to some letters which he sent to England at his first arrival here, by what route I could not learn. He had 150 crowns from the Catholic King for his journey, and a pension of 25 crowns a month. While he was here he was often with the Scottish Ambassador, through whose hands he received letters from England, which I am persuaded were in answer to those he sent ; so hence it may be believed that the said Ambassador sent those brought by him from Spain. At the same time that Mr Wotton came from Madrid, Browne, brother to Lord Montacute, passed by here on his way from the Prince of Parma. He stayed two days, being with the 'Catholic Agent' and the Scottish Ambassador ; who paid him 80 crowns, so far as I can learn from what Morgan says. Morgan tells me that Mr Wilson opened a packet of letters sent by her of Scotland, wherein were letters for the Emperor, the Empress, Archduke Ernest, the King of France, the Queen regnant, the Bishop of Ross, and that after being seen they were returned. He tells me that they dealt only with certain abbeys and benefices affecting the Scots and the Bishop of Ross ; and that if they had been on business of consequence they would have gone by that hand ; albeit I doubt the Queen his mistress and her council have another object.—Copy, in Poulet's hand. Ital. 1 p. [France III. 40a.] Add. Endd. : with a secret Italian advertisement. 1½ pp. [France III. 40.]
Oct. 26. 73. POULET to [WALSINGHAM].
The gentleman mentioned in your letter is departed hence with good satisfaction and in hope to perform his journey without danger, promising that I shall hear again from him shortly. The long-expected conference between Queen Mother has at last taken effect ; but what is resolved between them I do not yet know for certain. Some say he will continue in his government of Saluces ; but I must refer you to my next letter. Diguiéres, the chief of the religion in Dauphine, who has assisted Bellegarde in all these enterprises, came to the conference. It is said that Queen Mother leaves Lyons to-day, and will be here about the 15th prox. the King intending to meet her at Montargis, and starting for that purpose on the 29th. Please peruse the enclosed notes of . . . of Italy, which I had of the ambassador of . . . . the same being confirmed by letters to other ambassadors. I refer the other discourse, touching the enterprise of Portugal, to your better consideration. Whoever reported to her Majesty that I was the first that informed Monsieur that Stubbes's book was translated into French and printed in this town, has done me great wrong. I assure you upon my poor credit that I never heard it, and would be loth to be found so 'leawde' as either to devise or utter so shameless a lie. God give me grace to say and [do] what I am commanded, and then I [doubt] not but the same God will never give me so little . . . to be a babbler in such matters without [permi]ssion. The truth is that since the receipt of your last letter your friend has told me that he has seen this book in English, and that it has been translated into Italian and sent to the Pope in 'written hand.' The King is returned from Dampierre, and ca[lled in good ?] health, although far from it indeed . . . by those that take upon them to know him. The ambassador of Portugal 'pretends' to have ne[ws of the ?] Spanish preparations, wherein he 'descontyth' . . . of many others.—Paris, 26 Oct. 1579. Margin burnt. Add. and Endt. gone. 1¼ pp. [France III. 41.]
Oct. 26. 74. R. LLOYD to ARTHUR ATYE, secretary to the Earl of Leicester.
I thank you for your letter, the rather that it carried a command from him whom I am so much bound to serve and honour. I have accordingly repaired to my lord ambassador, upon whom I 'have and will attend.' I desire to be employed upon all occasions wherein I may serve his lordship, and so I pray you signify. Touching those gentlemen : I am not well-acquainted with Mr Savile, but I know he is not in this town. Mr Bodleigh lately arrived here from Orleans, and still remains here, but how long he will stay I cannot tell you. Before the return of this gentleman I had no leisure to find out Mr Bodleigh ; I will shortly do it, and satisfy your expectation. Our news is that the Queen Mother will be at Court about the last of this month. Men are mustered and put in readiness, but for what cause or whether they will be employed are 'letters close' to to me. The King lies mostly at the Louvre, whence he makes many pretty [sic] progresses slenderly accompanied. Now he is said to be at Olinville.—Paris, 26 Oct. 1579. P.S.—The King came to Paris yesterday. Add. (The writing is like that of most of Poulet's letters.) Endd. 1 p. [Ibid. III. 42.]
Oct. 26. 75. The LANDGRAVE of HESSE to three ELECTORS [see No. 47].
The answer of us, William, Landgrave of Hesse etc. to the application of Lewis, Palsgrave of the Rhine, Augustus Duke of Saxony, John George Marquis of Brandenburg, made through their envoys Haubold von Einsedell, Lambert Distelmeyer, doctor of law, Jacobus Andreæ and Martinus Chemnitius, doctors of theology.80 We reciprocate your kind wishes for our health and prosperity, and must in any case extol and praise your zeal in the cause of concord and unity among Christians, considering that Christ enjoined nothing so strongly upon His disciples as love and unity, and has thereby abundantly shown how important to Christians is unity and how much mischief will come of division. You may therefore be confident that we have no less than yourselves always desired a concord agreeable to God's word, and have been inclined to further the same to the best of our power. The Elector of Saxony will bear witness, that as soon as he opened to me in confidence your scheme for a Concord we not only at the outset assented in friendly wise to it and expressed to him our confidence in the theologians who were or were to be employed in the work, but subsequently at our brother's request declared honestly, with a single heart and in all Christian discretion, our opinion, and that of our theologians on the draft of the Concord Book composed at Torgau. How that was received by the theologians of one part, and what a bitter and unjustified censure of us on their part followed, that which was written sufficiently proves. We are informed also that other theologians were not pleased with so biting a document. None the less we should have persevered with reminders and warnings, not out of meddlesomeness but for conscience' sake and the importance of the matter to us, nay at times cordially participated, as you can well remember. And all our reminders would have been directed to this mark and end. We did not desire to seek any strange or new thing in the work of concord, but rather to warn against generally dangerous innovations. For this very reason we should at the outset have cited as vexatious and dangerous the appeal in the Concord Book to the first unaltered Confession, and the needless fishing-up of so many selected but for the more part only implicit errors, as well as the condemnations in the article on the Supper and the quasi-approval of that controversy, with the highly contentious and dangerous dogma of the ubiquity of Christ's body and all that depends thereon, and so forth. All this bordered on innovation, seeing that the quoted words 'first unaltered Confession' together with the piling up of so many countertheses and errors naturally conveyed such a meaning as gave our adversaries more cause to impute to our predecessors and Christian teachers a want of certainty and steadfastness in their Confession, to revile their former action, to accuse of erroneous teaching the founders and defenders of our purified religion and set them apart from each other, to cry down our religion the more contemptuously, and by our own admission to gain additional evidence for their injurious charges of uncertainty and division in our religion ; for none of which, we surely and undoubtingly maintain, have you any intention of affording the least ground. Thus, again, where our predecessors in the article of the Lord's Supper concerning the presence, distribution, and dimension of Christ's true Body and Blood, gave a brief and direct statement of their view in the Augsburg Confession, disapproving and rejecting the contrary doctrine, but otherwise and afterwards would never let We reciprocate your kind wishes for our health and prosperity, and must in any case extol and praise your zeal in the cause of concord and unity among Christians, considering that Christ enjoined nothing so strongly upon His disciples as love and unity, and has thereby abundantly shown how important to Christians is unity and how much mischief will come of division. You may therefore be confident that we have no less than yourselves always desired a concord agreeable to God's word, and have been inclined to further the same to the best of our power. The Elector of Saxony will bear witness, that as soon as he opened to me in confidence your scheme for a Concord we not only at the outset assented in friendly wise to it and expressed to him our confidence in the theologians who were or were to be employed in the work, but subsequently at our brother's request declared honestly, with a single heart and in all Christian discretion, our opinion, and that of our theologians on the draft of the Concord Book composed at Torgau. How that was received by the theologians of one part, and what a bitter and unjustified censure of us on their part followed, that which was written sufficiently proves. We are informed also that other theologians were not pleased with so biting a document. None the less we should have persevered with reminders and warnings, not out of meddlesomeness but for conscience' sake and the importance of the matter to us, nay at times cordially participated, as you can well remember. And all our reminders would have been directed to this mark and end. We did not desire to seek any strange or new thing in the work of concord, but rather to warn against generally dangerous innovations. For this very reason we should at the outset have cited as vexatious and dangerous the appeal in the Concord Book to the first unaltered Confession, and the needless fishing-up of so many selected but for the more part only implicit errors, as well as the condemnations in the article on the Supper and the quasi-approval of that controversy, with the highly contentious and dangerous dogma of the ubiquity of Christ's body and all that depends thereon, and so forth. All this bordered on innovation, seeing that the quoted words 'first unaltered Confession' together with the piling up of so many countertheses and errors naturally conveyed such a meaning as gave our adversaries more cause to impute to our predecessors and Christian teachers a want of certainty and steadfastness in their Confession, to revile their former action, to accuse of erroneous teaching the founders and defenders of our purified religion and set them apart from each other, to cry down our religion the more contemptuously, and by our own admission to gain additional evidence for their injurious charges of uncertainty and division in our religion ; for none of which, we surely and undoubtingly maintain, have you any intention of affording the least ground. Thus, again, where our predecessors in the article of the Lord's Supper concerning the presence, distribution, and dimension of Christ's true Body and Blood, gave a brief and direct statement of their view in the Augsburg Confession, disapproving and rejecting the contrary doctrine, but otherwise and afterwards would never let themselves be moved to a public approbation of the almost bitter polemical writings which passed between theologians on this point before the concord which was come to with the late Dr. Luther in 1537, still less to a condemnation (such as was agreed upon in the summons to the meeting at Laumburg in 1551) or exclusion of any man from the religious peace on grounds of reason, but in the churches and schools of their lands simply adhered to the Augsburg Confession as their symbol, things would not be left in this usage, but the whole Court and Empire would be involved in similar polemical writings and the almost odious accusations embodied in them, and also in the questionable condemnation and the extension of it to be arranged by the authors of the Concord Book, and the responsibility for all would be thrust upon you. It will without doubt be as little convenient to the Electors as to those of other stations to charge themseves with these far-reaching and dangerous disputations, and, as the saying is, make the suit their own. In like manner we have warned, and again warn in all loyalty, in the Articles of the Lord's Supper to let the words of institution be and remain alone the right ground for the presence of the Body and Blood of Christ, and not to mix up with this matter the contentious dogma of the omnipotence [sic] of Christ's human nature, but to get rid of this latter, to come to agreement on the new dangerous forms and modes of speech in the Article on the Person of Christ which give birth to quarrels and disputations, and as regards that high mystery of the Personal Union, wherein one may easily stumble upon Nestorianism, Eutychianism, Suengfeldianism [qy. Zwinglianism] and the like damnable heresies, to teach only in accordance with the symbols and decrees of the Councils accepted by the universal Church. If you think the way of an universal synod too hazardous in these times, we have already declared that until God shows a better way, we are with you in holding straitly to the Augsburg Confession and Apology committed to us in the year '30 (short always of the papistic transubstantiation) as that based on God's word ; and, so far as concerns the person of Christ, to the Apostles', the Nicene, and the Athanasian creeds, to the decrees of the four chief Councils, and to the Epistle of Leo to Flavian, which is accepted by the whole Church ; and in no way intend to permit anything contrary thereto in our churches and schools, but to stand henceforth as heretofore manfully in defence of the Augsburg Confession, and all estates who are attached to it.—Cassel, 26 Oct. 1579. A few extracts only have been given ; the entire document occupies 17½ pp. Endd. by R. Beale [?] : 'Copy of the Landgrave's letter to the three secular electors about the book of Concord.' German. [Germ. States I. 77.]
Oct. 28. 76. ROSSEL to WALSINGHAM.
My last told you of the surprise of Menin, the first stronghold of the malcontent conspiracy, effected by Colonel Balfour and his men with the neighbouring garrisons, in pursuance of a plan considered some time ago by M. de la Noue and myself. Three days earlier MM. de Capre, Montigny, Hèze, d'Allennes, and other colonels were in conclave there, planning some new enterprise on Flanders. This having failed, and finding themselves in perplexity under the calumnies of the Spaniards they are taking divers counsel for the furtherance of their fine peace. Count de Reulx' troops are at Turnhout, Gheel and the parts adjacent, having on their border the Spanish cavalry at Turnhout. They are fortifying themselves to store their goods, and entrenching after the fashion of Menin, from fear, or rather to give us trouble. Count Lalaing, studying to construct some stratagem for M. de la Noue, who is encamped in the Abbey of Grimberg, near Brussels and the river, has been at Alost, where his designs were recognised. This will hinder those of his accomplices. M. de la Noue has arrived this evening about this matter and others concerning himself. He insists on being allowed to resign, since arms are on the road afresh in France and the King is assembling his forces. Your ambassadors will tell you about this and I need say no more to captain our State, which deplores the idea of peace. Steps are being taken to get the Union to submit to the contribution settled in Antwerp. They have resolved to continue for three months paying 2½ per cent. on the rents of houses as well as other incomes. If the provinces of the Union agree to this the resources will be sufficient to maintain the war. My fear that most of them will fail to pay their quota keeps me in doubt. Some of the Estates have arrived and are assembling, so that I do not think well of the speech of a person of quality who knows the provinces well in the matter of finance. He maintains that Guelders and Friesland will put off ; Holland, naturally slow and not very willing, will cool the others. We shall see the issue, and the decision on the three points. —Antwerp, 28 Oct. 1579. Add. Endd. Fr. 1¼ pp. [Holl. & Fl. XII. 41.]
? End of Oct. 77. NOTE from PARIS.
Morgan and his mates being assembled of late after the accustomed manner, and holding a letter in his hand : 'You shall now see,' says he, 'how untruly it is given out that James Fitzmorris is slain, and that Irish matters go hard on that side.' Then he read the letter dated the 11th ult. in Ireland, and directed to two Jesuit scholars called Sydcotts. The letter contained that at the last skirmish 140 Englishmen had been slain, that Englishmen resorted daily to the aid of Fitzmorris, and that eight ships were newly arrived with men and munitions. These men show their good minds. Morgan gives out that these things are done by the Pope and not by the King of Spain, wherein he shows his cunning. He says that the Spanish army in Italy has divided, part going to Africa for the King of Spain, part coming into Ireland from the Pope. I have received this advertisement from your friend. In Poulet's hand, but without date, add. or endd. 15ll, [France III. 43.]