Elizabeth
December 1579, 16-31

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Institute of Historical Research

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Arthur John Butler (editor)

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1904

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107-122

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'Elizabeth: December 1579, 16-31', Calendar of State Papers Foreign, Elizabeth, Volume 14: 1579-1580 (1904), pp. 107-122. URL: http://www.british-history.ac.uk/report.aspx?compid=73437 Date accessed: 21 October 2014.


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December 1579, 16-31

Dec. 18. 107. — to POULET.
I am sending several letters which have been forwarded to me for you from various places ; among others one from the King of Navarre which M. de Chassincourt, his agent at Court, gave me yesterday. The Queen Mother is not yet back from the Prince ; the object of her journey was to persuade him to recross the Loire, to which effect he is offered a residence at Coignac and 50,000 livres pension. He has not decided to accept this ; it would indeed be a great disgrace to him, and I do not see that there would be great security for his return. Meanwhile they are in a great difficulty, for they see that if he is left there his party have a place of retreat and a chief to rally them, as well as a means to facilitate help from abroad. Nor do they see how they can get him out of it by force, for they know not to whom to entrust the operations, having no confidence in the great men and fearing the small. Marshal Bellegarde is doing everything in Provence and Dauphiné at the devotion of our people. 'They' are also greatly afraid of this conference between the King of Navarre and Marshal Montmorency, now going on at Foix. The Estates of Normandy continue their demands, and avow everything that MM. de la Rocheguion, Ponttellange and others have done. Meanwhile the Prince is not going to sleep, having fortified, victualled, and munitioned la Fère. I believe that M. de la Noue is now there ; at any rate he was at Cambray last Saturday and wrote to us from there. Murders are beginning again. This week the Chevalier de Tenance was killed by M. de Seure ; and at Alençon, in the neighbourhood of Monsieur, the Baron de Montjoy has been killed in a duel. These are ill omens for this poor state.—18 Dec. 1579. P.S.—Matignon's troops that were in Champagne are in this neighbourhood, and have been made to pass muster. M. de Ravignan has had his answer, but it contains only remonstrances, prayers and conjurations to the King of Navarre to restore the towns, promising that if he does so the Edict will be punctually carried out. Their object is to induce us to ask, as the King of Navarre is resolutely doing, for some further term, within which it shall be so carried out. Endd. by Walsingham : from N. to Sir Amyas Poulet. Fr. 1 p. [France III. 58.]
Dec. 19. 108. VILLIERS to DAVISON.
I received yours of the 5th. Owing to the absence of Mr Travers, who was gone to Lierre, I could not speak to him, nor to the other who was with him. I touched on it this morning to Mr Gilpin ; he thinks there is danger, and that the thing must be managed as gently and discreetly as possible, but as you know we are not always masters of our designs. We all desire here that your country's affairs may be conducted to God's honour and the repose of the realm ; and the discussion of particulars only goes on among those who have some particular interests. As for the person of whom you write to me, who shows [?] the letters, I believe it, but I have wonderfully good pledges from him. Still I will think of it ; and thank you much. I have written freely to him touching the fault committed by him and others over there in the matter of Cassiodore, who would like to trouble our churches here ; but this again was because he wrote to me of it himself. I think he is satisfied ; at least so he gives me to understand. Our affairs drag on as usual. For the third time his Excellency has taken leave of the general burden, not wishing any longer to command without means. He offers his services as a nobleman of the country. I think they will come to a resolution, for they must act or perish. It is those of Holland who back out the most Flanders does very well. We are assured that the Spaniards are taking the road next Monday ; we shall soon see. The Albanians, Italians, and Burgundians remain, by agreement with the Walloons, who have been a little beaten. If they are beaten once more they will recall the Spaniards. M. de la Noue, notwithstanding all the representations made to him, has gone into France. God keep him safe. The Prince and Princess, my ladies of Orange, and your little mistress greet you affectionately, as do we. Please salute Mr and Miss (sic) Killegrew.—Antwerp, 19 Dec. 1579. Add. Fr. 1 p. [Holl. and Fl. XII. 52.]
Dec. 22. 109. FREMIN to DAVISON.
Just a word or two to recall me to your good graces, in which I would be maintained, and to tell you that I have written to you several times and received no answer, which makes me think you are absent or have forgotten your humble servant. Yet I will not for that cease to be your servant as in duty bound by your laudable qualities. As for the state of affairs here I can tell you nothing just now, because the gentleman who takes this is on the point of departure. You know him, and I have asked him to discourse at large to you on what is happening here. For the rest, count wholly on me. I commend me to your 'Mademoiselle votre compagne' and all your family.—Antwerp, 22 Dec. 1579. Add. Fr. ½ p. [Holl. and Fl. XII. 53.]
Dec. 26. 110. COBHAM to [WALSINGHAM ?].
Mr Stafford, accompanied by M. Simier, came to Paris on Christmas Eve ; and as he had stayed so long at Monsieur's Court, now at their coming they determined to hasten hence. Whereon I sent that night to M. Gondy to procure Mr Stafford's audience, which was granted, and next day he had access to their Majesties, to whom he effectually delivered his message. But as M. Simier had been at Court the night before and that morning, I think they were well informed of the cause of his coming and heard him willingly. They make show to like and to be as earnest in the cause as they ever were, expressing by many speeches their hope of the present conclusion. In such sort this matter is carried here. I have sent this messenger to you, to inform you of what he heard the Prince of Condé say, 'and otherwise pass' since his coming to Fère. Please hear him at large.—Paris, 26 Dec. 1579. P.S.—The advertisement which I received and sent you, of the King of Spain's taking of Genoa, falls not out accordingly. It grew from some of the navy staying there, which now are passed towards Spain. Marshal Bellegarde is dead and M. d'Aulmont is made Marshal. His [Bellegarde's] government is given to M. de la Valette. Add. and endt. gone. 1 p. [France, III. 59.]
Dec. 27. 111. ROSSEL to WALSINGHAM.
I have been for two whole months on military expeditions with M. de le Noue. Events will, I think, have been reported by 'Mr Secretary Gilpin,' including the return of M. de la Noue to France from Avelghem, a place which we fortified in order to check Haultèrive on the Scheld fortified by the enemy, as well as to facilitate assistance to Tournay, St. Amand, Bouchain and Cambray. To this end was sent Colonel Norris with 7 ensigns, maintained at the cost of the Flemings. He was very welcome at Tournay and caressed by the Prince of Espinoy. M. de la Noue on leaving gave me orders to place the troops in garrison ; the French at Loo in Flanders, the cavalry at Oudenarde, Courtray, Menin, and Ypres. On the way came news that the enemy was fortifying at Vamercy [Wambrechies], a place on the Lille river. This made us hasten to the suburb of Commines to the assistance of 7 Flemish companies Colonel Mortagne, who otherwise would have been badly handled by the enemy, led at that time by Count Mansfelt, who was followed by the Marquis of Risbrouk, Count Egmont, la Motte, Montigny, Capres, and other malcontents to the number of 5,000 foot and 10 cornets of horse. These came and assaulted our people's barricades with three pieces of artillery on Friday the 18th, on which day the skirmish lasted from mid-day to nightfall, when they encamped on the ground. A consultation was at once held as to whether we could hold out against their artillery. The decision being in the negative it was thought well to secure our retreat, which was done after burning the bridges over Lys. The enemy has not since found an opportunity of repairing them owing to the bad weather and his dread of the Prince of Condé's army at la Fère, whither M. de la Noue has gone. The Prince writes to the States and his Excellency the cause of his coming to la Fère, which is his wish to hold his government of Picardy, a thing that the King and Queen Mother must needs approve. He is accompanied by about 600 horse, mostly nobles of Picardy. His approach has made our Malcontents retreat with their Albanians, fearing the surprise of some town in Artois. I hope for M. de la Noue's return in February, or at any rate the beginning of March. Meanwhile every possible effort is being taken to get things into order for the support of the war. All councillors will be renewed, especially for finance. These will be reduced to a certain number, and with the chamber of aids and finances will administer the moyens généraux, contributed by the various provinces, in one lump sum. This has been recently agreed, even the Hollanders joining, who will conform to equality in the coinage and other usages heretofore accustomed. His Excellency feels assured of the withdrawal of the Spaniards, and I not ; seeing that they are careering daily about Mechlin. The towns belonging to Brussels are much disturbed. The Chancellor of Brabant, the new deputies and others will start tomorrow to revise the law, and remedy the distress caused by the non-payment of the garrisons not only there but at Lierre, where the English who are there have mutinied for the same cause. All the other towns with garrisons are in a like predicament, a deplorable calamity for us and to the fact of our state being governed by everybody on his own account. In this expedition I have recognised more than ever an omen of their mishaps (plus d'augure en leurs malheurs) ; that they put ignorance in command, the foe to excellence. This disgusts me, and I do not want any longer to serve amid ingratitude. A friend of mine has by my direction been communicating with Mr Gilpin from Cologne, who will have told you of his good dispositions. Learning that you would like an interview with him I have told him to come to Liege promptly, to sound all the adherents of the league so perniciously based on the pretext of the marriage you wot of, which will result in the freeing of the prisoners and other schemes ruinous to this state, which should make us look out to prevent as much ruin to you. I guarantee he will do that service and go further, as has been resolved by Mr Gilpin and myself. I hope you will take his labour into consideration. Friesland is somewhat shaky ; some of the towns assured, but not the principal. Guelders is 'mined' with garrisons as counterpoise. —Antwerp, 27 Dec. 1579. Add. Endd. Fr. 2½ pp. [Hol. and Fl. XII. 54.]
Dec. 30. 112. WALSINGHAM to COBHAM.
Yours of the 19th by John Furrier was very welcome, for there was much longing here to hear from France, especially from Monsieur ; the rather that it appears by his letters that he is most resolute to prosecute the marriage. But no full resolution will, I suppose, be taken till Mr Stafford's return. Touching the employment of certain persons in Spain (since I have no access of speech to her Majesty since my repair to Court, being still entertained as a man not thoroughly restored to her favour), I can say nothing as yet, but mean to pray Mr Secretary Wilson to move her therein. It is thought that Parliament will be prorogued, since the Commissioners to be sent by the King cannot be here so soon. Your servant Lewkner shall not stay here long undispatched. More speed would have been used if I had enjoyed my former credit with her Majesty. Notwithstanding, I will call upon Mr Secretary to know her pleasure what she will have done by you towards either the King or Monsieur upon this dispatch sent by you and Mr Stafford. You will do well in future to direct your letters containing the occurrents to us both, without writing separate letters, unless it be upon special occasion or private matter, as you may think fit. We have heard nothing from Ireland this month, which we impute to the contrariety of the winds. The young King of Scots begins to be carried away with young counsellors, and 'Obigny' amongst the rest grows to be over-great with him. He practises with the nobility of that realm to draw them towards France, which he does underhand ; for outwardly he makes show to favour the amity of this Crown as most necessary for the King. Besides, he 'bears them in hand' that he will become of the Religion, and thereby stops the mouths of the ministers, who otherwise cannot be stayed from inveighing against him. We have not yet heard from Captain Erington, and therefore cannot say what will become of the lord of Arbrothe and his brother's case.—At the Court, 30 Dec. 1579. Draft. Endd. by L. Tomson. 1½pp. [France III. 60.]
Dec. 31. 113. COBHAM to [WALSINGHAM].
I have detained your servant hitherto, because at his coming John Furrier had received and brought his dispatches from Mr Stafford, and Best had been with the Prince of Condé ; so that I thought it most convenient to send the report of that by him. I wrote to you by him of all that had passed here. Since then the father of Bussy d'Amboise has sent to M. Simier his son-in-law M. de Balligny ; by whom a quarrel was offered, on the plea that Simier had accepted an abbey which young Bussy had. Simier accepted the quarrel, and they were to have met next day, but it was not prosecuted. Since then the King and Queen have found themselves aggrieved with this proceeding of Bussy and Balligny ; whereupon both parties have received the King's strait command, and thus that matter remains, as this bearer can from point to point inform you by very good means. The King and Queen proceed, in all show, hotly to the advancement and performance of Monsieur's marriage. The King of Navarre has 'passed conference' with Duke Montmorency. The King has again sent M. de la Personne to the Prince of Condé with permission for him to remain in the Castle of la Fère with 50 soldiers only for his guard. The governor also to remain and the rest of the Prince's forces to be sent away. Since the death of Bellegarde the King has given his government of Saluces to M. de la Valette. He is gone thither with the determination to leave the government in the hands of his elder brother and to persuade his cousin, the young Bellegarde, to repair to the Court on the King's granting him the government of 'Carmagnolle' and 'Cerisolles.' The King was content that M. de la Noue should come to this town, but the Pope's nuncio and the Spanish agent have so dealt with him that la Noue does not yet appear in Paris, but remains at his house 18 leagues hence. M. de Pibrac having come hither to the feast of St. Esprit has told the King that in a place in Languedor it has rained blood, not far from the place where the King of Navarre met Montmorency, 'whereon there runneth a bruit.' At that interview there were with the King of Navarre the Viscount of 'Touraine,' M. de Guitry, and the deputies from the Churches of Languedor. On the other side were Marshal Montmorency, the chief president of Toulouse, with the councillors, and the Bishops of 'Lombeze and Auxe.' This evening are installed eight brothers of St. Esprit ; I enclose their names. 'The occurrents is' that the Spanish 'army' has passed towards the coast of Spain. I hear that an enterprise of the Protestants is discovered for the seizure of Havre de Grace.—Paris this 'Nueiers even.' Endd. by Walsingham. 2 pp. [France III. 61.]
Dec. 31. 114. Attestation by Melchior de Vades, notary for the town and jurisdiction of 'the city Vicieuse,' to the effect that on Dec. 3 'there entered into the river of the town aforesaid one ship called St. Peter laden with munition and weapons, which had on board thirty men and odd of divers nations, who had for their captain one whom they called Alonso Verneno, an 'Irishman,' who, being visited by the Governor and other officials, 'showed them certain letters written by the Pope's nuncio, and letters of provision from his Majesty to the Governor,' whereupon the Governor charged all persons 'to yield the captain and company all favour, help and victuals, and what else soever they should require, at prices reasonable, because the business they went about was undertaken at the request of the Pope's Holiness.' Given at the request of Captain Alonso Verneno, Villa Viciosa, 31 Dec. 1597. Trans. in hand of L. Tomson. ¾ p. [Spain I. 34.] [A French version calendared in 'Ireland,' same date.]
Dec. 115. BURGHLEY to [? LA. MOTTE-FÈNELON].
Monsieur,—Although I have not by any writing to you continued the remembrance of our common good . . . grown whilst you were here ambassador for your king, yet beside my own devotion warranted by my conscience, there are many witnesses of your nation to my commemoration of your rare virtues and sufficiency, not only for the place you held here about the Queen, but for any place of counsel that you do or shall [sic] about your king ; as without any note of pleasing you, I confess I think the king as happy to have a direct counsellor as you fortunate to be in credit with him. And as whensoever any occasion is given me to hear you spoken [sic] I have not forborne to utter my liking of you in the hearing of your countrymen, though perchance some of them may in some sort envy your singular praise ; so now being 'provoked' to recommend with my letters the bearer hereof to my acquaintance in France, I have . . . my . . . . . not meaning to trouble you thereby, but to . . . to shew your favours to the party, if at any time he shall have need of your countenance The bearer is named Mr Anthony Bacon, son to him whom you knew here a great counsellor, the Lord Keeper of the Great Seal of England ; and allied to me in that his mother, Lady Bacon, is my wife's sister. Since his father's death the care of him and his brother being by the testament of his father committed to me, and by his mother referred absolutely to my consideration, I have assented to have him, according to his honest desire, to travel into France, to see the country and to learn the language, and to enable himself by learning good things there, to serve his country the better. And though M. de Mauvissière has 'loden' him with plenty of commendatory letters, for which I am greatly beholden to him, yet surely I am bound to make as great account of this my own letter to you as of many of the other. And so, having been glad of this occasion to write for this my particular friend, I will end with the general recommendation of the public good amity between your master, the king, and my mistress, the Queen, and their countries and people ; wherein as I know you can and will do all good offices, and as by reports of our ambassadors both present and 'preterit' I understand you do and have done sincerely, so also I wish you to be as well assured of me for my part, to my poor power and small understanding ; for so am I sure I shall please the King of all kings, with whom [?] beati pacifici quoniam filii Dei vocabuntur. Draft in Burghley's hand, much faded. Subscription in Fr. in another hand. 2 pp. [France III. 67.]
[1579.] 116. 'An Extract of certain Edicts made in France since ao 1561.'
17 Jan. 1561.—All exercises in towns forbidden, but not to be 'impeached' otherwise to assemble for exercise. No preaching of any doctrine against the Word of God, as it is contained in the Council of Nice and the Old and New Testament. April 1562.—A prohibition to make any assembly or to preach in the town of Paris or fauxbourgs or banlieue of Paris. 19 Mar. 1562, at Amboise.—(1) All gentlemen holding 'fee haubert' shall exercise religion freely in their houses for their families and subjects. (2) All other gentlemen having fiefs may do the like with their families only, so they dwell not in towns, bourgs, or villages, if 'Lords haut Justices.' (3) In every bailliage and sénéchaussée such as Peronne, 'Montdedyre,' Roy [?] and Rochelle, upon request by those of the Religion there shall be a town in whose suburbs there shall be exercise of Religion for such as will resort thither, but nowhere else. (4) All persons may live in their houses without search. 14 June 1563.—Prohibition that they of the Religion do not keep any workmen in their houses or shops upon festival days 'allowed' by the Church Catholic. 18 June 1563.—Command to see the observation of the Edict of 19 March 1562, and to nominate towns where named by the Edict. 19 June 1563.—Prohibitions of preachings and administration of the sacraments of the pretended Reformed Religion in the King's Court house. 16 Aug. 1563, at Rouen.—The King declares his majority, his happiness to have expelled all Englishmen out of France, forbids all French, even his brethren, to have any intelligence by message or otherwise with any foreign prince without his leave. 23 Mar. 1568, at Paris.—Confirmation of the Edict of Mar. 19, 1562, with revocation of all restrictions and modifications made since its publication. For the Country of Provence, they shall enjoy the benefit of it ; but for the sénéchaussée of Provence, Merindol shall be the place for public exercise. The Prince of Condé is avowed a good subject, and those that have followed him. Sep. 1568, at St. Maur-des-fossés.—A recital of the Edict of Jan. 1561, and the pacification at Amboise, Mar. 1562. All which are revoked, and all Ministers of the Religion shall depart from the realm within 15 days. Prohibition to 'research' any for their conscience, so that they exercise no religion but the Roman. Sep. 1568.—Discharge from all offices of all persons of the reformed Religion, provided that such as have not openly aided the rebels may resign, and have pensions out of the 'hostel of Paris.' Aug. 1570.—By advice of the Queen Mother, the Duke of Anjou, and the Duke of Alençon, it is permitted that all persons shall live freely in all towns and places without search for their conscience, behaving themselves according to the Edict. All persons having 'fee haubert' or 'haut justice' shall have exercise in such principal towns as they shall name, and in their absence their wives and families, for whom they will be responsible. The like they shall have in their other houses of hault justice when they shall be present, and for their families and subjects. In inferior fees, they shall not exceed the number of 10 besides their families. The Queen of Navarre shall have liberty, though she be absent, in her houses of hault iustice, in her duchy of Albret, and counties of Armagnac, Foix, and Bigorre ; so that the houses be named by the King. Special towns shall be named for exercise in Provence to the number of 15 ; and in every town where exercise was publ : [sic] on the 1st of last August. No exercise within 2 leagues of the King's Court, or 10 round about Paris. There shall be no difference for matters of religion to receive into universities, schools, or hospitals. They of the Religion are counted capable of executing all estates, dignities, public charges, etc. of towns, and to be received in all councils and assemblies without impediment. Matters that cannot be accorded for those of the Religion at Toulouse shall be remitted to the master of the requests at Paris ; and for matters at Rouen, in Provence, Britanny, &c., they of the Religion shall take exception against six. The Catholics shall refuse the judgement of such of the Religion as heretofore have been discharged from judgement. After the publication of the Edict all arms shall be put down. May 1576.—The exercise of Religion is permitted in all towns and places of France without restriction. Preachings, prayers, singing of Psalms, administration of Baptism and the Supper, celebration of marriages, schools, public lessons, correction according to the Reformed Religion, and other things, shall be free. They shall have their Consistories and Synods, both provincial and general. They shall have no exercise within two leagues of Paris, but shall not be searched in their houses. They shall have no public exercise in the King's dominions beyond the mountains, but there too their houses shall not be searched. They shall have the churchyard of the Trinity in Paris for their burial, and other places. In the Parliament of Paris a new chamber shall be made of 2 Presidents and 16 Councillors, half Catholics, half of the Religion ; who shall be sent to Poictiers to judge causes there. In the Parliament of Toulouse a like chamber of 2 Presidents and 18 Councillors. The like at Grenoble, Bordeaux, Rouen, Brittany, &c. The disorder committed the 24th of August at Paris and other places is declared to have displeased the King, and that widows whose husbands were then killed shall be free from taxes for certain years. The heirs of Admiral Châtillon, Montgomery, etc. to be restored. The Vidame of Chartres and M. de Beauvoir are 'discharged of' their negotiations with the Queen of England in 1562. 8 Oct. 1577.—Free permission to live in any town of the King's obedience without constraint to do anything against their conscience, nor be searched in their houses. The like liberty granted as in the former Edict. To have liberty publicly where any place was the 17th of September [sic]. No difference as to receiving scholars into universities and schools, or sick into hospitals. Those of the Religion made capable of all dignities, offices, etc. Mixed chambers in all Courts of the Parliaments of Paris, Rouen, Dijon, and Rennes, and a chamber for those of Bordeaux, Grenoble, and Aix. The like provision for Toulouse and for Dauphine. Certain towns delivered by the king to those of the Religion to hold for six years, for which the King of Navarre, the Prince of Condé, etc., as French gentlemen of the Religion, shall be bound. After the publication of this Edict all governors and officers of the realm shall be sworn thereto. 1579.—Articles accorded at Nérac by the Queen Mother and the King of Navarre with the Deputies of the Religion for confirmation of the Edict of Sep. 1577 ; and an enlargement of divers articles of the same ; especially the Queen Mother promised 36,000 livres to those of the Religion in recompense of damages done to them since the last Edict. Endd. partly by Burghley. A few additions in his hand ; and Walsingham's mark to certain articles. 4 pp. [France III. 62.]
[1579.] 117. Considerations touching the Queen's marriage.
In discussing the marriage now under negotiation and ready to be concluded between the Queen of England and the Duke of Anjou it is necessary to consider beforehand the reasons that may be alleged by all who profess to be affected by it, in order that by comparing and weighing them it may more clearly be recognised what good or harm may result from it to the common weal of this realm, to which the whole matter ought to be referred, regardless of all else. Now this state is based chiefly on the person of the Queen, and her successor whoever he may be ; and as a consequence of this last we ought to note the existing factions and parties in this country, in respect alike of the succession and of the differences in religion. As regards the Queen, in the position she has held for some years past, and especially since the marriage which the Earl of Leicester is said to have contracted, she could seek no more assured comfort for the remainder of her days than in wedding a prince of such quality as the Duke, by whose means and the support of his friends she may preserve her sovereign authority amid the division not of her subjects only but of the chief men of her council, being in no way assured of either the one or the other. Besides, as she approaches the time when she will be unable to bear children, she will be less respected and obeyed by her subjects, who will all try to provide for future events ; as has often happened to princes when old, in the name of their own children. The Duke is certainly young as compared with (au prix de) the Queen, but he makes up by prudence what is lacking in others of his age, especially in the perfection of friendship and mutual devoir which the husband owes to his wife. He has no bad habits, as he showed when he was in his greatest youthful freedom, and God has not willed that he should be able to rely on bodily perfection, whereby he should hold in less respect her who has been as much adorned therewith as any princess of her time ; so that no domestic troubles need be feared by reason of the disparity of age. I need not recall many similar marriages between the greatest princes of Europe who have had all luck (heur) and happiness ; especially that of the present Catholic King with his niece, sister of the Emperor. But to come to what concerns the public, I say that had she had the option, her Majesty could not have accepted any alliance more advantageous for the common weal of Christendom and of her realm. For confirming and drawing closer by it the last league made between her and the Christian King she will lull to rest any dissensions that had taken root in the hearts of their respective subjects, and had always been a means of sowing division among Christians, as may be proved by many examples in every age. This will be much aided if the Duke comes into the enjoyment of his rights as successor to the Crown of France. But setting this aside, I maintain that the Queen by her marriage secures her position against the Christian King, in the event of his desiring hereafter to break his promises made on this point. For the Duke, who will be obliged to have no less care for this realm than for his own property, will always employ himself in the maintenance and defence of it, both by means of its own forces and by the intelligence and resources that he will have in France ; his power in which country I will not set out, that I may excite the suspicion of no man. If, however, the King favours the marriage, and in respect of it extends the friendship which he has with his brother to the Queen and her realm, entering into a strait league with them, who will be the third in Christendom to dare to attack either? I know that the Catholic King is the one who will be able to do the most against it, and peradventure would least desire it, regarding as it does the repose of Christendom more than any ambition. But let us suppose that he remains offended by it. This will in the first place be contrary to all right, and secondly he will not risk his lands in Flanders and Italy, whence he would be compelled to withdraw his forces if he carried on a war in these parts, leaving them a prey to his neighbours. So there is nothing to be feared from that quarter. Still less in the future, he being already old, and having only young children, incapable of any great undertaking when he dies, perhaps even of keeping what is left to them, scattered as it is all over Christendom. There is no need to allege the ancient league between this state and the House of Burgundy from which the said King is descended, inasmuch as he and his predecessors have made divers leagues, especially with the French, to the prejudice of that, and it has been variously broken by both sides in the last 20 years, so that on neither side can it be relied on to hinder so lawful and honourable a marriage. Even if it had been still intact, what advantage coming from so distant a country can be compared with the infinite conveniences which English and French will receive from this alliance. What support or succour has this state ever received in its need from the Spaniard? What wealth did he leave when he was in command here or has he brought since?—while he comes to these parts to supply himself with all things necessary to human life. Further, everyone knows how little goodwill the Catholic King has for some time borne to this Crown, his best friends being its deadly enemies, the Pope and the Italians. Do not the effects of this already appear in the army which has landed in Ireland? This, if well considered, ought to hasten the marriage and alliance, in order to offer an unanimous resistance to that which even the blind are beginning to perceive, and to strengthen it. It is said that the French are on that side in order that our Queen may be overtaken with distrust [sic] and lay aside the plan she has in hand for their ruin. What likelihood, I ask you, was there that the ruler would come here unarmed and with the retinue of a simple nobleman to serve as a hostage for those who are to conquer Ireland? So little that without wasting more time on an useless discourse I will conclude that no prince in Christendom surpasses the Duke in wealth, greatness, rights, expectations, and all that is required for the good and preservation of this realm, on which he will spend a million livres in an afternoon, without reckoning what the lords and gentlemen in his suite will bring over ; honourably undertaking to accept no appointment at the cost of this Crown, its estates, dignities, and offices, and content to embellish and adorn the Court of their master and mistress with their magnificent outlay, and make themselves agreeable to those of the country by the courtesy and liberality proper to their nation. And albeit I am of opinion that strangers should be excluded from the principal offices of state, it seems to me that the greatness of a prince is shown by the attendance at his Court of such as can enrich it by a counter lustre as in the case of a jewel and divers sorts of precious stones. I admit that the Englishman can live conveniently by himself in his own country, and do without his neighbours if he wishes. But this must be understood of necessaries, not of other things very profitable to every man, or of others, seemly and acceptable to great people and princes, for which France is the market to all in these regions. I will not particularise, for fear of seeming to find fault or destroy the trade which has gone on hitherto with Flanders for such merchandise as the Englishman will in time provide himself with, as regards manufacture, if he thinks good to receive what the French artisan coming here can impart to him. If France has no gold mines to distribute throughout Christendom, I will not admit that she is the less rich, for it is approved by all who have had experience that no country is so poor as that where that metal grows, and that it brings in no such profit to the lord of the land as corn and wine can do, the two greatest treasures of the habitable earth, growing anew from year to year, and not, as the alchemists say gold does, every thousand years. I doubt not but some hotheaded persons will, as they are wont, allege the power of the English, and the ancient victories won by them in France in order to remove any fear that might be put before their eyes. But they should be reminded that the Frenchman being to-day master, as they say, of his own house and in peaceable possession of it, will be stronger against the English than when he had them in his entrails, enjoying the greatest and richest towns and provinces in the realm. Whereupon I am constrained to suppose that this ancient enmity ceasing, the Englishman will remain secure of his neighbour, by whom alone he has always been kept within his boundaries. Now let us come to the case of those who profess an interest on account of the succession, such as the Queen of Scots, and the children of the Lady Catherine and Lord Huntingdon ; these last being assisted by certain Protestants brought over to their devotion ; and the Queen by all the Catholics and a good part of the Protestants, following the legitimate claim of her Majesty. Both parties, it will be said, have great cause to dread and hinder the Duke's establishment of himself in this realm under pretext of marriage, and his making himself master of it step by step, ruining and banishing both successor, even if he does not change the state of religion as at present observed. The Protestants chiefly fear this, and for that reason are trying to break off the marriage. Now admitting that this was the Duke's intention, which it is not, let us consider who may be the most injured by these practices. It is beyond a doubt that being himself a Catholic, and having a bad report of all the Protestants in Christendom, who allege that he deserted them formerly, he will so far as he is able support the Catholics of this realm. In this hope the chief among them are already taking his part ; not that he may be the means of obtaining liberty of religion for them, which he could not do without great and dangerous disturbance, but that he may defend them from the persecutions they have hitherto endured, maintaining them in their former state. That is why the Earl of Huntingdon and his faction, who see their advantage in the ruin of the Catholics and advancement of the Puritans and others of their religion, are in extreme fear of the Duke ; foreseeing that by his support of the Catholics he will weaken their party and strengthen that of the Queen of Scots, even though he may do it for his own advantage and not for her sake. This notwithstanding, they suspect that he has some secret design and intelligence with her ; the Earl of Huntingdon and his friends dreading the Queen of Scots more than any in Christendom. And it is certain that on her account only they find this marriage disagreeable, seeing the Queen of England escape them, under whose name and authority they have hitherto maintained their faction, irritating her by every artifice against the Queen of Scots and that Queen against her by the ill-treatment they have procured for her. When the Queen of England once recognises this, she will easily be persuaded that it is best to come to terms with the Queen of Scots, and fortify herself by relying on the friends whom that Queen possesses all over Christendom. It is known how the Catholics have hitherto been persecuted here and the Queen of Scots maltreated, which is proof sufficient of the intention of those who have been the authors of it. They above all others dislike the marriage, not being able to endure any above them in this realm. Now they would use the Queen of Scots against herself ; who, notwithstanding their representations, will find more fidelity and more profit in the Duke than in them. For since by the Duke's pleading his own cause, as the saying is, the result will be to support her friends, especially the Catholics, and abase her enemies, this will be a great convenience to her Majesty, and cannot turn out to her prejudice ; the Queen of Scots having MM. de Lorraine, her relations, in France, the Prince her son in Scotland, and many partisans here, to oppose the effecting of any such design, which seems to me impossible. The rest missing. Draft, in a foreign hand. Fr. 8 pp. [France III. 63.]
1579 ? 118. A list of forty-three names, endd. in Fr. : Names of the new knights of the Order of Saint Esprit. [France III. 64.]
1579 ? 119. Petition of François Ribot, secretary to M. de Mauvissière, to the Queen and Council, showing that Germain Colas, his uncle, merchant, of Bordeaux, had sailed with 40 casks of wine for importation to England : that these had been taken from him by John Man, a pirate, who sold part of them, the rest being recovered by fishermen, who let the merchant have 12 casks on payment of salvage ; and that his profit on these will not be enough to pay the freight and take him home. It is therefore prayed that the Queen will be pleased to remit the duty on the 12 casks. Endd. Fr. 1½ p. [Ibid. III. 65.]
1579 ? 120. A sheet with the following words in Burghley's hand :
Celebratio differtur.
Religio.
Coronatio ad parliamentum.
Pensio.
[Ibid. III. 66.]
1577-79. 121. 'The particulars of Sir Amyas Poulet's negotiation at the French Court.' Abstract in a later hand (? Sir J. Williamson).
Endd. 2 pp. [Not numbered.]
? 1579. 122. 'Advertisements given to the King of Spain touching her Majesty's pretended marriage.'
Beside the particulars of which I have already advertised your Majesty, I understand from certain persons that the Queen of England's counsellors, considering how things went both in France and Flanders, and deeming that they had done amiss in ministering support and assistance to the 'Lutherians,' to the hindrance of God's glory, and of your and the French King's service ; perceiving also that the favourers and maintainers of the Prince of Orange are now 'overtaken' and begin to repent of their doings, as also that things begin to frame themselves well in Flanders, and that divers dispose themselves to serve you ; and doubting therefore what inconvenience may befall them for having so supported the rebels with men, money, victuals and munition, carried to them in the Queen's own ships, during the time of the siege of Rochelle, the like whereof they did also to the Prince of Orange and his adherents ; are led by the consideration of these circumstances, and of the late accident of a certain Irishman that with a number of soldiers brought from Spain 'disametied' the realm of Ireland, to fear that the great preparations your Majesty makes are intended for Ireland, to take revenge for their assisting of your rebels. Considering, too, how much they have injured the realm of Scotland in detaining their Queen so long in captivity, and that their young King grows towards ripe years and is well furnished with men of war, and that amongst other things he is heir to the Crown of England, to avoid all this danger and inconvenience they persuade their Queen to marry with Monsieur though she be old, and which they would not consent to when she was young ; hoping that assuring the French King to themselves by this means they will be safe from any danger from Spain or Scotland. But if this marriage does not take place, though they give out great speeches of their own strength by reason of the civil divisions in France and Flanders, they secretly fear that both themselves and all England besides are like to smart for their ill deserts. Copy by one of Walsingham's secretaries. Endd. 1 p. [Spain I. 31.]
? 1579. 123. Comparative statement of the revenues drawn by the King of Spain and the Grand Turk respectively from the territories under their rule. 7½ pp. Ital. [Ibid. I. 32.]
1579. 124. 'A particular of the present sent by the King of Portugal to the Sheriffa Muley Hamet, King of Fez and Marocco.' Various objects of mother-of-pearl, silver, silk—'two checkboards, one of mother-of-pearl and gold, with the pieces wrought in India of gold and silver ; and the other of silver and crystal, with the pieces of ebony and crystal'—'a sword of gold made in the Indias, marvellous rich'—'a great piece of calambaco, very fine,' etc. Also particulars of similar presents sent by the King of Spain and the Grand Turk. 'The King of Spain's ambassador was met at the seaside by a second master of the King's horses with twelve spare horses, their furniture being worth by estimation 1,000 marks each horse.' The ambassador entered Morocco with 40 servants of his own. Among the presents, 'one ballace alone, very great, and richly garnished with four other ballaces.' Of the Grand Turk's presents it is said : 'In all the presents' (a sword, a pair of balances, the picture of a man in gold, four Turkey robes, a banner with the Great Turk's ensign) 'is said to be contained a mystery.' Endd. by Burghley's secretary (with date) and in another hand. 2 pp. [Morocco I. 4.]
1579 ? 125. 'Note of certain points in which those about to leave England with their ships in the service of the Catholic King desire to learn your Excellency's decision before they start, that they may not get into lawsuits, and lose in them the time which they think to employ far better in the service of God and his Majesty.'
Decisions.
1. If the prize is made without doing damage to any subject of the Queen of England, and if it is proved that the goods belong to his Catholic Majesty's rebels, the prize will be good, and not otherwise. Whereupon the petitioners are warned not to make such prizes unless it is perfectly clear that the goods belong to rebels ; since otherwise, if injury is done to the Queen's subjects, they will be punished according to the terms of their letters of marque.
1. Seeing that there are in England many of his Majesty's rebels, who have their separate churches and aid the Prince of Orange, managing his business and sending munitions and whatever else the rebels there require, and also carry from Zealand the greater part of the goods which those rebels steal from Spaniards, Portuguese and others, these English want to know, if they happen to capture any ship going to or coming from those parts laden with goods belonging to any such rebel domiciled in England, whether they may not enjoy it as good prize the same as if it belonged to one of the rebels in Holland and Zealand.
2. If it is proved that the goods are those of his Majesty's vassals plundered, as has been said, in that case they may be taken, and judgement will be given upon them, as is said in the next article. 2. If they fall in with any merchant, English or other, who has brought in Holland or Zealand any of the goods stolen on the sea by the rebels, and take them into any of the king's ports, may they not enjoy them as good prize?
3. In that case, justice will be done conformably to right and reason ; for it is not just if the merchants have the right to them that they should be taken away. 3. In such case can the merchants, Spanish, Portuguese or others, finding here recovered by Englishmen the goods which they had lost, lay hands on them, or bring the matter before the Court? Because if they can, they will cause great hindrance to the King's service.
4. If they find such vessels in port they cannot make prize of them as at sea, but inform against them, and they will have what informers can claim. 4. If the Englishmen coming to or being in any port of the King's shall find any ship which they know by advices to belong to the rebels, may they lay hands on it and enjoy it as if they had taken it on the high seas [de fuera de la mar]?
5. If it is proved that the vessel belongs to the Most Christian King's rebels in Rochelle or elsewhere, let it be good prize, otherwise not ; and the petitioners are warned not to molest his other vassals. 5. If they meet at sea any French Huguenot from Rochelle or elsewhere carrying men or munitions in aid of the rebels and fight and beat him and carry him off by force, may they enjoy this as good prize or not?
Spanish. 1¼ pp. [Spain I. 38.]