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Sept. 18.
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428. THOMAS STOKES to WALSINGHAM.
My last to you was the 11th inst., since which the occurrents are
these.
Two days ago arrived in Zealand a ship of Gilles Hoffeman's of
Antwerp, from Laredo, the first port in Biscay. She was but 7
days on the way, and they bring news of 9 ships which they saw
depart from Laredo with soldiers for Ireland. Beside this, they say
there are 27 sail more gone out of other ports thereabouts, also with
soldiers for Ireland ; and they say the soldiers have every one a
white cross on their breast, naming themselves to be the Pope's
men, though indeed they are all Spaniards. Of this news there is
great rejoicing among the Papists. God grant it may be foreseen
in time, for here all the speech is that the Pope and that faction
have great meaning and goodwill to trouble her Majesty in that
island.
Of Portugal matters the ship brings nothing certain, saving they
say that King Philip's army is before Lisbon, and that the town
cares not for them. Others give out that the town is yielded to the
King by accord ; so there is no certainty, for some say it holds out
and cares not for the enemy and others say it is yielded by
'compossion,' and that all the captains and soldiers who were there
are come to 'Cambray' [qy. Coimbra].
No letters are as yet come from M. de Sainte-Aldegonde and the
other ambassadors of their dealings with Duke d'Alençon.
Before surrendering Bouchain, M. de Vilers, who was captain
there, had placed certain barrels of gunpowder underground in the
strongest part of the town and laid matches to burn to it ; so as
within two hours or thereabouts after the States' men had gone out
it took fire and blew up all the place, with all the soldiers that were
in it ; among them M. de Montigny with others of name it is said
are there slain. Some doubt the Marquis of Richebourg is one, and
M. de Licques another. It seems the matter is very evil, for upon
the first news that came to Lille and 'Corttrick' of the taking of
Bouchain, great processions were appointed and great rejoicings
made of the matter, but within a few hours came the other news.
So the general procession was left off, and strait commandment
given in both places to speak no more of Bouchain ; so that it is
thought their loss is very great.
The Malcontents a great part of them are come and live upon
the peasant beside Courtrai, awaiting some order from their governors.
It is thought they will have 'a saying' to Menin or to some
other place thereabouts, so that there is great doubt the States will
lose all in those parts.
Now that they see their enemy is like to overcome them, they
begin to sing their old song again, calling for help at her Majesty's
hands, which the papist rejoices to hear ; but they hope the troubles
in Ireland will keep England occupied 'for' sending any help to
these parts.—Bruges, 18 Sep. 1580.
Add. Endd. 2 pp. [Ibid. XIII. 53.]
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Sept. 18.
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429. JACQUES YMANS to WALSINGHAM.
Having to my great regret understood from yours of the 27th
ult. and previous letters her Majesty's dissatisfaction at the small
endeavour made up to now by the Estates to satisfy Pallavicino
and Spinola, as also your desire that they should comply with her
demand, I would not fail, apart from what Secretary Gilpin has
done in pursuance of his commission, to communicate your last to
the Estates and press them to seek all possible means of inducing
the merchants of this town, having the moyens généraux in their
hands, to satisfy Pallavicino and Spinola as regards the interest
they claim, viz. 2,000 florins per month ; which sum I hoped would
prevent them from being further urgent with her Majesty. After
several deliberations the Estates found it expedient to call on
Brabant, Flanders, Holland and Zealand to promise to pay within
a year the sum of 24,000 florins, for the merchants' greater security
appointing sufficient and qualified persons to make it their own
debt. Whereupon they of Brabant answered that they would pledge
their credit, which I hope they of Flanders, in spite of their present
heavy expenses, will likewise do. Holland and Zealand being
further off, it will be difficult to get their decision in less than 8 or
10 days. To hasten matters the Estates have asked the Prince of
Orange to write to Flanders, Holland, and Zealand, which he has
promised to do.—Antwerp, 18 Sep. 1580.
Add. Endd. Fr. 1 p. [Holl. and Fl. XIII. 54.]
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Sept. 18.
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430. COBHAM to WALSINGHAM.
By your last letter I learnt the safe arrival of Lord Grey, which
gave me 'contentation' ; for they had dispersed sundry bruits of ill-success
in Ireland. Yesterday, upon the occasion of visiting the
Ambassador of Venice, he enquired if any late succours for the
rebels were landed, further saying he doubted not that her Majesty
would be provident ; so there is great expectation of the Spanish
King's enterprise that way. But my trust is, her Majesty will not
spare in these days to save and defend her estate. The improvident
dealings of the Portuguese, assuring themselves on their own forces,
may serve to all states for a warning in these times. I remember
certain words which Bellièvre used in conference with me some
months ago, pointing out that the army, the greatness and the
ambition of King Philip were to be considered by all princes ; howbeit
it was likely he would 'plume about' the realm of France before
he would enterprise anything that way which might unite
them, so that her Majesty should think first thereon.
Likewise the speeches which Chevalier de Seure used in his
'entertainment' to me at the dinner on the day of my 'acceptance,'
which was that although they had not the means to conquer
countries, being encumbered with their civil dissensions, yet there
were ways for them to suffer countries to be lost. So that it seems
all the affairs of King Philip have a course by the assent of this King
until some assigned terms, by them agreed on, may be accomplished.
The advertisements from Italy these two years, I have heard,
signify as much.
Wherefore I could wish it might please her Majesty to prevent
the malice of the enemy by some assured action, rather than thus
to abide their daily practices, which compel her to stand on her
guard. Otherwise they will remain ready with their policies and
forces to assail her states upon any gap opened or occasion offered
by some chance happening through ill-fortune.
It is here reported that the Prince of Orange and the Archduke
are 'come to an unkindness,' and that those of Flanders have
entered into deep discontent towards the prince ; which would be a
good way to return them to the Spanish servitude, and thereby show
their negligent and ungrateful acceptance of the grace of God.
God defend her Majesty in these days 'for to have' any more
Spanish neighbours on that coast, or nearer than they have already
enlarged their confines.—Moret, 18 Sep. 1580.
P.S.—I am informed this day that the King does not mean to
accept Cavaliero Giraldi to be ambassador, since the overthrow has
been given to Don Antonio ; wherein he is not yet come hither to
take his place and lodging like other ambassadors. If it fall out to
be so you shall be advertised in two or three days.
Add. Endd. 1½ pp. [France IV. 152.]
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Sept. 19.
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431. THOMAS STOKES to the SECRETARIES.
Enclosed I send two copies which were given me this morning.
One is the copy of the contract between the Malcontents and M. de
Villiers for the surrender of Bouchain, and the other a letter to the
four Members of Flanders from the Governor of Oudenarde.
News came also this morning to the magistrates of this town
that the Malcontents are marching hitherward with all their forces ;
which makes them very fearful here and not without cause, for the
States have no one in the country here to resist them. This
morning news comes from Holland that the greatest part of the
States' forces in Friesland is overthrown by the Malcontents in
those parts ; so that it is much feared they will be put to the worst
only for want of good government. Most men fear some great
alteration on their side before long ; and now the Papists begin
to 'utter their stomachs,' saying that the Pope and the Spaniard
will deal well enough with England, and that shortly it shall be
well seen.
God grant her Majesty may foresee it in time, for surely the
speech goes here, the Pope and that faction work day and night
against her.—Bruges, 19 Sep. 1580.
Add. (with 'Wm. Paige, post.') Endd. by L. Tomson. 1 p.
[Holl. and Fl. XIII. 55.]
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Sept. 19.
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432. COBHAM to the SECRETARIES.
I have stayed Mr Bourneham these two or three days, to learn by
what means the surrender of la Fère was brought to pass. I can
get no other information than that with the consent of the King of
Navarre and the Prince of Condé it is delivered in some sort to the
King, with such conditions as I enclose ; though I hold it assured
there are more beneficial secret compositions for some of those
Princes, or else great slackness has been shown.
This same contract has been hitherto observed towards those
gentlemen and soldiers who sallied out of the town, having taken
their way towards Cambray, as I hear.
The King's principal captains and soldiers of his camp are not
yet come to Court ; but M. Matignon, la Valette, d'O, and d'Arques
are looked for.
Some understand that the camp will be 'addressed' towards
Lyons. It may be either employed in Piedmont, to make the
young Duke of Savoy consent the sooner to a marriage with
this daughter of Lorraine attending on Queen Mother, which has
been so long in framing ; or else to enter there with the same
forces, taking occasion 'upon' the injuries which his father lately
offered this King at Carmagnola. On these affairs Marshal de
Retz is, as I said before, dispatched towards Savoy, where the
Duke of Nemours is already waiting, on the expectation that
belongs to him and his children, after the failing of this young duke,
whose body is but feeble, and of exceeding small stature ; so far
forth that he is judged unlikely to have succession. Therefore the
French may look towards their late surrendered countries, which
might be a just occasion to 'break wars' against the Spaniards, if
there be any place for the disuniting of that Catholic knot ; which
for my own part I doubt, since I have seen how they have only
entertained occasions offered, which should have been a present
means to divert their civil wars, and have hitherto never applied
their minds these 20 years to do anything that might give the
Spanish King offence.
As yet there is no appearance but that the Duke of Maine's army
is bent towards Livron in Dauphinè. It is the more likely since
their general is a 'Guisiane,' which family are 'gracious and
assured entertainers' of the amity with Spain, for the better
strengthening of their particular faction.
The companies which Rochepot and Balagny are levying for his
Highness, 'are thought shall pass' to Cambray only and no further.
They are certified in this Court that Monsieur has promised the
Commissioners of the Low Countries to send succour to Cambray,
which may serve for this year ; but for his own going thither
I cannot learn, nor see any likelihood. The commissioners
have asked to confer with the King, whereon M. Marchaumont
has 'this other week' been at his Highness's Court, and
returned yesterday to Fontainebleau ; but men of judgement suppose
there will be small fruit reaped for the Flemings from those
negotiations as yet, except the King have in secret accorded with his
brother, which is very unlikely. The interview between the brothers
has been much 'practised,' but not yet brought to pass as it seems.
Howbeit they prepare for Queen Mother departing toward Monceaux
this week, whither his Highness will repair. So that unless the
forces which were at la Fère are employed either against Flanders
or for Piedmont, and the companies made lately by Strozzi about
Nantes shall not be [sic] embarked for Portugal, they of Montacut
will find themselves besieged before they look for the enemy, but
that they have some friends who are careful of their estates.
I am assured by a person of quality that the King will 'frame his
estate to repose' if he can conveniently with compositions in paper ;
if not, will bestow his forces to bring his will to pass.
M. de Grillon, having been one of the first that repaired to the
siege of la Fère, has made suit to the King to place his company
there in garrison. As yet the King has committed the care of the
town to Crêvecœur, with some gentleman of Picardy for captain.
I cannot yet hear tell of the arrival of Montbrun, whereof I shall
not fail to 'take care' ; for they hold for certain here that what
d'Aubigny does in show of religion, is to bring some great practice to
pass and to make way for the entrance of strangers into the realm.
Though I hear you are sufficiently advertised of the evil success
the Portuguese have had, yet I would not 'leave' to send you this
enclosed to confirm as much as is contained in it. Howbeit, a bruit
has since been spread that Captain Pedro Paolo Tossinghi being
arrived at Lisbon wrote letters from thence dated Sep. 2, that he
was well received there ; which would shew the Spaniards had not
possession of it. But I have seen no letter, nor can I find any
foundation of this report.
The Italian gentlewoman is 'dissuaded to repair' into England
without using any of the earnest speeches specified in your letter.
Now there is an old musician, named Guillaume Tessier, born in
Britanny, with his two sons and a daughter, who 'pretend' to pass
into England ; whom I have persuaded, since the times are full of
troubles, and all Courts occupied in the consideration of the events
thereof, rather to defer his journey. But the sickness in Paris, and
the lack of rewards here, will force him, as he says, to 'seek
countries.'—Moret, 19 Sep. 1580.
Add. Endd. 2½ pp. [France IV. 153.]
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Sept. 20.
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433. COBHAM to [WALSINGHAM].
I would willingly have done your message myself to Signor
Giraldi, but he has not come hither among the other ambassadors,
since the overthrow of Don Antonio was known.
Since then there is no further certain news from Portugal ; but
in the opinion of all in this Court they are esteemed all overthrown
and lost through the treason of the Governors, who 'abused' the
Duke of Braganza and the nation.
The book of which you would have me learn is intituled
'Reveille-matin for the English nation.' It is thought to be most
seditious, and full of particular malicious reports. As yet I have
'recovered' none of them. It is said here that some of those
English fugitives are there apprehended, but not dealt with in the
matter of supremacy, but only easily examined, and persuaded in
certain points of religion, so that for the point which most touches
her Majesty, that is for their acceptance of foreign power and their
alliance with those to serve for that purpose, is not enquired after
[sic] nor justice done according to their demerits. Therefore it is
to be wished her Majesty might cause so much to be done therein
as may serve for the assurance of her estate and the blessed repose
of England and Ireland.—Moret, 25 Sep. 1580.
Add. & endt. gone. 2/3 p. [France IV. 154.]
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Sept. 25.
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434. COBHAM to the SECRETARIES.
I had audience on the 22nd inst. upon occasion of dealing
with the King for the releasing of a new imposition, 'taxed' at
Bordeaux, of 2½ per cent. upon all merchandise, using the best
means I could on behalf of the English merchants.
The King answered with gracious words, showing himself inclined
to favour the Queen's subjects, somewhat mentioning his accustomed
desire of advancing his brother's marriage. He entered further to
declare how necessary it was that the greatness of King Philip
were speedily looked to ; which he spoke with appearance of earnestness.
I answered him, that many months past the Queen had
signified her readiness to join his counsels therein.
Then the King commanded me to signify from him that he was
bent to have feeling of [? ressentir] the Spanish King's enterprises,
and that he trusted to find her like disposed ; which I beseech you
to certify to her.
But I showed him that in dealing in these general terms was but
an entertaining of the cause, and showing a disposition to enter into
the enterprise. Therefore if it would please him, as well as he had
commanded me to send his former words to her Majesty, that so
likewise it might content him to command M. de Mauvissière to
deliver the particular means which he purposes to use, and the
forces he minds to address to that effect and such other provisions as
he thinks should be thought on and prepared. This he assured me
he would do at once, meaning to confer with his mother, to whom
he wished me to repair.
On coming to her presence, I declared to her that it seemed to me
that my negotiations were not fully accomplished till I had imparted
them to her ; whose words and favours I had cause to intreat for on
behalf of the English merchants 'trading Bordeaux,' whereof I had
informed the King, finding his mind bent to gratify the Queen and
her subjects by preserving to the merchants their ancient privileges
which his predecessors, and himself at his entrance to his crown,
had confirmed ; to be free of all further exactions. Notwithstanding
this their suit should have happy success, if she would help with
her gracious speech. She promised to do so, and assured me that
the King was well-affected ; alleging that it was most necessary that
all the good offices and demonstrations should now pass on both
sides, seeing before their eyes and daily hearing tell of the enterprises
of the Spanish King, which 'were requisite to be' provided
for ; and hoped the Queen would think thereon.
I assured her that on that side there was good will to join with
their Majesties, so that the King would proceed to show his 'valure'
in the action, and that she would make it known that she could not
endure so excessive greatness as this of King Philip. There were
no doubt but they might find so many hands ready for so just a
work that the labour would appear easier than in common discourse
yet seemed. Opinion at present was bent in favour of King
Philip, respecting his fortune ; which by custom is followed by the
baser and mean sort. I therefore assured her I would not leave to
perform any office tending to advance this negotiation. Notwithstanding,
it was convenient, after they had thoroughly determined
the affairs, to commission the ambassador ligier to deliver their
decision particularly, and I should remain ready to deal further as
their pleasure might direct, whereon I would attend.
I therefore desired her, since God had given the King that
contentment to have la Fère delivered without bloodshed, with the
submission of his subjects, that his Majesty might, in way of a
fatherly compassion, put an end to these troubles.
She said that the King of Navarre had lately committed many
petty follies, and 'did not minister cause to the King to the consideration
of him' and his followers. Howbeit she said the King
was sending again to his brother to have the pacification renewed ;
otherwise armies were prepared in all places to besiege their towns
and to use force. Yet she hoped they would better consider their
estate.
I said I understood the Protestants were willing to yield themselves
at all points to the King, so long as they might have some
sure repair to places of defence for their safety—the use of their
conscience according to the Edict of pacification ; which she said
would not be denied them. Whereon she 'inferred' at large their
taking of towns and 'butines,' and ransoming of the King's subjects.
To which I replied they had suffered much persecution, and, therefore,
any evil appearance renewed their fear ; which might excuse
them if their Majesties would look with indifferent eyes into the
afflicted state of those of the Religion, and deal with them as their
'kind' subjects.
She said, the King showed now at la Fère, and would do so with
the rest, that he sought not to be revenged on them, nor their lives,
but 'pretended' to have his towns and defend his subjects from
being spoiled ; who were ready to deal in other sort with them of
the Religion, if the King would suffer them. But he, she said, was
determined to have the pacification established. And so I was
'licensed' from her.
M. Lansac entered into conference with me on the affairs of
Portugal, wishing that the King would consider them, and that as
the Queen, my sovereign, had hitherto shown to be wise, she would
so continue ; and that princes should not only have care of their
states during their natural life, but think to leave them in an
assured state.
I have set down the course it pleased the King and Queen to keep
in their conference with me. I will now tell you such discourse and
intelligence as I receive otherwise. And first of the affairs of
Portugal. I am informed that Don Francisco Baretto is landed at
Viana, with two ships and about 300 soldiers, commanded by Petro
Paolo Tossinghi and other French and Italian captains, 'which' the
French supply and captain are returned back again and landed at
Nantes. This has happened, they say, because when they came
near the Portuguese coast the fishermen gave intelligence of Don
Antonio's defeat and the loss of Lisbon ; on which Francisco Baretto
was landed at Viana with 8 or 10 soldiers only, meaning to see how
affairs passed, and to return to the French ships. But after he was
landed the French returned, compelled, they say, by tempest and
contrary winds. It is since bruited that after the Portuguese had
received the Spaniards into Lisbon and were informed of the
arrival of the French succours, they slew on a sudden 6,000
Castilians, and retook all the places which had been surrendered ;
but this is not as yet greatly believed.
Strozzi continues his preparations of men and ships at Nantes.
A French gentleman called 'Pierredor' [P. Dor] late consul for
the French merchants in Portugal, by whom Don Antonio had
sent both letters and messages to their Majesties, has lately delivered
to them certain 'remonstrances' touching the present state of
Portugal, the copy of which I enclose.
Meantime the Protestants in this country are much amazed by
the great force levied by the King in sundry parts ; sending part
of his army which was at la Fère to Montacut [Montaigu] where
M. de Lude and divers others in Poitou have amassed companies to
make their rendezvous beside Angiers on the 25 inst. And the
'voice' [is] given out that the Marquis d'Elbeuf is to be one of
the chiefs of that enterprise.
Lancosme is 'in a sort' besieging Saint-Jean-d'Angely ; having it
is thought intelligences within the town.
It is resolved, as the Protestants are informed, that when the
towns are recovered, all these forces shall be employed in Guyenne,
where there is a report that the King of Navarre has lately been
defeated ; but no certainty as yet.
The Duke of Maine is marching into Dauphiné having lately
taken Brieres [?] upon composition to let them go quit of ransom,
so that they delivered two other places to him ; which it is thought
they have done. The duke sent two of their ensigns to the King
the same day that I was with him. The Pope lends the duke
50,000 crowns to continue the enterprise against the Protestants.
I enclose a letter from Lyons.
So unless his Majesty 'pretends' to address those forces against
King Philip, there is all appearance in the sight and judgement of
men that they are bent to overthrow those of the Religion within
this realm ; 'which are so ready and in present order, as no succour
may come speedily enough unto them,' unless God show His divine
power by some extraordinary means. But how far this will be
thought convenient to be considered, I leave to you.
Surely there are who think that these great troubles are led by
the great consent of some, and advanced by the slackness of others
who are bewitched [?] with two little opinion of these strong armies,
as the princes of Germany, and such other Protestants, who much
after the manner of the Portuguese assure themselves so long of
their own forces and ability, 'amused' with their cloaked divisions
and factions, that the enemy was within their doors before they
prepared defence ; entertaining their own humours with vain
conjectures, through the abuses and practices of the liers in wait.
Marshal de Cossé has been looked for, and his journey hitherward
put in doubt ; but again 'revived' and said he will be in this Court
next week. The ordinary 'conference' in this Court is of the
expectation of the Spanish proceedings towards the enterprise of
her Majesty's realms.
The Duke of Nevers is said to manage and practise the Bishop
Electors. It is thought at Court that the Duke of Aumale will have
the government of Picardy. Some troops are to pass to Cambray
and one or two of Monsieur's principal captains have the King's
commission, of which I am advertised ; but they assuredly had
conference with the King before their departure.—Moret, 25 Sep.
1580.
Add. Endd. by L. Tomson and Walsingham. 5 pp. [France IV.
155.]
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Sept. 25.
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435. COBHAM to
I beseech you, sir, although Mr Stafford has framed a complaint
contrary to his promise made to me and Mr Waad of his own free
will (for otherwise I had signified as much as passed in words which
were both faithfully and modestly spoken by Mr Waad without
prejudice to any person), to shew that favour towards me whereby
I shall not be deprived of the company of so approved a friend, and
a gentleman by whose discreet means there come to me those who
serve her Majesty ; for otherwise I would be loath to endanger those
friends by new men and means, since these days are perilous, if
God turn not the course which in appearance is like to be followed.
I assure you that since I came into these parts I have not found of
quality or manner able in any sort to follow in this Court the causes
of her Majesty or her merchants with that modesty and satisfaction
to all sorts. Besides that the secret friends of those of the Religion
shrink and will not be known to new acquaintances ; to say the
truth I would be loath to venture men's lives into the hands of an
indiscreet person, or a vaunter or babbler.
I cannot tell to what purpose this complaint tend ; for first
Mr Stafford dealt with me, and wished me to take heed how I
received intelligence by Mr Waad, for he was set about me by
'some such a one' as you may guess, and that I was dangerously
abused, and 'how he had known him to be a witty fellow ;' with
many like speeches.
I said that I was assured of Mr Waad, for I had known him to
be honest and to love me for many years, and that he should
sooner deceive me than I mistrust him.
When this would not take place, then within three days Mr Waad
had quarrel picked with his speech, which was neither spoken in
plain words, nor in any reasonable sort to be wrested, to tend to
any such sense as he would infer ; "but as Mr Waad was 'tempered'
with, so hath my lord Sands by means (for loving me, keeping me
company, and giving me his horse) through such a one which did
seem lovingly to visit him, at his first coming, upon finding his
good will bent towards me, he has not since visited him." And my
servants enticed, and promised entertainment, 'whereof some now
go masterless,' and some kept, contrary to promise, rather to
encourage others of my men than for any good service.
These, with a number of such devices, I pass ; and I may say
before God, without cause or meaning to harm any, but to serve
her to whom I am bound. This is the foundation of Mr Waad's
complaint. He has done them more services than they have regard.
I have pleasured them and forbear and suffer ; yet you have seen
and will see it will not satisfy them. Notwithstanding, if you find
that much to be true, I beseech you to put this wrong from me.—
Moret, 25 Sep. 1580.
P.S.—I have written a few words to the Queen touching Mr Waad,
trusting he may stay with me ; for otherwise I have not one to ask
my audience, nor do those necessary 'accomplements' with the
ambassadors.
Add. and endt. gone. 1½ pp. [Ibid IV. 156.]
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Sept. 27.
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436. SPANISH MONEY for ENGLAND.
I, Miguel de Varoiz, Alcalde of this noble and loyal town of
San Sebastian, in this present year, by this signed (firmada) with my
name and signed (signada) by Andres de Plaçola and Martin
Perez de Huacue, the King's notaries in this town, testify to all
who see and hear this present, that in the ship named the Falcon,
master, David Collins, an Englishman, resident in the city of
London, was embarked a chest (caxon) of money, containing
375,500 maravedis, in [sic] 11,040 reals, 4 maravedis in silver, in
reals of eight, four, and two, and one of 4 maravedis. This money
was for England, and for the city of London, in the aforesaid
chest, covered with hemp stalks, bound with a hempen rope, and
sealed in four places with sealingwax, numbered on the top, and by
me marked in red and signed. Which money was embarked in the
said ship, and delivered in the concha of this town of San Sebastian,
in virtue of a royal writ signed by King Philip, and countersigned
by Juan Vasquez, done at Merida on May 9 of this year 1580,
whereby he gives permission to Julio de Junta, a Florentine, to
take out of these realms 5,172 ducats, which amount to
1,939,500 maravedis in gold and silver, on account of certain
breviaries and other books which he brought from Venice ;
with which writ and power granted to the said Julio requisition
was made to me, and having obeyed his Majesty's writ
with the esteem due to it and used the diligence which it
demanded, the money was embarked in the vessel and delivered to
the master in the said concha, I having in person gone with
the notaries above-named to make the delivery. Which 375,500
maravedis with the rest of the 5,172 ducats, which as appears from
an entry on the back of the writ signed with certain signatures
from the town of Bilbao amounts to 1,564,000 maravedis, and the
said money is put into the chest in a sack, in which goes a
note, to the effect that the above declared sum is therein written and
signed by my hand, at the request of the master to clear him
towards the King's justices as well as all in authority and private
persons, so that in case through bad weather or other cause the
vessel should put into port, he may suffer no molestation or
extortion, and may be allowed to take away the money freely.—
San Sebastian, 27 Sep. 1580. (Signed by the persons named above.)
Endd. : A letter in Spanish. Sp. 2 pp. [Spain I. 55.]
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Sept. 30.
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437. "By a letter dated from the Port of Portugal, 30 Sept.
1580."
I 'trust' you have heard that on June 25 Don Antonio in 'the
same' city was saluted king ; and now [qu. how] the Duke of Alva
came into Alemtejo with his power, and by treason brought all into
subjection without any resistance ; and so came to Setubal, where
was a small resistance, but only the castle ; and so to 'Casta Cales'
[Cascaes], his guide being Don Antonio [ ] lord of that town.
There was Don Diego de Meneses, who "left his journey of the
Indies to be their viceroy" in order that the Duke of Alva might
behead him as a traitor to our King. He delivered Cascaes without
any bloodshed (some say because his men would not fight) and so
the Duke went on with his camp 'Wyras' [Veiras] and there
'gave his battery' to the fort of St. John for 3 days. The captain
there was Tristram Vas Deviga, who delivered the fort ; and that
was the beginning of our undoing, because he might have held it
for ten years.
Thence he came to 'Bethelem,' where was no resistance, because
when his Highness saw that all was surrendered by treachery he
retired with his soldiers to Alcantara and there 'set his trenches.'
He had 18,000 horse and foot. The Duke of Alva proceeded with
his camp ; he had 14,000 horse and foot, all good soldiers and trained
in war, with shot and ordnance. He sent a company to 'invade'
the bridge of Alcantara ; and so our men being inexpert came
together thither, but the Duke sent behind their back, by the side
of St. Benedict's Church, a band of Spaniards ; and so attacked
them behind. By this means our camp was 'discomflicted' on
Aug. 25, and 2,000 men died. His Highness was hurt by the captain
of his guard, who meant to have slain him ; but he slew the
captain with his own hand, and so came to this city accompanied
by the Earl of Vimioso and the Bishop of 'Gartha' [Guarda] only,
and did not stay, but "went his way straight."
After this our people lost their heart to defend themselves ; and
so came the duke's son, the Great Prior, Don Antonio of Cascaes,
Diego 'Lopus' of 'Sicera' and Lewis Cesar, and set up a banner in
the steeple of the highest church on behalf of the chamber of the
same city. [Burghley notes in margin : Lisbona.] And by these
means the duke 'forbore' the spoil of the city, 'but' only in the
'subers' and five leagues round about ; and it was such a spoil
that the spoil of Rome was nothing like it. It lasted 3 days, and in
16 days they had still something to sell, and 60 galleys and 20 great
ships are full of their spoil, and they made great abuses in the
churches out of the city ; but at present the city is quiet, because
the soldiers come no more within the gates, and a great watch is
kept. All the handicraftsmen work, and all the judges and
'currisidors' follow their business as before. The Duke of Alva
is lodged in the 'subers,' the prior within the city.
Don Antonio being so 'discomflited' came to 'Montomor'
[qy. Tomar] and 'Quimbra,' here he keeps his treasure (and it
was said to be great) of money, precious stones, and the rich saddle
and bridle of his predecessors ; and sent the Earl of Vimioso
against Aveiro, 'which rebel' against him, on understanding the
spoil of Lisbon. And the earl took the town perforce, and delivered
it to his soldiers to be spoiled, and made himself strong with the
munition that was there and other taken out of certain hulks that
were there to lade salt. And he commanded the salt to be given to
them gratis in recompense for their munitions. There assembled
6 or 7,000 horse and foot, and so with this company King Antonio
marched to Porto, which also was revoked [qy. revolted] against
him, and left the earl at Aveiro with 500 men ; and he keeps us so
strait that we were fain to deliver him the town upon composition,
and so he is lord of the shire called called 'Interdoro Imino'
[Burghley notes : Antre Dorro e Mino], where he may have many
thousands, and it is thought that he will 'stand' King Philip well
enough ; and more if any help comes to him, which he looks for
daily.
Also it is thought that this winter the Spaniards will do nothing
because there have been great rains, and the river Mondego is very
great, and we hear that the bridge of Mondego which might have
been their passage, is broken, and that is about 'Quimbra' ; and the
more because they fear that they of Lisbon will 'revoke again' by
reason of the spoil and extortion that the Spaniards used against
them.
All the noblemen repent, because the King of Spain makes so
small account of them. The Duke of Braganza went to speak
with him ; to whom the King said these words : "Welcome, duke ;
yours shall be yours, and mine yours" ; and commanded him to
sit in a plain chair. And we hear say that the King commanded
him to go to Seville, his wife and children, because it appertained
so to his service.
The Governors of Portugal who fled have not as yet spoken with
the King. They are still at the town called Castromarine. One of
them, called Diego Lopes de Souza, is dead ; and another, called
Don John Tello is also dead in a village of his in Portugal, for he
tarried behind when the others went away.
Endd. by Burghley's secretary. 3 pp. [Portugal I. 40.]
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Sept. 30.
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438. The DUKE OF PRUSSIA to the QUEEN.
Having learnt from your very kind letter that you liked the
falcons we sent you last year, and desiring to maintain the practice
of our ancestors, we send you six more, hoping they will reach you
safe and in spirits, so that you may get much enjoyment from the
use of them, to the lengthening of your life. But whereas in your
last letter you kindly offer to requite us speedily for the falcons, we
request in all gratitude, that if it be done without inconvenience
and opportunity offers, you would gratify us with some of those
pacing (gradariis) horses which we know are better than others in
England, for the use of our wife, sprung from the House of Brunswick,
whom we lately married, and who is very fond of this kind of
riding.—Königsberg (Regimonti), 30 Sep. 1580. (Signed iu autograph)
George Frederick.
Add. Endd. by L. Tomson : sent 6 falcons, desires ambling
geldings. Lat. 1½ pp. [Germ. States II. 2.]
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Sept. 30.
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439. J. CUPPER to BURGHLEY.
Aware as I always am of the favours which made me your
servant long before I was fortunate enough to be received by you as
such, I could not but regret that I have hitherto been unable to
make apparent my great desire to obey you. I have always tried
to do so in your presence, which is the reason why, being at a
distance from you, I am again constrained to tempt fortune in order
to try if the luck I have so long desired will come to me. I shall
indeed feel it, if when occasion offers you do me the favour of
employing me, and can do anything acceptable to you.
Though I know you are informed of all that takes place here, and
that I can send you no news, yet I will be so enterprising as to ask
you to read things that you perhaps knew before. Three weeks
ago five ambassadors from the States came to Monsieur's Court,
now at Tours. The first, who speaks for them all, is Sainte-Alde-goude,
the second is the Prince of Orange's bastard son, the third
is M. 'Donham' [d'Ohain], who is for Brabant. They have offered
Monsieur 1,200,000 crowns to go to Flanders. Marshal Cossé has
gone to the King to treat of these affairs. Monsieur demands the
sovereignty of that country, and would wish Flanders to be held of
the Crown of France, as in former times.
The King of Spain, as report runs, has taken Lisbon, and the
Portuguese have yielded to him ; whereby they think that Monsieur
will not go to Flanders. Simier remains at Bourgueil, and comes
no more to Monsieur's Court ; which looks as if he was not yet
restored to favour.
The Duke of Savoy is dead.—Orleans, last of Sept. 1580.
Add. Endd : Mr. Couper from Orleans. Fr. 1½ pp.
[France IV. 157.]
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Sept. 30.
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440. Extract from the proceedings of the Council of
State held at Fontainebleau the last day of
September, 1580.
Upon the request presented by Jehan Liberge, merchant of
Nantes, stating that having freighted the ship called the Jaques, of
le Pouliguen, with wine and other goods, he was plundered by
certain inhabitants of Waterford and other towns in Ireland, and
has not since been able to obtain restitution, although he has for
fourteenth months been a suitor to the Council of the Queen of
England, and that the King has at sundry times written on his
behalf to his ambassador, who on his part has done all that was
in his power to obtain justice for him, to the effect that
looking to the said refusal and the long suit in which Liberge
has consumed the greater part of his goods, he may be granted
letters of marque and reprisal against all the inhabitants of the
realm of Ireland to carry them out in the customary form until he
is entirely recompensed for the worth of the said ship and goods
according to estimate made or to be made, and the cost of his said
suit ; and having seen the documents in the case.
The Council is of opinion, subject to the King's pleasure, that
Liberge should be permitted to cause to be stayed in all ports where
he may find them, by order of the local judges, all vessels and
goods belonging to those of Ireland, and have them sold, as is
customary in such cases, until he is entirely recompensed.
In the margin is written : The Queen agrees ; but please speak
expressly about it to the English ambassador here, and to
M. de Mauvissière and to the Queen of England, that the matter
may be once again brought to her notice and that of her Council.
(Signed), Forget.
Copy. Endd. : The award of the Council of the fr. king in the
behalf of John Liberge. Fr. 1 p. [France IV. 158.]
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? Sep.
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441. INSTRUCTIONS FOR [?] DANIEL ROGERS.
Whereas we have lately perceived, both by the sight of certain
letters sent to the States by their deputies very lately residing with
the Duke of Anjou, and by the late sending of a gentleman to
acquaint him with certain articles, with further promises that within
a few days special commissioners should be sent to him in the
company of des Pruneaux with ample commission to conclude the
negotiation so long in hand, that the States have not since our
embassy sent to them about two years past ceased to negotiate with
the Duke, with intention not only to accept him as governor or
protector for a season, but also to acknowledge him as their
sovereign and shake off their obedience to the King of Spain ;
We have thought good, considering how much the alienation of
those countries to a new lord 'imports' us and our Crown, especially
'to be joined' with the Crown of France, to make choice of you,
as one sufficiently acquainted with the intention on all sides, and
with our meaning, to be employed in that charge, both with the
Prince of Orange and with the States, and also with some particular
person among them, according to the following directions.
You will declare to them that we cannot but marvel that they
should enter into any such course either with the Duke or with
any other foreign potentate, and not first inform us, according to
their promises at sundry times. For if they could call to mind our
forwardness to help them in former necessities, or had due consideration
of their promises made to us for precedent favours, they
could not have so greatly forgotten themselves towards a prince who
has deserved so well of them, and ought not, in gratitude, to have
been dealt with with so little respect, or rather with so great contempt.
What we demand of them, to which they are by promise bound,
is not great, yet is such that besides the honour done to us it might
have been of no small force to the better assurance of their negotiation ;
consisting only in making us acquainted with such intelligences
and contracts as occasion might lead them to with other princes.
If they seem to forget the matter, or deny any such promise, the
contract made with the Marquis of Havrech, the confirmation of it
under their seal, you shall tell them, sufficiently witness it. For
further arguments to support the reasonableness of our demand,
you may say that no reason can maintain it to be allowed, if for
their sake we incur the hatred of the King of Spain—as the world
sees how evil he deals with us already, and threatens much more—
and spend our treasure and suffer the loss of our people in their
service, that in the end they should withdraw from their ancient
alliance with our Crown, and join themselves to that of France,
whereby all hope of the continuance of the ancient amity will
become desperate ; for by this means the world may think us
foully abused in spending our money.
In case they reply that that contract was not of force to bind
them to any such condition, since we on our part 'slacked' to seal
and confirm it interchangeably, you shall say that whatever confirmation
lacked on our part, in form of words and other ceremonies
more usual for judicial courts than honourable dealings of princes,
our acts have shown a real performance of all we promised, which
would have been greater had it not stood more in others than in us.
For first we slacked not to relieve them with great sums of
money, as their obligations and bonds can witness, amounts well
nigh to 100,000l. received for the most part in ready money ; and
for the rest, 100,000l. more, which we promised them by benefit of
our credit, we meant to have made good, had they not broken with
us in the performance of former conditions, and given us in many
ways just cause to make stay of it.
As for the other part of their contract with us, on which they
may perhaps take some exception, which concerns the aid of
6,000 of our subjects, you shall say that we redeemed that want,
the necessity of our state at home driving us thereto, with a far
greater supply, of 11,000 reiters and landsknechts, levied and paid in
advance for a certain time by treasure from our own coffers. This we
did with their acceptance and acknowledgement of the receipt of one
in lieu of the other, as may appear by certain writings of their own,
whereof you can give best testimony, being our minister there at
that time ; so that in substance we departed no whit from the
performance of our promises, though in form there may seem some
little difference. Which being so, as they cannot truly deny, you
may let them know that we cannot think ourselves honourably or
kindly dealt with, to be made a stranger to their proceeding,
especially as they have no apparent necessity to force them thereto,
as they had at the time of our said negotiation with them ; their
towns for the most part being at present well-secured through
sufficience of garrisons and fortifications, and their enemies weaker
than at that time, standing now only in the strength of a few
disunited malcontents, with no likelihood of receiving any aid from
Spain, that king being occupied in making good his title to Portugal,
and busy about other expeditions, which if common bruit be true,
are meant to light upon our realms by way of revenge for the
favours we have shown them in their distresses.
You shall therefore declare to them that in respect of themselves
and of the obligation that we have or ought to have on them, they
will do well to stay their last commissioners, who are to go to make
up the matter, till our advice be known thereon, if they be not
already dispatched ; if for no other reason, yet for our satisfaction,
that we may be acquainted with the manner of the disposing of
that state, and may give them such advice therein as they shall
have no cause to mislike.
If they take another course, besides that they will show themselves
ingrate, they may assure themselves that though we wish,
and with most just cause, as well to the Duke as to any prince or
other creature living, we cannot, if the matter be 'carried away'
without our privity, but do our endeavours to impeach it, by such
means as perhaps they would have no great cause to like, and we
should be loth to put in operation otherwise than constrained by
necessity.
In case you find by dealing generally with the Prince and States,
small likelihood of working any good in this matter, you shall deal
severally with them in private, especially such as you know or think
to be more inclining to us than to the King of France ; yet so that
your speeches and persuasions be delivered to them without touching
Monsieur, for the conservation of whose honour and credit we
ought, as you know, to have an especial care ; but so that they may
seem to taste of nothing but a discontent in us that we who have so
well deserved of them and been so careful of their well-doing, should
be so lightly accounted of as not to be made privy to their purpose
in a matter of so great moment, and that cannot but somewhat
touch us in honour, considering our former dealings.
If in your conferences, either particularly or generally with them,
you perceive that they might yet be induced to cease from seeking
after the French aid, and to take some such other course as we
could like to direct them in, if they could be assured of any relief
from us in their extremities, and of certain means to be delivered
from these civil wars, which have so long consumed them, you shall
ask them what means they would have us use, whereby an end of
their calamities may be purchased ; which being known you may
tell them you will declare to us, and you hope they will receive from
us such answer as shall content them.
After thus dealing with the Prince and States, you shall repair to
the Duke's agent there, M. des Pruneaux, and acquaint him with
the cause of your sending ; laying before him the 'unkindness we
conceive' with the States for not making us privy to their negotiation
with his master, wherein they could not but have looked for
such concurrence at our hands as they most desire, consistently
with our honour, considering the good intelligence there is between
the Duke and us. So that in this strange kind of dealing they have
not only dishonoured us in the opinion of the world, but done wrong
to themselves in giving occasion to have that good will estranged
from them which has not been wanting to relieve them in their
greatest extremity. For they may well have persuaded themselves,
for reasons they may well conceive, that we should have been so
far from staying the course of any intention that might have been
for their good and for the duke's honour, that we would rather have
furthered it, and by such means as God has put into our hands
advanced it in such sort that the happy success of their delivery
from present miseries should plainly have witnessed to them the
constant course of our sincere meaning towards them ; which we
take to be the principal end why the duke his master, carried with
a noble and princely disposition, is entering into the action as one
that prefers their deliverance from the present calamity which they
now endure, and which without some timely remedy is likely to
increase, than of [sic] any desire to advance his own greatness
otherwise than by having compassion and procuring the deliverance
of the afflicted.
Draft, with a few corrections in Burghley's hand. Endd. in a later
hand : Instructions for one sent into the Low Countries 1579 when
they were about to receive the D. of Anjou for their governor.
6¾ pp. [Holl. & Flanders XIII. 56.]
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