Elizabeth
August 1580, 1-15

Sponsor

Institute of Historical Research

Publication

Author

Arthur John Butler (editor)

Year published

1904

Pages

371-388

Annotate

Comment on this article
Double click anywhere on the text to add an annotation in-line

Citation Show another format:

'Elizabeth: August 1580, 1-15', Calendar of State Papers Foreign, Elizabeth, Volume 14: 1579-1580 (1904), pp. 371-388. URL: http://www.british-history.ac.uk/report.aspx?compid=73458 Date accessed: 23 April 2014. Add to my bookshelf


Highlight

(Min 3 characters)

August 1580, 1-15

Aug. 1. 385. "Advertisements from Badajoz of the 1 of August 1580."
On the 28th of last month the Duke of Alva took ship in the port of Setubal with most of the army, to go towards the castle of Cascaes. We since understand that on the 30th they landed a little this side of the castle, whither certain Portuguese harquebusiers and horsemen came to withstand their landing ; but the Duke caused some musketeers to be first set ashore, who put the Portugals to flight with the loss of some of their men, but very few of ours. And so all the army landed safely, marching directly towards the castle, which it is thought surrendered the same day, and remained in the custody of Don Antonio da Castro, to whom it now appertains. The army goes on to the castle of San Juan, before which ordnance is already planted, and the trenches drawn. They advertise from Setubal that they were expecting the galleys to come for the rest of the men and artillery. Copy. Endd. ¾ p. [Portugal I. 37.]
Aug. 1. 386. COBHAM to BURGHLEY.
After being here a whole week, Mr Stafford has today had his last audience. The King first let him understand in good language that he intends to assist his brother all manner of ways towards the finishing of the marriage ; and thereupon had agreed with him to appoint 'Charles Monsieur' one of the Prince of Condé's brethren, brought up with the Cardinal of Bourbon, about 14 years of age, of the robe longue, Marshal de Cossé and M. Pibrac to be commissioners, and would 'assign' them to be in England about Sep. 8 at the furthest. When the King had 'passed' this much, I informed him that as long as this civil dissension and war against the professors of religion continued, her Majesty's subjects were 'amused' therewith ; on which the Queen thought the Commission coming would not serve to 'enlarge' a further entire amity by marriage or otherwise unless first the troubles were removed by a new pacification negotiated by Monsieur as one not distrusted by them of the Religion. She wished his Majesty would condescend to some end that way, through his brother's means, otherwise I alleged many discommodities which would 'apparently' ensue to the realm by these intestine wars ; as that his high designs were everywhere impeached ; for he could not leave France burning in these seditions, and his native soil disordered, to pass into any other country, with content, until he had settled the public peace. Therefore the Queen hoped that on consideration those princes and others of the Religion could be contented for the better avoiding of bloodshed that la Fère and other towns which were sanctuaries for their refuge in misery should be delivered to his Highness till assurance could be given them. The King said he had made pacification which he sought to have maintained, but they had broken it ; as for example the Prince of Condé was sworn, in the secret articles whereby he bound himself not to enter his government till seven years were past. I answered that in all contracts both parties are 'obliged,' so that if one do not accomplish his part the other is set at liberty. His Majesty I suppose had knowledge whether all assurances were performed to the Prince and those of the Religion. Otherwise, at the Prince's being at Saint Jean d'Angely, there were some who amassed troops and had laid ambushes to entrap him, being 'set up in a corner' far from his own territories and houses, which were very evil dealt with. Whereon driven by necessity he did but fly from one place to another ; where he carried himself dutifully till the privy preparations of the League in Picardy threatened him many ways, which constrained him, since he could enjoy no town-house or place of repose in France, to seek refuge of foreign princes, so that his fault seems to be in giving place to his enemies and flying from injuries. And notwithstanding that his case was highly to be pitied, the Queen had shown him small countenance, thereby discouraged him and hazarded her credit among the Protestants ; having promised him that she would treat with Monsieur to procure peace to their contentment. Whereon the Prince had assured her he would not seek to interrupt her negotiation, nor 'pretend' to bring forces into France. But since neither Monsieur's earnest suit for the repose of the realm nor her Majesty's desire may take effect, she could not any longer retain him from providing such assistance as he could. To this the King said that for his part he was ready to have received the Prince into his favour, so as he had 'domayned' himself accordingly ; but if he seeks to trouble any further the repose of his realm, he doubted not but to shew him with his forces and his sword to have in consideration the state God had given him, and the duty he owes to him, being his prince. I pointed out that it was supposed he held the lives of his subjects dear and wished their preservation rather than otherwise ; which was only to be done by entertaining peace. He said it was what he required, so that they restored his towns and observed the Edicts of pacification. I shewed that these troubles hindered in many ways the advancement of Monsieur. He said that 'he would do for his brother so he hoped he regarded his honour.' Lastly I besought him to 'make show' whereby they of the Religion might in some sort find good of the Queen's entreaty. The King said he would read the letter and make a contented answer, and meantime the King of Navarre and they of the Religion should send deputies to his brother. This is the summary of what passed, and the King's resolution after a long hour's debating earnestly of the cause ; his Majesty sweating and showing some earnestness. He accounts to take la Fère in a fortnight. If anything happen, I will advertise it by Mr Stafford, who has taken his leave and awaits the King's letters. I send inclosed the name of the principal at la Fère, and a letter which M. Simier sent me the other day.—Paris, 1 Aug. 1580. Appended is the following list of names : Marshal Matignon, General du Camp ; M. de Puygaillard, Maréchal du Camp ; the Duke of Aumale, M. de Crevecœur, M. Beauvais-Nangy, colonel ; M. d'O, M. d'Arques, la Valette, colonel ; M. de Perillac, colonel. Add. Endd. by L. Tomson. 3 pp. [France IV. 124.]
Aug. 1. 387. COBHAM to the SECRETARIES.
Having had audience of the King this afternoon, first he declared to Mr Stafford how he desired to satisfy his brother's mind at all points, for his further advancement towards this marriage ; perceiving how he liked that the Prince of Condé's brother, Marshal de Cossé, and M. Pibrac should be appointed commissioners, he had agreed thereto, meaning them to be in England about Sep. 7. I then declared the principal points contained in your letter of the 27th ult. First I shewed him how the Queen was certified and it has also been published everywhere, that the siege of la Fère continued, and appointments were made for five or six camps in sundry quarters of this realm, so that small hope appeared of any fruit to grow 'on' the intreaty which Monsieur earnestly made for the renewing of the peace. Whereby she and all others who were of the Religion might clearly perceive that no remedy can be found which may help their extremity, but that all means are used to distress those principal persons, and suppress religion. This has stirred much jealousy in the hearts of her Majesty's subjects, whereon she conceives that the sending of commissioners would not be to such purpose as otherwise was wished for the bringing to pass of an assured alliance between the two realms ; since it is feared that his Highness cannot, though he had power given him by his Majesty, procure the means to frame a peace, inasmuch as the dutiful offers of those princes were not accepted. Therefore the Queen trusted that his Majesty would so far look into the matter with his own judgement, that he might not be transported with the counsels of those who under colour of being his good servants raised by sinister means such doubts that the King of Navarre and the Prince of Condé were driven to enter into places and 'accompany' themselves for their safeguard ; furnishing themselves with his Majesty's subjects only, acknowledging their duty and obedience, as may be sufficiently demonstrated to him, and having submitted themselves to the mediation of Monsieur to whose consideration they had 'betaken' their honour, lives and estates, forces and towns. Wherefore the Queen has thought him the most indifferent person to deal for them with his Majesty, being most assured to him, and not mistrusted by them for his virtuous carriage to them of the Religion. But as she understood those of la Fère to be fiercely besieged and brought into imminent peril, which seems generally to be prepared for them of the Religion, she had not only thought good to write to his Majesty in this letter, but had appointed us to unfold thus much to him ; the rather since she had promised the Prince of Condé that she would earnestly entreat him to seek to make a pacification within a short time, and had also received a promise from the Prince not to bring any foreign forces into France, or otherwise by any means impeach the negotiations intended by Monsieur. But now since she had been informed how slowly the King hearkened to the peace, and that the professors of Religion were threatened with utter peril, she could not in honour any longer challenge the Prince's promise nor stay him from using all possible means whereby he may relieve himself and those that appertain to him. The King entered into discourse of the desire he had to the continuance of the peace, alleging that he had made two pacifications, and the last especially he caused to be called his peace. He was ready to receive those subjects to his arms who would come to him and not continue their rebellion. He had for the better satisfaction of those of the Religion granted their exercises in divers bailiwicks ; so that in no prince's State were both religions more freely exercised than in France. I replied that his mind was understood to be such ; but there were who would not have place for their ambitions if there were no devices to raise troubles, by whom perhaps these princes have been 'put in an evil opinion' and so removed far from his presence. But if he would [sic] with his judgement weigh how the King of Navarre, who is known to be a prince of high birth, wisely instructed, and of a ripe judgement, would not lose his Majesty's good opinion, venture his estates, consume his revenues, and endanger his person to be lawfully slain by the meanest that comes into the field under pretence of being the King's soldier, if more than ordinary occasions had not moved him and extreme despair of his life had not forced him thereto. Wherefore it was held that the King's will was not clearly obeyed by some governors, nor his justice truly executed. Since their affairs pass in this sort, he should understand that it is but putting themselves in safeguard against their enemies who were cloaked under the colour of doing him service. But he said that since the pacification they have taken divers of his towns, which the Queen would not suffer, nor any other prince. If these were restored and the pacification observed, his brother had power to confirm and establish the peace. To which my answer was, that Monsieur sending to Marshal Biron to know whether he would 'discern' himself and hearken to some order, he promised to follow his will. Whereon Monsieur sent also to the King of Navarre to use no more hostility, which was obeyed ; which done, he commanded Biron to do the like. He said it might not be done except he received commission from the King, so that during the time of this treaty, Biron gathered his forces ; whereon the King of Navarre, fearing lest he might be found weaker than his enemy in the field entered into Cahors for succour, which he uses no otherwise than Biron treats those of Bordeaux. But whatever has passed, Condé and the King of Navarre were content to refer to his Highness, and yield those towns to him. The King said they were his own ; therefore he should look to have them as other princes had. And though he was, under God, an absolute king and not bound to yield account to any, yet he would in this 'particular manner' enlarge his mind and causes to her Majesty, seeing her desires 'pretended' to be honourable and full of amity. I pointed out that while he amused himself in besieging la Fère he stayed the progress of his brother's design, which might bring not only towns but states ; and requested him to consider these things, seeing that Monsieur is become a means and her Majesty a solicitor to him for those of the Religion, whom she has abandoned in respect of the amity with him. Therefore she now hoped that upon the cause of the open demonstration shown at the Prince's being in England, he would take occasion to make it known how the entreaty of the Queen of England might bring them of the Religion some relief. The King concluded that he could not further answer me ; but was content that the King of Navarre and those of the Religion should send their deputies to his brother, and he would read the Queen's letter and answer it. "So perceiving that his Majesty did sweat, and the humour of his watery eyes somewhat drop," which troubled him in beginning to read the Queen's letter, so that he could not continue the reading of it for that time, Mr Stafford took his leave, and I also departed. Thence we went to the Queen Mother, giving her to understand what I had 'passed' with the king, but more briefly and chiefly alleging to her the impediments that these civil dissensions were to Monsieur's design, which she cannot but be glad to see go forward, and 'were to be accounted on' before the honour which may be had in winning such towns as are the King's, and in France, being only in the hands of a few gentlemen who put themselves into them for safety. She somewhat inveighed against those of the Religion ; but she considered and promised to ask the King to hearken to a pacification. She 'shewed to be' more willing than the King ; but when I touched that point, how they of the Religion could be content to give those towns so much required by the King into his Highness' hands, she said the King had shown to trust his brother sufficiently, and had given him many towns and sufficient patrimony. I requested her to think of the demonstration which the Queen made at the Prince's being in England, which the King might requite by showing some favour to them of the Religion. She said the King was beholden to her Majesty, and all should be done that might be done ; and that if la Fère were won, peace would shortly be made. This was the best language and satisfaction I could obtain. The King holds himself assured that la Fère will be taken about the middle of this month, which causes this stiff standing on those terms. As yet no gentleman of account has been slain on either side, but yesterday they began the battery. I send the names of the 'chieftains' in the king's camp, and a note of the Edicts which the King ratified last week in the Court of Parliament, with a 'brief' of the principal points touched by him and the Chancellor in their orations. I enclose also the last occurrents from Portugal, and a letter from la Fère. The Duke of Savoy has lent the Christian King 80,000 crowns, to be delivered to the Duke of Maine at Lyons for the war in those parts, and disbursed by Bandini the banker at Lyons. The King yesterday dispatched letters to the gentlemen of Guyenne and Languedoc, to repair to Marshal Biron.—Paris, 1 Aug. 1580. P.S.—On the receipt of M. Simier's packet I sent my man with it. The Marquis of Elbeuf goes to Monsieur within two days, and his Highness, it is thought, removes towards Bourges. Mr Stafford departs for England on the 3rd or 4th, having sent his man immediately after our audience, which I did not know till he was on the point of departure. Add. Endd. 5 pp. [Ibid. IV. 125.]
Aug. 2. 388. STAFFORD to [WALSINGHAM].
I have sent her Majesty the names of the Commissioners. They are, the Prince of Condé's brother, the youngest ; Pibrac joined with him for counsel ; Marshal de Cossé for Monsieur. The King did not name Simier, but I think Monsieur means him to be joined with them. They desire 'day,' because of the preparations of so great personages, till the end of this month or beginning of next ; which I told them would I thought be very acceptable, because in that time a peace might be concluded and brought by them, which, as I told the King, would be the best prologue to bring in a treaty of marriage. The speech for the peace the ambassador delivered as his charge, therefore I leave it to him to report it to you. I tarry but for the King's letters, which he commanded me to stay for. I hope to be shortly at home, when I will discourse plainly with your Honour at large. Meantime I crave pardon for dispatching this bearer away in haste, that her Majesty may not think much of my being long without sending.—Paris, 2 Aug. 1580. Endd. with date by L. Tomson. 1 p. [France IV. 126.]
Aug. 2.
Lettres de C. de M. vii. 277 (where it is wrongly dated 15th).
389. The QUEEN MOTHER to the QUEEN.
I know not how to begin to tell you how pleased I was when I heard by the present bearer, Mr Stafford, your decision, and that it was no more parley or delay ; wishing that the King, my son, and his brother should at once send commissioners to finish a matter so much desired by me, namely the effecting of this happy marriage ; for I cannot deem it other, since God makes me continue to desire it, whatever obstacles may at times have seemed likely to break it off, when they have been interposed in this negotiation, which has lasted so long that I was much afraid I should never see the end of it, wishing as I did to see myself honoured with such a daughter, which pray God to complete the happiness by seeing you soon a mother. Pray excuse this ; my happiness carries me away to say more than I ought as yet, and to think that as God gives me the grace to see what I so desire accomplished, He will not give me one good fortune only but will accompany it with a fair lineage which I hope to see from you two.—Saint-Mort [sic] del-Fuses [sic], 2 Aug. 1580. Holograph. Add. Fr. 1 p. [France IV. 127.]
Aug. 2. 390. Contemporary copy of the above, not strictly accurate, and dated Aug. 3. Endd. Fr. ½ p. [Ibid. IV. 127a.]
Aug. 3. 391. The FRENCH KING to the QUEEN.
Is it possible that tongue or paper can express the extreme joy with which my senses are ravished, joy, I say, the greatest and most ineffable that can be ? Although then you know it well enough, I will say it in this letter, the happiness which I see prepared for my brother, who is my second self, of being worthy of acceptance by you, if so it be that his good fortune lead him to such felicity by the result effected by the Commissioners, which I pray God may be so to your contentment, that I may see the success of it for us all, myself and those who depend on it will remain for ever your affectionate.—Saint-Maur-des-Fossés, 3 Aug. 1580. Contemporary copy. Endd. Fr. ½ p. [France IV. 128.]
Aug. 5. 392. COBHAM to [WALSINGHAM].
On the 3rd inst. the Lord of Arbroth came to me to learn the Queen's further pleasure. I told him how she meant to confer with the Lord Claude at large, after which he should be further advertised concerning his affairs. Meantime his brother's sickness was some hindrance, so that such expedition could not be used as was desired. Notwithstanding I showed him that you, to whom I had always hitherto commended his cause, had let me know that the Queen was secretly advertised he received some pension from the Scottish Queen. He confessed to me that his urgent necessity did constrain him to receive her pension, which is so miserable that he 'condemns her to be ungrateful' having heretofore employed all his forces and ventured his life and estate in her service, which he protests never to do again, desiring to depend wholly on the Queen, so that he receive such means of entertainment that he may live honourably till through her mediation his estate may be restored ; being willing to serve her in any country where he may live with safety of his conscience, respect whereof has made him refuse rich pensions from the greatest Princes in Christendom. In this mind he will continue till he receives her resolution, thanking her not only for her gracious dealing for him toward the Scottish king, which he perceived by the copy of her letter now shown him by me, but also for the honourable entertainment which his brother Lord Claude had lately received from her. As yet he remains in the Bishop of Glasgow's house, but with no great satisfaction ; though at his first arrival he was friendly received and courteously entertained, yet he has since offered to remove thence 'upon that' the Catholics importuned him with persuasions to incline to papistry, which vexes his mind and conscience. Howbeit the bishop as yet treats him so well, that till further comfort come from her Majesty, his want persuades him to stay ; besides that the Bishop is his kinsman. Lastly with great oaths and deep promises he assured me that he would serve the Queen above all the Princes of Christendom, chiefly for satisfaction of his conscience ; next as acknowledging that she has best means to restore him to his estate, which will be employed in her service. This is as much as I 'passed' with Lord Hamilton. It seems that he would have the Queen to have in suspicion the proceedings of the new Earl of Lennox ; but I said that unless he can intercept the Earl's letters, he will hardly discredit him ; which he thinks good to seek after.—Paris, 5 Aug. 1580. 1½ pp. [France IV. 129.]
Aug. 6. 393. ROSSEL to WALSINGHAM.
Mr Secretary Gilpin was regretting that he had not for some time written you any account of what had happened, as his custom was. I told him that I thought his correspondence and that of other people was more acceptable to you than mine, seeing that to several of my letters I had had no answer ; which made me think that either my advices were not believed, or my letters had failed to be delivered. I do not know what course to take in this business of the invitation hither of Monsieur ; fearing to be out of favour with both parties if I furthered the negotiation which I have been secretly working to delay, pending any appearance on your side of furthering it. You know the predicament that affairs are in. In a moment they have been thrown into such confusion that it seemed a case rather of resolve than of good deliberation ; the change of feeling on the subject as sudden as the resolve. Those of Friesland, Guelders and Utrecht are willing to back the plan of those of Holland ; those of Brussels seem the most awkward (difficultueux) of all. Today the deputies have started to assemble the crafts (guides), and the ambassador des Pruneaux is going off afresh, in great anxiety to see the deputies who are to go into France delayed. Several incidents of the war which continues in France make the hope of succour from Monsieur grow cold, according to the advices we have that he had declared war against all who wish to hinder the peace for which he is working in France. Another thing which helps the delay is the meeting of an Imperial Diet (journée) to be held at Nuremberg, where it is promised that some great matter will be brought forward in favour of this State. But I fear it will be the usual thing and no more. Your advice would tell me what line I should do wisely to take in this matter, so I will say no more, but tell you how our war stands. In Friesland affairs go pretty well, and we hope that the arrival of Mr Norris with the other troops will free 'Delvesel' [qy. Delfzyl] from siege, with the help of 50 ships of war which are there to attack two forts at the mouth of the harbour. On the land side our people are within two leagues of the enemy, resolved to fight. The Malcontents have stayed for the last fortnight about Bouchain and Valenciennes, to enable the peasants of their party to get in their wheat, making war meanwhile on the territory of Cambrai. They have burnt several villages in both directions, and wish as it seems to besiege Bouchain, according to our information and some intercepted letters. They are getting up 18 guns, which in my opinion will not be enough to batter the place, strong and well-provided as it is with defenders and a resolute chief. He showed me lately his resources for a defence of three months, during which the enemy will receive considerable inconvenience. It is thought that the Malcontents have some intelligence with those of the holy league who are before la Fère, in the event of their attacking Bouchain. On our side we are studying to surprise some towns. I hope we shall soon attack two, if they stick obstinately before Bouchain, and that in this way they will be constrained to make new plans. His Excellency starts on Wednesday for Ghent to right the misunderstanding there and fill up the post of Grand Bailiff. The Prince of Epinoy wanted the governorship of Flanders together with the post of general for the war which has been offered him, but which he has neither accepted nor refused. He has left Antwerp, pretty dissatisfied, as some say, at not having been promptly admitted to that government. You will have heard of Don Antonio's election to the Crown of Portugal, while the Duke of Braganza with others of the nobility and clergy have withdrawn to take the King of Spain's side. Just as here, the nobles are for the King, and the people for Don Antonio. We hear that 12 French captains have been sent to Portugal with good store of arms. The Duke of Alva is carrying on the campaign and the King is gone back to Castile. M. du Plessis is urgently begging on behalf of the King of Navarre for ships to use against the French papists and the Spaniards. The merchants and those of Zealand object, but commissioners are appointed by the States to discuss it with him ; though they do not mean to avow them in the event of their letting some go to sea.— Antwerp, 6 Aug. 1580. Add. Endd. Fr. 2½ pp. [Holl. and Fl. XIII. 44.]
Aug. 7. 394. GILPIN to WALSINGHAM.
Since my last I have diligently solicited for the States' resolution, M. Ymans not arriving till Tuesday last. His help has not been wanting, together with 'theirs of this town,' who have committed the reporting of their advice to their pensionary Van der Werke ; but hitherto time served him not, for the agreement with the merchants about their impost was not finished, those of Holland not having yet sent their confirmation, though it is daily expected. Meanwhile, seeing the 'longues' and delay, in all their dealings, I sued for audience, which was granted me this morning. After I had shown them the discontentment that her Majesty was justly caused to conceive by their not answering her letters nor satisfying the contents of them, I requested them to give me some assured answer to avoid all further inconvenience which might ensue through their default ; for the discharge of my duty I could no longer write so uncertainly. Whereupon I was willed to depart into the next chamber, where the pensionary of 'Bridges' brought me word that they had appointed him with Van der Werke to deal with the merchants to find means for providing so much money monthly as would 'answer' the interest. This was all the answer I could have of them at that time. Afterwards conferring with 'the abovesaid thereto committed,' they promised to do their utmost to procure such a resolution as might be to the liking of those interested ; for the compassing of which no diligence 'has (nor shall) on my part be wanting.' I beg that their 'longues' be not imputed to any want of carefulness or endeavour in me. I assure you I have lost no time, but according to my duty, postponing often both the Company's and my own private business, have continually, yet without using too much 'importunacy,' followed the cause. M. Ymans requested me to remember his humble commendations, desiring to be excused for not answering you this week. The very grief that the States had not resolved to 'answer' her Majesty's desire caused him to forbear, trusting to have better occasion of writing by the next. I received your packet this week, and delivered the inclosures as directed. If there are any answers you shall receive them herewith. The Commissioners appointed to be sent to Monsieur are not yet dispatched, but will, it is thought, depart before the Prince goes into Flanders on Wednesday and Thursday next, to settle some better order, and establish the provincial Council, of which Meetkerke is chosen President. M. Ymans, who 'should' come into England, it is thought will be dispatched at the same time ; though he himself fears it will be longer, so long are the States in their resolutions. The Malcontents who were mustered last week at Mons are said to be near Bouchain, with show of intent to besiege it. There are of late arrived at Cambray 600 fresh Frenchmen, with some horse, and 200 at Bouchain. Since their arrival they have ranged into the Malcontents' quarters, spoiling and firing the country. Those of Courtray presented themselves this week before Meenen, purposing to surprise the town by scaling ; but those that kept it being vigilant issued forth, overthrowing 40 or 50, and taking some prisoners, with which loss they returned. For further revenge of this bravado the soldiers of Meenen and Nynove have burnt and spoiled to the very gates of Lille, which has put the commons in some discontent against the magistrates. The enemy lying in Brabant have this week sent letters to the villages round this town threatening that if they do not weekly bring to a place assigned certain large contributions of money they will set fire to their houses ; to prevent which, and hinder further harm, horsemen shall be placed thereabouts and maintained at the charge of the country. Moreover the Prince has himself been to view the situation, having 'laid the platt' and given order for making forts upon the passages, where the horsemen shall be placed to keep them. From Friesland we hear that on the 30th ult. all the States' men were together within two miles [sic] from the enemy, who then lay between 'Delphesile' and Groningen, with full intent to fight with him ; so that news of good success is now daily expected for the States, whose forces being greater, and of better men, hope to drive the enemy to some extremity. Those of Holland have sent into the Ems about 30 [sic] ships great and small, to beat the enemy out of the fort that hinders entrance into Delfzyl. The Count of 'Ronenborgh' (or M. de Ville) wrote this week to the three towns of Campen, Deventer, and Zwol, and the Ommelanden of Groningen, to send their deputies to Lingen, that he might declare to them what he had in commission from the king, who offered his pardon and grace, with large conditions, to their contentment, as he hoped, if they would forsake the general States and be reconciled. But they would not condescend or hearken thereto, and so sent back word, sending his letter to the States. The sale of the abbeys and spiritual goods lately begun in Flanders brings in so much money that other provinces will follow the like course. From France the news is that the King goes forward with the siege of la Fère, where the Dukes of Guise and Aumale are in person. In Provence the Protestants prosper, and the Duke du Mayne should be sent thither by the King, but for want of money. M. d'Anjou is for certain said to have protested that he will declare himself an enemy to all that will not conform to peace and quietness. The King has sent 10 or 12 captains from Bordeaux to the aid of the 'Portingalls ;' among them one of the 'Straccies ;' and I hear that the Prince had news within these two days that the King of France would declare war against the King of Spain if he did not withdraw his troops from Portugal, where the news is that Don Antonio is proclaimed king, and certain of the late King's councillors having intelligence with the Spaniard were discovered, and fled into Andalusia. Don Antonio has got into his hands all his predecessor's treasures, which are said to be very great. Their forces are said to be about 40,000 men ; though indeed but few of them are men of war. The King of Spain's strength by land is said to consist of 24,000 foot, some thousands of horse, and 6,000 carts. The want of provisions in his camp is thought very great, and the country that he passes through poor and needy. At the entry of his army into Portugal a town was taken, the keeping of which he committed to Sancho d'Avila with 300 soldiers ; whom the Portingalls have since all murdered, and it is not known what is become of d'Avila. The Portingalls have taken two ships coming from Peru. This is the Portugal news which we have received this week. I would not omit to send them, though I think you there are more particularly advertised. From Italy or Germany we hear nothing. —Antwerp, 7 Aug. 1580. Add. Endd. 3 pp. [Holl. and Fl. XIII. 45.]
Aug. 9. 395. COBHAM to WALSINGHAM.
Having received the Queen's command in your last letter, to inform the King of her desire to see his realm reduced to some repose, I made large declaration thereof, and besides 'used some replies' to his answers. It seems however that he is bent to have restitution made of those chief towns now in the hands of them of the Religion, and will not consent that his brother may be taken to be an indifferent person or made known to be more trusted by the Protestants than he ; so that the towns must be directly delivered to the King himself. But I then lastly 'inferred' to his Majesty how the Queen by showing such partial amity and respect to him as not to vouchsafe to the Prince of Condé a 'comfortable countenance' or relief, being a prince professing her own religion, had thereby much discouraged the Protestants ; and therefore hoped that upon the just consideration of this he would make them perceive that her desire for the speedy framing of a peace much moved him to stay the sharp proceeding against them. To this he answered that when he had read and considered the Queen's letter he would let me know his further pleasure. I therefore sent yesterday to Secretary Pinart to be informed of his Majesty's pleasure, and received this morning a letter in answer from the Secretary, which I inclose herewith. Now today the messenger I sent to Monsieur with the Queen's packet is returned with letters for her Majesty, which I inclose ; and send you the copies of my letter to Monsieur, and to M. Simier. On the 5th inst. Colonel Strozzi went hence towards Monsieur, accompanied, as it were secretly, by M. Chassincourt, the King of Navarre's agent. I am advertised that Strozzi has commission to inform his Highness of the King's disposition to have an end of these civil troubles, with a request for his advice and assistance to turn these wars on to the Spanish king, by whom he had been injured in divers ways ; as first, in 'detaining' the ancient right of the Crown of France in sundry estates of the Low Countries, and the just title of the Duchy of Milan, besides moving and corrupting sundry of the King's principal subjects, as lately Marshal Bellegarde and others, so that he thought it was time to put from them the evil hour and employ their forces elsewhere. He is to deal with his Highness with offer of the king's aid for the advancement of his enterprises in the Low Countries. Further he has to persuade the King of Navarre to address his forces towards Navarre with promise that the King will give him means to recover his claim that way. In like sort M. de Chassincourt is sent secretly with many 'purposes' to that effect, more particularly from the Queen Mother, who said to him not three days before his departure that she had to break her mind to him, with confidence that she knew him to be an assured servant of the King of Navarre, assuring him that she and her son felt the injuries which the Spanish king burdened them with, having first poisoned her daughter, and 'doth continue' to withhold her son-in-law's right, giving great pensions to principal persons within the realm, and to some of the Religion, whereby the troubles of France might continue ; and lastly seeks to take from her her right in Portugal, which she is determined not to part from so easily. But she 'appointed' to confer with him hereon another time more at large, which at his dispatch she did in flat terms, if it proceed. With these [sic] merchandise Strozzi and Chassincourt are on their way, having at Orleans overtaken Francisco Baretto, the Portugal ambassador, who has been here and at Rome, and is now returning ; to whom Strozzi has commission to deliver 400 harquebusiers and two French captains, well appointed with vessels to conduct him from Nantes to Portugal. In his company goes Captain Pietro Paolo Tosinghi, Florentine, with six other captains and two engineers. There were delivered to Strozzi before he went 8,000 crowns to accomplish thus much and also to make some preparations at Nantes for more shipping if they of Portugal require it ; and that he should then go himself with some 5,000 or 6,000 footmen. Meantime he is to make an arrest of vessels along the coasts of Guyenne and Britanny, and the King has promised that the same order shall be taken in Normandy. Whereon the Portugal ambassadors are encouraged, the rather upon this advertisement which has come from Rochelle of the good success against King Philip ; but as yet it is not held for certain. Howbeit, when the King received the news, the Queen Mother shewed open rejoicing. I enclose the copy of this advertisement. I am informed that the said Portugal ambassador will be 'cheered' at Sinanceau [Chenonceau], a house of the Queen Mother's, where I hear that Mousieur would be about today. The Portugal ambassadors trust that there will be the like stay of ships in England and Flanders. I have heard tell that the Queen may be sent to from hence to borrow some of her ships, if the enterprise of Portugal grows into terms convenient for them to present. The Pope's nuncio being advertised of this is discontented and works to the contrary. He has obtained a summary of all the affairs which Mr Stafford 'passed' with Monsieur, and lately with the King, by means, as I am given to understand, of Cardinal Birague. Notwithstanding that posts pass with packets and messengers parleying of peace, they so far enter daily towards the furtherance of the civil war in sundry quarters, and the House of Guise are noted very 'politiquely' to separate themselves in divers parts, the better to win credit without envy. The Duke keeps the Court, and is at hand in all secret conference with Queen Mother, except at comings of ambassadors ; and in all open shews seem to be a cipher, and to 'bear no part of the tragedy.' He has Marshal d'Aumont at his devotion, to march with him to defend his government of Champagne. The Duke of Maine is chief of the enterprise against those of the Religion in Dauphiné and Provence, who have abandoned their towns that are not strong and have retired their forces into a few of the strongest ; the rather because those of the commonalty have shrunk from them. The Duke is specially commanded by the King to take a castle which Captain Anselme has surprised. Anselme had received 8,000 crowns of Antonio Sutello, a Spanish Secretary of State of the Duchy of Milan. The Duke of Aumale is at la Fère, as one that governs indeed all that actions and those of the League in Picardy, though Matignon is there as a Marshal of France, commanding by virtue of his office. The Marquis of Elbeuf went the other day to his Highness, at whose devotion he professes to be, which is not altogether liked by all ; for some doubt that unless Monsieur stay the 'pretended' course, the Marquis may be made lieutenant for the siege of 'Montacut' ; though the 'name' is still given to the Count of Lude, and to M. Hunaudaye, lieutenant-general in Basse Bretagne. Sundry troops have been turned back who were coming this way for the siege of la Fère, and will now be addressed towards 'Montacut,' if peace does not alter the determinations. M. de Grandmont is slain with a culverin shot from la Fère. His death is lamented, having gone thither against his will at the King's express command. The Duke of Ferrara lends 150,000 crowns to the Crown of France. The King has commanded, in an order set forth by the Governors of Paris, that all soldiers, strangers, and vagabonds shall depart hence immediately. They advertise from Germany that the diet is appointed only for the Emperor and the Electors. It is expected besides that the Emperor will seek by favour of the Electors that some order may be taken in the affairs of the Low Countries, that the establishing also of the Lutheran profession by the book of Corpus Doctrinae will be procured, and a time assigned for an Imperial Diet. Means will likewise be propounded for the delivery of Hans Frederick of Saxony, for it is alleged by the Landgrave and other princes of Germany that he ought to be released by the laws of the Empire, which proceeding displeases the Elector of Saxony. It is discovered that the Duke of Saxony will underhand procure the King of Denmark to be chosen King of the Romans, whereby he will be the stronger, having married the King's sister. The Elector of Saxony has procured a marriage between his eldest son and the daughter of the Elector of Brandenburg, having made a new friendship and alliance with sundry princes his neighbours. One of the causes of his journey to Denmark was to stir up the nobles of that realm to consent to take the King's son to be their sovereign if this King should decease during his son's minority, for he doubts lest according to the custom of that kingdom they will rather choose the Duke of 'Holst,' the King's brother ; being a man able to govern them, and the eldest of the line after the King. The Duke of Saxony has caused his lodging to be 'taken up' in Nuremburg and prepared 'something strongly,' and the wells cleared. It is said he doubts there is some secret evil meaning towards him. His subjects have 'lamented of' the grievous taxation he has imposed on them. One of his chief treasurers has slain himself in great desperation. There is no apparent preparation for any Reiters to be levied by Duke Casimir, nor by the last letters from thence was it known for certain where the Prince of Condé was, save that they heard he was in Flanders. Hans Frederick 'van Wormes' continues his levy for this king, appointing his rendezvous at Metz. The King has written to the Swiss alleging his just provocation to war against his rebels, and requiring their assistance. The Pope has made Cardinal Sforza his Vicar-general for all the Estates of the Church, an authority rarely given, by virtue of which he has power to do all supreme justice ; but he is now appointed chiefly to suppress the insolence of the Banditi. He has for his guard 50 Swiss, 200 horsemen, 400 foot. The Banditi in Bologna have committed some excess, apparelling themselves in the night time in priests' garments ; whereon the Pope has sent Cardinal Cæsius to repress the disorder. The King is gone to Saint-Germain-en-Laye, and the Queen Mother to a house of hers called Monceaux, to remain a sevennight. The Cardinal of Bourbon fearing that the Pope would 'take indignation' of sending 'Charles Monsieur' into England, requests that the youngest son of the Prince of Condé, called the Count of Soissons, may go commissioner in his stead. I inclose a description of the situation of la Fère, and the order of the camp, which was made and delivered to me.—Paris, 9 Aug. 1580. Add. Endd. 5 pp. [France IV. 130.]
Enclosed in the above :
Aug. 7. 396. PINART to COBHAM.
I have acquainted the King with what you wrote to me. He says he desires nothing so much as the repose of his realm, pursuant to the powers he has given his brother to that end, and begs you to write on his behalf to the Queen of England (as he is also sending orders to M. de Mauvissière), to let her know this. This is the answer to your letter ; and I will only add that I sent by the bearer of it the passport for which you asked ; good night. —Saint-Maur, 7 Aug. 1580. Holograph. Fr. 1 p. [Ibid. IV. 131.]
Aug. 11. 397. SUSSEX to BURGHLEY.
I heard last night of my cousin Stafford's coming to London, and this morning I spoke with him at Westminster. He is dispatched only with the marriage causes, and has been eight days on the way. Strozzi is 'depeched' from the King to Monsieur and so to the King of Navarre for the pacification, and it is hoped he will be very willing to do good offices. The King has licensed the 'deputs' to come to treat with Monsieur for peace, and no battery is yet laid to la Fère. Pinart wrote to Monsieur's agent that the commissioners would be in England as he thought by the last of this month. They are those that were named. What dealings some here are using underhand in France you may understand from himself. He is departed to the Court this morning, and I think you will shortly be sent for. I send the letters I received from Monsieur Simier. I will be at the Court tomorrow. The French ambassador has received letters, whereupon he requests audience. The substance is that the King and Queen Mother 'follow hard' the marriage, and will make peace or do every other thing in reasonable sort that may content the Queen. All the fear is that we should not mean so directly here as they do there, which is gathered upon the practices 'known that' some use there. No full answer is yet come 'of' her Majesty's last letter, and therefore surely—though I think they would do 'every' they can do to please the Queen if they were assured of the marriage, and because some underhand dealings give them a 'suspect' thereof— I fear they do cretizare cum cretensibus. These are the generals of all I understand ; you shall when I see you hear the particulars, which are too long to write.—Thursday. Holograph. Add. Endd. by Burghley : 12 Aug. 1580. Lord Chamberlain, Mr Stafford's arrival. 2 pp. [France IV. 132.]
June 22- Aug. 11. 398. "The charges of Edward Stafford, esquire, for his transportations, post-horses, passage, and carriage of letters, being employed in her Majesty's affairs in France from the 22nd of June to the 11th of August 1580."
Imprimis, to him that I sent to 'Dovor' to provide me a ship - - - - - - - 50s.
For carriage of my stuff to the sea-side - - - 12s.
To the ferry-boat for setting me to the ship - - 12s.
For my passage - - - - £6
To him that I sent before to Paris - - - £9
To him that I sent before to 'Towers' - - £12
To Stallenger that came first to England - £21
The second dispatch from Towers - - - - £21
To him that I sent to Paris for money upon my stay, for his posting and charges and back again - - £24
To Stallenger, for his last dispatch from Towers - - £21
To him that I sent before to Paris from Towers - - £12
To him that I sent from Paris to Towers, for his posting and charges, and back again - - - - - - £24
To him that I sent from Paris into England - - - £12
To him that I sent before to provide a ship - - £12
For my passage from 'Callis' - - - - - £9
To them that carried my stuff to the ship - - - 20s.
To the ferry-boat at Callis - - - - - 20s.
To the ferry-boat that set me a-land at Dover - - 12s.
For carriage of my stuff ashore - - - - 12s.
For my man that I sent before to London - - - £3
For my post-horses from London to Dover : 9 horses at 2s. 6d. the horse ; 5 posts - - - - - £5 12s. 6d.
To the guides and mounters - - - - - £3
From Callis to Paris, 20 posts - - - - - - £22 10s.
To the guides and mounters - - - - - £3
From Paris to Orleans : 13 horses, 12 posts - - - £19 10s.
To the guides and mounters - - - - - 40s.
From Orleans to Towers ; 12 posts - - - £19 10s.
To the guides and mounters - - - - - 40s.
For other post-horses from Towers to 'Burgeuel,' 5 posts - £8 2s. 6d.
To the guides and mounters - - - - - 20s.
Back again from thence to Towers - - £8 2s. 6d.
Guides and mounters - - - - 20s.
From Towers to Orleans back again - - - - - £19 10s.
Guides and mounters - - - 40s.
Orleans to Paris - - - - - - £19 10s.
Guides and mounters - - - - - - - 40s.
Paris to Callis - - - - - - - - £22 10s.
Guides and mounters - - - - - - - £3
Dover to London - - - - - - - - £5 12. 6.
Guides and mounters - - - - - - - 20.
For my charges going and coming - - - - - £153
Sum total of the expenses contained in this account £516 8s. whereof in Diet - - Postings - Sending letters Transport - £153
£220 12s.
£75
£67 16s.
Whereof received in prest at his going, being 22 June last - - - £100. And there yet remains to pay on this account £416 8s.
Endd. 1¾ pp. [Ibid. IV. 133.]
Aug. 13. 399. THOMAS COTTON to LEICESTER.
Enclosed I send the articles of this last agreement for the treaty with Monsieur. His ambassador, M. de 'Prenoies,' is to depart on the 23rd ; with him M. Sainte-Aldegonde as chief commissioner, which by his sufficiency he well deserves. The wars have continued 'in terms so long and cold' that there is 'scarce speech for' Friesland. Some say certain companies have been defeated ; but no certainty, and I do not believe it. The French in garrison at Ninoven attempted the surprise of Enghien, and part that entered the 'rampior' were slain for lack of seconding, to the discredit of the leaders ; the place not taken. For Germany there is no speech of any preparation of men, other [qy. than] the Diet holds at 'Norringeborge.' The Prince of Orange went 'for' Ghent on the 11th. At Mechlin there has been and still is some mutiny among the soldiers for money.—13 August. P.S.—The Malcontents in Artois have propounded to the Prince of Parma, that unless the King prepare a camp royal (if the States and Monsieur agree, as 'in all likely' they will), they can no longer maintain the war but must make terms, considering the sea is shut up on one side, and France environs them on the other. The Prince answered, the King would beware 'how to' make war with the King of Spain. Duke Matthias wrote last week to the States desiring to know what they meant to do with him, and that they would remember not to misuse the House of Austria. Also to give order for satisfying the gentlemen that followed them. Add. Endd. 3 pp. [Holl. and Fl. XIII. 46.]