September 1580, 16-30


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'Elizabeth: September 1580, 16-30', Calendar of State Papers Foreign, Elizabeth, Volume 14: 1579-1580 (1904), pp. 419-436. URL: http://www.british-history.ac.uk/report.aspx?compid=73461 Date accessed: 21 April 2014. Add to my bookshelf


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September 1580, 16-30

My last to you was the 11th inst., since which the occurrents are these. Two days ago arrived in Zealand a ship of Gilles Hoffeman's of Antwerp, from Laredo, the first port in Biscay. She was but 7 days on the way, and they bring news of 9 ships which they saw depart from Laredo with soldiers for Ireland. Beside this, they say there are 27 sail more gone out of other ports thereabouts, also with soldiers for Ireland ; and they say the soldiers have every one a white cross on their breast, naming themselves to be the Pope's men, though indeed they are all Spaniards. Of this news there is great rejoicing among the Papists. God grant it may be foreseen in time, for here all the speech is that the Pope and that faction have great meaning and goodwill to trouble her Majesty in that island. Of Portugal matters the ship brings nothing certain, saving they say that King Philip's army is before Lisbon, and that the town cares not for them. Others give out that the town is yielded to the King by accord ; so there is no certainty, for some say it holds out and cares not for the enemy and others say it is yielded by 'compossion,' and that all the captains and soldiers who were there are come to 'Cambray' [qy. Coimbra]. No letters are as yet come from M. de Sainte-Aldegonde and the other ambassadors of their dealings with Duke d'Alençon. Before surrendering Bouchain, M. de Vilers, who was captain there, had placed certain barrels of gunpowder underground in the strongest part of the town and laid matches to burn to it ; so as within two hours or thereabouts after the States' men had gone out it took fire and blew up all the place, with all the soldiers that were in it ; among them M. de Montigny with others of name it is said are there slain. Some doubt the Marquis of Richebourg is one, and M. de Licques another. It seems the matter is very evil, for upon the first news that came to Lille and 'Corttrick' of the taking of Bouchain, great processions were appointed and great rejoicings made of the matter, but within a few hours came the other news. So the general procession was left off, and strait commandment given in both places to speak no more of Bouchain ; so that it is thought their loss is very great. The Malcontents a great part of them are come and live upon the peasant beside Courtrai, awaiting some order from their governors. It is thought they will have 'a saying' to Menin or to some other place thereabouts, so that there is great doubt the States will lose all in those parts. Now that they see their enemy is like to overcome them, they begin to sing their old song again, calling for help at her Majesty's hands, which the papist rejoices to hear ; but they hope the troubles in Ireland will keep England occupied 'for' sending any help to these parts.—Bruges, 18 Sep. 1580. Add. Endd. 2 pp. [Ibid. XIII. 53.]
Having to my great regret understood from yours of the 27th ult. and previous letters her Majesty's dissatisfaction at the small endeavour made up to now by the Estates to satisfy Pallavicino and Spinola, as also your desire that they should comply with her demand, I would not fail, apart from what Secretary Gilpin has done in pursuance of his commission, to communicate your last to the Estates and press them to seek all possible means of inducing the merchants of this town, having the moyens généraux in their hands, to satisfy Pallavicino and Spinola as regards the interest they claim, viz. 2,000 florins per month ; which sum I hoped would prevent them from being further urgent with her Majesty. After several deliberations the Estates found it expedient to call on Brabant, Flanders, Holland and Zealand to promise to pay within a year the sum of 24,000 florins, for the merchants' greater security appointing sufficient and qualified persons to make it their own debt. Whereupon they of Brabant answered that they would pledge their credit, which I hope they of Flanders, in spite of their present heavy expenses, will likewise do. Holland and Zealand being further off, it will be difficult to get their decision in less than 8 or 10 days. To hasten matters the Estates have asked the Prince of Orange to write to Flanders, Holland, and Zealand, which he has promised to do.—Antwerp, 18 Sep. 1580. Add. Endd. Fr. 1 p. [Holl. and Fl. XIII. 54.]
Sept. 18. 430. COBHAM to WALSINGHAM.
By your last letter I learnt the safe arrival of Lord Grey, which gave me 'contentation' ; for they had dispersed sundry bruits of ill-success in Ireland. Yesterday, upon the occasion of visiting the Ambassador of Venice, he enquired if any late succours for the rebels were landed, further saying he doubted not that her Majesty would be provident ; so there is great expectation of the Spanish King's enterprise that way. But my trust is, her Majesty will not spare in these days to save and defend her estate. The improvident dealings of the Portuguese, assuring themselves on their own forces, may serve to all states for a warning in these times. I remember certain words which Bellièvre used in conference with me some months ago, pointing out that the army, the greatness and the ambition of King Philip were to be considered by all princes ; howbeit it was likely he would 'plume about' the realm of France before he would enterprise anything that way which might unite them, so that her Majesty should think first thereon. Likewise the speeches which Chevalier de Seure used in his 'entertainment' to me at the dinner on the day of my 'acceptance,' which was that although they had not the means to conquer countries, being encumbered with their civil dissensions, yet there were ways for them to suffer countries to be lost. So that it seems all the affairs of King Philip have a course by the assent of this King until some assigned terms, by them agreed on, may be accomplished. The advertisements from Italy these two years, I have heard, signify as much. Wherefore I could wish it might please her Majesty to prevent the malice of the enemy by some assured action, rather than thus to abide their daily practices, which compel her to stand on her guard. Otherwise they will remain ready with their policies and forces to assail her states upon any gap opened or occasion offered by some chance happening through ill-fortune. It is here reported that the Prince of Orange and the Archduke are 'come to an unkindness,' and that those of Flanders have entered into deep discontent towards the prince ; which would be a good way to return them to the Spanish servitude, and thereby show their negligent and ungrateful acceptance of the grace of God. God defend her Majesty in these days 'for to have' any more Spanish neighbours on that coast, or nearer than they have already enlarged their confines.—Moret, 18 Sep. 1580. P.S.—I am informed this day that the King does not mean to accept Cavaliero Giraldi to be ambassador, since the overthrow has been given to Don Antonio ; wherein he is not yet come hither to take his place and lodging like other ambassadors. If it fall out to be so you shall be advertised in two or three days. Add. Endd. 1½ pp. [France IV. 152.]
Sept. 19. 431. THOMAS STOKES to the SECRETARIES.
Enclosed I send two copies which were given me this morning. One is the copy of the contract between the Malcontents and M. de Villiers for the surrender of Bouchain, and the other a letter to the four Members of Flanders from the Governor of Oudenarde. News came also this morning to the magistrates of this town that the Malcontents are marching hitherward with all their forces ; which makes them very fearful here and not without cause, for the States have no one in the country here to resist them. This morning news comes from Holland that the greatest part of the States' forces in Friesland is overthrown by the Malcontents in those parts ; so that it is much feared they will be put to the worst only for want of good government. Most men fear some great alteration on their side before long ; and now the Papists begin to 'utter their stomachs,' saying that the Pope and the Spaniard will deal well enough with England, and that shortly it shall be well seen. God grant her Majesty may foresee it in time, for surely the speech goes here, the Pope and that faction work day and night against her.—Bruges, 19 Sep. 1580. Add. (with 'Wm. Paige, post.') Endd. by L. Tomson. 1 p. [Holl. and Fl. XIII. 55.]
Sept. 19. 432. COBHAM to the SECRETARIES.
I have stayed Mr Bourneham these two or three days, to learn by what means the surrender of la Fère was brought to pass. I can get no other information than that with the consent of the King of Navarre and the Prince of Condé it is delivered in some sort to the King, with such conditions as I enclose ; though I hold it assured there are more beneficial secret compositions for some of those Princes, or else great slackness has been shown. This same contract has been hitherto observed towards those gentlemen and soldiers who sallied out of the town, having taken their way towards Cambray, as I hear. The King's principal captains and soldiers of his camp are not yet come to Court ; but M. Matignon, la Valette, d'O, and d'Arques are looked for. Some understand that the camp will be 'addressed' towards Lyons. It may be either employed in Piedmont, to make the young Duke of Savoy consent the sooner to a marriage with this daughter of Lorraine attending on Queen Mother, which has been so long in framing ; or else to enter there with the same forces, taking occasion 'upon' the injuries which his father lately offered this King at Carmagnola. On these affairs Marshal de Retz is, as I said before, dispatched towards Savoy, where the Duke of Nemours is already waiting, on the expectation that belongs to him and his children, after the failing of this young duke, whose body is but feeble, and of exceeding small stature ; so far forth that he is judged unlikely to have succession. Therefore the French may look towards their late surrendered countries, which might be a just occasion to 'break wars' against the Spaniards, if there be any place for the disuniting of that Catholic knot ; which for my own part I doubt, since I have seen how they have only entertained occasions offered, which should have been a present means to divert their civil wars, and have hitherto never applied their minds these 20 years to do anything that might give the Spanish King offence. As yet there is no appearance but that the Duke of Maine's army is bent towards Livron in Dauphinè. It is the more likely since their general is a 'Guisiane,' which family are 'gracious and assured entertainers' of the amity with Spain, for the better strengthening of their particular faction. The companies which Rochepot and Balagny are levying for his Highness, 'are thought shall pass' to Cambray only and no further. They are certified in this Court that Monsieur has promised the Commissioners of the Low Countries to send succour to Cambray, which may serve for this year ; but for his own going thither I cannot learn, nor see any likelihood. The commissioners have asked to confer with the King, whereon M. Marchaumont has 'this other week' been at his Highness's Court, and returned yesterday to Fontainebleau ; but men of judgement suppose there will be small fruit reaped for the Flemings from those negotiations as yet, except the King have in secret accorded with his brother, which is very unlikely. The interview between the brothers has been much 'practised,' but not yet brought to pass as it seems. Howbeit they prepare for Queen Mother departing toward Monceaux this week, whither his Highness will repair. So that unless the forces which were at la Fère are employed either against Flanders or for Piedmont, and the companies made lately by Strozzi about Nantes shall not be [sic] embarked for Portugal, they of Montacut will find themselves besieged before they look for the enemy, but that they have some friends who are careful of their estates. I am assured by a person of quality that the King will 'frame his estate to repose' if he can conveniently with compositions in paper ; if not, will bestow his forces to bring his will to pass. M. de Grillon, having been one of the first that repaired to the siege of la Fère, has made suit to the King to place his company there in garrison. As yet the King has committed the care of the town to Crêvecœur, with some gentleman of Picardy for captain. I cannot yet hear tell of the arrival of Montbrun, whereof I shall not fail to 'take care' ; for they hold for certain here that what d'Aubigny does in show of religion, is to bring some great practice to pass and to make way for the entrance of strangers into the realm. Though I hear you are sufficiently advertised of the evil success the Portuguese have had, yet I would not 'leave' to send you this enclosed to confirm as much as is contained in it. Howbeit, a bruit has since been spread that Captain Pedro Paolo Tossinghi being arrived at Lisbon wrote letters from thence dated Sep. 2, that he was well received there ; which would shew the Spaniards had not possession of it. But I have seen no letter, nor can I find any foundation of this report. The Italian gentlewoman is 'dissuaded to repair' into England without using any of the earnest speeches specified in your letter. Now there is an old musician, named Guillaume Tessier, born in Britanny, with his two sons and a daughter, who 'pretend' to pass into England ; whom I have persuaded, since the times are full of troubles, and all Courts occupied in the consideration of the events thereof, rather to defer his journey. But the sickness in Paris, and the lack of rewards here, will force him, as he says, to 'seek countries.'—Moret, 19 Sep. 1580. Add. Endd. 2½ pp. [France IV. 153.]
Sept. 20. 433. COBHAM to [WALSINGHAM].
I would willingly have done your message myself to Signor Giraldi, but he has not come hither among the other ambassadors, since the overthrow of Don Antonio was known. Since then there is no further certain news from Portugal ; but in the opinion of all in this Court they are esteemed all overthrown and lost through the treason of the Governors, who 'abused' the Duke of Braganza and the nation. The book of which you would have me learn is intituled 'Reveille-matin for the English nation.' It is thought to be most seditious, and full of particular malicious reports. As yet I have 'recovered' none of them. It is said here that some of those English fugitives are there apprehended, but not dealt with in the matter of supremacy, but only easily examined, and persuaded in certain points of religion, so that for the point which most touches her Majesty, that is for their acceptance of foreign power and their alliance with those to serve for that purpose, is not enquired after [sic] nor justice done according to their demerits. Therefore it is to be wished her Majesty might cause so much to be done therein as may serve for the assurance of her estate and the blessed repose of England and Ireland.—Moret, 25 Sep. 1580. Add. & endt. gone. 2/3 p. [France IV. 154.]
Sept. 25. 434. COBHAM to the SECRETARIES.
I had audience on the 22nd inst. upon occasion of dealing with the King for the releasing of a new imposition, 'taxed' at Bordeaux, of 2½ per cent. upon all merchandise, using the best means I could on behalf of the English merchants. The King answered with gracious words, showing himself inclined to favour the Queen's subjects, somewhat mentioning his accustomed desire of advancing his brother's marriage. He entered further to declare how necessary it was that the greatness of King Philip were speedily looked to ; which he spoke with appearance of earnestness. I answered him, that many months past the Queen had signified her readiness to join his counsels therein. Then the King commanded me to signify from him that he was bent to have feeling of [? ressentir] the Spanish King's enterprises, and that he trusted to find her like disposed ; which I beseech you to certify to her. But I showed him that in dealing in these general terms was but an entertaining of the cause, and showing a disposition to enter into the enterprise. Therefore if it would please him, as well as he had commanded me to send his former words to her Majesty, that so likewise it might content him to command M. de Mauvissière to deliver the particular means which he purposes to use, and the forces he minds to address to that effect and such other provisions as he thinks should be thought on and prepared. This he assured me he would do at once, meaning to confer with his mother, to whom he wished me to repair. On coming to her presence, I declared to her that it seemed to me that my negotiations were not fully accomplished till I had imparted them to her ; whose words and favours I had cause to intreat for on behalf of the English merchants 'trading Bordeaux,' whereof I had informed the King, finding his mind bent to gratify the Queen and her subjects by preserving to the merchants their ancient privileges which his predecessors, and himself at his entrance to his crown, had confirmed ; to be free of all further exactions. Notwithstanding this their suit should have happy success, if she would help with her gracious speech. She promised to do so, and assured me that the King was well-affected ; alleging that it was most necessary that all the good offices and demonstrations should now pass on both sides, seeing before their eyes and daily hearing tell of the enterprises of the Spanish King, which 'were requisite to be' provided for ; and hoped the Queen would think thereon. I assured her that on that side there was good will to join with their Majesties, so that the King would proceed to show his 'valure' in the action, and that she would make it known that she could not endure so excessive greatness as this of King Philip. There were no doubt but they might find so many hands ready for so just a work that the labour would appear easier than in common discourse yet seemed. Opinion at present was bent in favour of King Philip, respecting his fortune ; which by custom is followed by the baser and mean sort. I therefore assured her I would not leave to perform any office tending to advance this negotiation. Notwithstanding, it was convenient, after they had thoroughly determined the affairs, to commission the ambassador ligier to deliver their decision particularly, and I should remain ready to deal further as their pleasure might direct, whereon I would attend. I therefore desired her, since God had given the King that contentment to have la Fère delivered without bloodshed, with the submission of his subjects, that his Majesty might, in way of a fatherly compassion, put an end to these troubles. She said that the King of Navarre had lately committed many petty follies, and 'did not minister cause to the King to the consideration of him' and his followers. Howbeit she said the King was sending again to his brother to have the pacification renewed ; otherwise armies were prepared in all places to besiege their towns and to use force. Yet she hoped they would better consider their estate. I said I understood the Protestants were willing to yield themselves at all points to the King, so long as they might have some sure repair to places of defence for their safety—the use of their conscience according to the Edict of pacification ; which she said would not be denied them. Whereon she 'inferred' at large their taking of towns and 'butines,' and ransoming of the King's subjects. To which I replied they had suffered much persecution, and, therefore, any evil appearance renewed their fear ; which might excuse them if their Majesties would look with indifferent eyes into the afflicted state of those of the Religion, and deal with them as their 'kind' subjects. She said, the King showed now at la Fère, and would do so with the rest, that he sought not to be revenged on them, nor their lives, but 'pretended' to have his towns and defend his subjects from being spoiled ; who were ready to deal in other sort with them of the Religion, if the King would suffer them. But he, she said, was determined to have the pacification established. And so I was 'licensed' from her. M. Lansac entered into conference with me on the affairs of Portugal, wishing that the King would consider them, and that as the Queen, my sovereign, had hitherto shown to be wise, she would so continue ; and that princes should not only have care of their states during their natural life, but think to leave them in an assured state. I have set down the course it pleased the King and Queen to keep in their conference with me. I will now tell you such discourse and intelligence as I receive otherwise. And first of the affairs of Portugal. I am informed that Don Francisco Baretto is landed at Viana, with two ships and about 300 soldiers, commanded by Petro Paolo Tossinghi and other French and Italian captains, 'which' the French supply and captain are returned back again and landed at Nantes. This has happened, they say, because when they came near the Portuguese coast the fishermen gave intelligence of Don Antonio's defeat and the loss of Lisbon ; on which Francisco Baretto was landed at Viana with 8 or 10 soldiers only, meaning to see how affairs passed, and to return to the French ships. But after he was landed the French returned, compelled, they say, by tempest and contrary winds. It is since bruited that after the Portuguese had received the Spaniards into Lisbon and were informed of the arrival of the French succours, they slew on a sudden 6,000 Castilians, and retook all the places which had been surrendered ; but this is not as yet greatly believed. Strozzi continues his preparations of men and ships at Nantes. A French gentleman called 'Pierredor' [P. Dor] late consul for the French merchants in Portugal, by whom Don Antonio had sent both letters and messages to their Majesties, has lately delivered to them certain 'remonstrances' touching the present state of Portugal, the copy of which I enclose. Meantime the Protestants in this country are much amazed by the great force levied by the King in sundry parts ; sending part of his army which was at la Fère to Montacut [Montaigu] where M. de Lude and divers others in Poitou have amassed companies to make their rendezvous beside Angiers on the 25 inst. And the 'voice' [is] given out that the Marquis d'Elbeuf is to be one of the chiefs of that enterprise. Lancosme is 'in a sort' besieging Saint-Jean-d'Angely ; having it is thought intelligences within the town. It is resolved, as the Protestants are informed, that when the towns are recovered, all these forces shall be employed in Guyenne, where there is a report that the King of Navarre has lately been defeated ; but no certainty as yet. The Duke of Maine is marching into Dauphiné having lately taken Brieres [?] upon composition to let them go quit of ransom, so that they delivered two other places to him ; which it is thought they have done. The duke sent two of their ensigns to the King the same day that I was with him. The Pope lends the duke 50,000 crowns to continue the enterprise against the Protestants. I enclose a letter from Lyons. So unless his Majesty 'pretends' to address those forces against King Philip, there is all appearance in the sight and judgement of men that they are bent to overthrow those of the Religion within this realm ; 'which are so ready and in present order, as no succour may come speedily enough unto them,' unless God show His divine power by some extraordinary means. But how far this will be thought convenient to be considered, I leave to you. Surely there are who think that these great troubles are led by the great consent of some, and advanced by the slackness of others who are bewitched [?] with two little opinion of these strong armies, as the princes of Germany, and such other Protestants, who much after the manner of the Portuguese assure themselves so long of their own forces and ability, 'amused' with their cloaked divisions and factions, that the enemy was within their doors before they prepared defence ; entertaining their own humours with vain conjectures, through the abuses and practices of the liers in wait. Marshal de Cossé has been looked for, and his journey hitherward put in doubt ; but again 'revived' and said he will be in this Court next week. The ordinary 'conference' in this Court is of the expectation of the Spanish proceedings towards the enterprise of her Majesty's realms. The Duke of Nevers is said to manage and practise the Bishop Electors. It is thought at Court that the Duke of Aumale will have the government of Picardy. Some troops are to pass to Cambray and one or two of Monsieur's principal captains have the King's commission, of which I am advertised ; but they assuredly had conference with the King before their departure.—Moret, 25 Sep. 1580. Add. Endd. by L. Tomson and Walsingham. 5 pp. [France IV. 155.]
Sept. 25. 435. COBHAM to
I beseech you, sir, although Mr Stafford has framed a complaint contrary to his promise made to me and Mr Waad of his own free will (for otherwise I had signified as much as passed in words which were both faithfully and modestly spoken by Mr Waad without prejudice to any person), to shew that favour towards me whereby I shall not be deprived of the company of so approved a friend, and a gentleman by whose discreet means there come to me those who serve her Majesty ; for otherwise I would be loath to endanger those friends by new men and means, since these days are perilous, if God turn not the course which in appearance is like to be followed. I assure you that since I came into these parts I have not found of quality or manner able in any sort to follow in this Court the causes of her Majesty or her merchants with that modesty and satisfaction to all sorts. Besides that the secret friends of those of the Religion shrink and will not be known to new acquaintances ; to say the truth I would be loath to venture men's lives into the hands of an indiscreet person, or a vaunter or babbler. I cannot tell to what purpose this complaint tend ; for first Mr Stafford dealt with me, and wished me to take heed how I received intelligence by Mr Waad, for he was set about me by 'some such a one' as you may guess, and that I was dangerously abused, and 'how he had known him to be a witty fellow ;' with many like speeches. I said that I was assured of Mr Waad, for I had known him to be honest and to love me for many years, and that he should sooner deceive me than I mistrust him. When this would not take place, then within three days Mr Waad had quarrel picked with his speech, which was neither spoken in plain words, nor in any reasonable sort to be wrested, to tend to any such sense as he would infer ; "but as Mr Waad was 'tempered' with, so hath my lord Sands by means (for loving me, keeping me company, and giving me his horse) through such a one which did seem lovingly to visit him, at his first coming, upon finding his good will bent towards me, he has not since visited him." And my servants enticed, and promised entertainment, 'whereof some now go masterless,' and some kept, contrary to promise, rather to encourage others of my men than for any good service. These, with a number of such devices, I pass ; and I may say before God, without cause or meaning to harm any, but to serve her to whom I am bound. This is the foundation of Mr Waad's complaint. He has done them more services than they have regard. I have pleasured them and forbear and suffer ; yet you have seen and will see it will not satisfy them. Notwithstanding, if you find that much to be true, I beseech you to put this wrong from me.— Moret, 25 Sep. 1580. P.S.—I have written a few words to the Queen touching Mr Waad, trusting he may stay with me ; for otherwise I have not one to ask my audience, nor do those necessary 'accomplements' with the ambassadors. Add. and endt. gone. 1½ pp. [Ibid IV. 156.]
Sept. 27. 436. SPANISH MONEY for ENGLAND.
I, Miguel de Varoiz, Alcalde of this noble and loyal town of San Sebastian, in this present year, by this signed (firmada) with my name and signed (signada) by Andres de Plaçola and Martin Perez de Huacue, the King's notaries in this town, testify to all who see and hear this present, that in the ship named the Falcon, master, David Collins, an Englishman, resident in the city of London, was embarked a chest (caxon) of money, containing 375,500 maravedis, in [sic] 11,040 reals, 4 maravedis in silver, in reals of eight, four, and two, and one of 4 maravedis. This money was for England, and for the city of London, in the aforesaid chest, covered with hemp stalks, bound with a hempen rope, and sealed in four places with sealingwax, numbered on the top, and by me marked in red and signed. Which money was embarked in the said ship, and delivered in the concha of this town of San Sebastian, in virtue of a royal writ signed by King Philip, and countersigned by Juan Vasquez, done at Merida on May 9 of this year 1580, whereby he gives permission to Julio de Junta, a Florentine, to take out of these realms 5,172 ducats, which amount to 1,939,500 maravedis in gold and silver, on account of certain breviaries and other books which he brought from Venice ; with which writ and power granted to the said Julio requisition was made to me, and having obeyed his Majesty's writ with the esteem due to it and used the diligence which it demanded, the money was embarked in the vessel and delivered to the master in the said concha, I having in person gone with the notaries above-named to make the delivery. Which 375,500 maravedis with the rest of the 5,172 ducats, which as appears from an entry on the back of the writ signed with certain signatures from the town of Bilbao amounts to 1,564,000 maravedis, and the said money is put into the chest in a sack, in which goes a note, to the effect that the above declared sum is therein written and signed by my hand, at the request of the master to clear him towards the King's justices as well as all in authority and private persons, so that in case through bad weather or other cause the vessel should put into port, he may suffer no molestation or extortion, and may be allowed to take away the money freely.— San Sebastian, 27 Sep. 1580. (Signed by the persons named above.) Endd. : A letter in Spanish. Sp. 2 pp. [Spain I. 55.]
Sept. 30. 437. "By a letter dated from the Port of Portugal, 30 Sept. 1580."
I 'trust' you have heard that on June 25 Don Antonio in 'the same' city was saluted king ; and now [qu. how] the Duke of Alva came into Alemtejo with his power, and by treason brought all into subjection without any resistance ; and so came to Setubal, where was a small resistance, but only the castle ; and so to 'Casta Cales' [Cascaes], his guide being Don Antonio [ ] lord of that town. There was Don Diego de Meneses, who "left his journey of the Indies to be their viceroy" in order that the Duke of Alva might behead him as a traitor to our King. He delivered Cascaes without any bloodshed (some say because his men would not fight) and so the Duke went on with his camp 'Wyras' [Veiras] and there 'gave his battery' to the fort of St. John for 3 days. The captain there was Tristram Vas Deviga, who delivered the fort ; and that was the beginning of our undoing, because he might have held it for ten years. Thence he came to 'Bethelem,' where was no resistance, because when his Highness saw that all was surrendered by treachery he retired with his soldiers to Alcantara and there 'set his trenches.' He had 18,000 horse and foot. The Duke of Alva proceeded with his camp ; he had 14,000 horse and foot, all good soldiers and trained in war, with shot and ordnance. He sent a company to 'invade' the bridge of Alcantara ; and so our men being inexpert came together thither, but the Duke sent behind their back, by the side of St. Benedict's Church, a band of Spaniards ; and so attacked them behind. By this means our camp was 'discomflicted' on Aug. 25, and 2,000 men died. His Highness was hurt by the captain of his guard, who meant to have slain him ; but he slew the captain with his own hand, and so came to this city accompanied by the Earl of Vimioso and the Bishop of 'Gartha' [Guarda] only, and did not stay, but "went his way straight." After this our people lost their heart to defend themselves ; and so came the duke's son, the Great Prior, Don Antonio of Cascaes, Diego 'Lopus' of 'Sicera' and Lewis Cesar, and set up a banner in the steeple of the highest church on behalf of the chamber of the same city. [Burghley notes in margin : Lisbona.] And by these means the duke 'forbore' the spoil of the city, 'but' only in the 'subers' and five leagues round about ; and it was such a spoil that the spoil of Rome was nothing like it. It lasted 3 days, and in 16 days they had still something to sell, and 60 galleys and 20 great ships are full of their spoil, and they made great abuses in the churches out of the city ; but at present the city is quiet, because the soldiers come no more within the gates, and a great watch is kept. All the handicraftsmen work, and all the judges and 'currisidors' follow their business as before. The Duke of Alva is lodged in the 'subers,' the prior within the city. Don Antonio being so 'discomflited' came to 'Montomor' [qy. Tomar] and 'Quimbra,' here he keeps his treasure (and it was said to be great) of money, precious stones, and the rich saddle and bridle of his predecessors ; and sent the Earl of Vimioso against Aveiro, 'which rebel' against him, on understanding the spoil of Lisbon. And the earl took the town perforce, and delivered it to his soldiers to be spoiled, and made himself strong with the munition that was there and other taken out of certain hulks that were there to lade salt. And he commanded the salt to be given to them gratis in recompense for their munitions. There assembled 6 or 7,000 horse and foot, and so with this company King Antonio marched to Porto, which also was revoked [qy. revolted] against him, and left the earl at Aveiro with 500 men ; and he keeps us so strait that we were fain to deliver him the town upon composition, and so he is lord of the shire called called 'Interdoro Imino' [Burghley notes : Antre Dorro e Mino], where he may have many thousands, and it is thought that he will 'stand' King Philip well enough ; and more if any help comes to him, which he looks for daily. Also it is thought that this winter the Spaniards will do nothing because there have been great rains, and the river Mondego is very great, and we hear that the bridge of Mondego which might have been their passage, is broken, and that is about 'Quimbra' ; and the more because they fear that they of Lisbon will 'revoke again' by reason of the spoil and extortion that the Spaniards used against them. All the noblemen repent, because the King of Spain makes so small account of them. The Duke of Braganza went to speak with him ; to whom the King said these words : "Welcome, duke ; yours shall be yours, and mine yours" ; and commanded him to sit in a plain chair. And we hear say that the King commanded him to go to Seville, his wife and children, because it appertained so to his service. The Governors of Portugal who fled have not as yet spoken with the King. They are still at the town called Castromarine. One of them, called Diego Lopes de Souza, is dead ; and another, called Don John Tello is also dead in a village of his in Portugal, for he tarried behind when the others went away. Endd. by Burghley's secretary. 3 pp. [Portugal I. 40.]
Sept. 30. 438. The DUKE OF PRUSSIA to the QUEEN.
Having learnt from your very kind letter that you liked the falcons we sent you last year, and desiring to maintain the practice of our ancestors, we send you six more, hoping they will reach you safe and in spirits, so that you may get much enjoyment from the use of them, to the lengthening of your life. But whereas in your last letter you kindly offer to requite us speedily for the falcons, we request in all gratitude, that if it be done without inconvenience and opportunity offers, you would gratify us with some of those pacing (gradariis) horses which we know are better than others in England, for the use of our wife, sprung from the House of Brunswick, whom we lately married, and who is very fond of this kind of riding.—Königsberg (Regimonti), 30 Sep. 1580. (Signed iu autograph) George Frederick. Add. Endd. by L. Tomson : sent 6 falcons, desires ambling geldings. Lat. 1½ pp. [Germ. States II. 2.]
Sept. 30. 439. J. CUPPER to BURGHLEY.
Aware as I always am of the favours which made me your servant long before I was fortunate enough to be received by you as such, I could not but regret that I have hitherto been unable to make apparent my great desire to obey you. I have always tried to do so in your presence, which is the reason why, being at a distance from you, I am again constrained to tempt fortune in order to try if the luck I have so long desired will come to me. I shall indeed feel it, if when occasion offers you do me the favour of employing me, and can do anything acceptable to you. Though I know you are informed of all that takes place here, and that I can send you no news, yet I will be so enterprising as to ask you to read things that you perhaps knew before. Three weeks ago five ambassadors from the States came to Monsieur's Court, now at Tours. The first, who speaks for them all, is Sainte-Alde-goude, the second is the Prince of Orange's bastard son, the third is M. 'Donham' [d'Ohain], who is for Brabant. They have offered Monsieur 1,200,000 crowns to go to Flanders. Marshal Cossé has gone to the King to treat of these affairs. Monsieur demands the sovereignty of that country, and would wish Flanders to be held of the Crown of France, as in former times. The King of Spain, as report runs, has taken Lisbon, and the Portuguese have yielded to him ; whereby they think that Monsieur will not go to Flanders. Simier remains at Bourgueil, and comes no more to Monsieur's Court ; which looks as if he was not yet restored to favour. The Duke of Savoy is dead.—Orleans, last of Sept. 1580. Add. Endd : Mr. Couper from Orleans. Fr. 1½ pp. [France IV. 157.]
Sept. 30. 440. Extract from the proceedings of the Council of State held at Fontainebleau the last day of September, 1580.
Upon the request presented by Jehan Liberge, merchant of Nantes, stating that having freighted the ship called the Jaques, of le Pouliguen, with wine and other goods, he was plundered by certain inhabitants of Waterford and other towns in Ireland, and has not since been able to obtain restitution, although he has for fourteenth months been a suitor to the Council of the Queen of England, and that the King has at sundry times written on his behalf to his ambassador, who on his part has done all that was in his power to obtain justice for him, to the effect that looking to the said refusal and the long suit in which Liberge has consumed the greater part of his goods, he may be granted letters of marque and reprisal against all the inhabitants of the realm of Ireland to carry them out in the customary form until he is entirely recompensed for the worth of the said ship and goods according to estimate made or to be made, and the cost of his said suit ; and having seen the documents in the case. The Council is of opinion, subject to the King's pleasure, that Liberge should be permitted to cause to be stayed in all ports where he may find them, by order of the local judges, all vessels and goods belonging to those of Ireland, and have them sold, as is customary in such cases, until he is entirely recompensed. In the margin is written : The Queen agrees ; but please speak expressly about it to the English ambassador here, and to M. de Mauvissière and to the Queen of England, that the matter may be once again brought to her notice and that of her Council. (Signed), Forget. Copy. Endd. : The award of the Council of the fr. king in the behalf of John Liberge. Fr. 1 p. [France IV. 158.]
Whereas we have lately perceived, both by the sight of certain letters sent to the States by their deputies very lately residing with the Duke of Anjou, and by the late sending of a gentleman to acquaint him with certain articles, with further promises that within a few days special commissioners should be sent to him in the company of des Pruneaux with ample commission to conclude the negotiation so long in hand, that the States have not since our embassy sent to them about two years past ceased to negotiate with the Duke, with intention not only to accept him as governor or protector for a season, but also to acknowledge him as their sovereign and shake off their obedience to the King of Spain ; We have thought good, considering how much the alienation of those countries to a new lord 'imports' us and our Crown, especially 'to be joined' with the Crown of France, to make choice of you, as one sufficiently acquainted with the intention on all sides, and with our meaning, to be employed in that charge, both with the Prince of Orange and with the States, and also with some particular person among them, according to the following directions. You will declare to them that we cannot but marvel that they should enter into any such course either with the Duke or with any other foreign potentate, and not first inform us, according to their promises at sundry times. For if they could call to mind our forwardness to help them in former necessities, or had due consideration of their promises made to us for precedent favours, they could not have so greatly forgotten themselves towards a prince who has deserved so well of them, and ought not, in gratitude, to have been dealt with with so little respect, or rather with so great contempt. What we demand of them, to which they are by promise bound, is not great, yet is such that besides the honour done to us it might have been of no small force to the better assurance of their negotiation ; consisting only in making us acquainted with such intelligences and contracts as occasion might lead them to with other princes. If they seem to forget the matter, or deny any such promise, the contract made with the Marquis of Havrech, the confirmation of it under their seal, you shall tell them, sufficiently witness it. For further arguments to support the reasonableness of our demand, you may say that no reason can maintain it to be allowed, if for their sake we incur the hatred of the King of Spain—as the world sees how evil he deals with us already, and threatens much more— and spend our treasure and suffer the loss of our people in their service, that in the end they should withdraw from their ancient alliance with our Crown, and join themselves to that of France, whereby all hope of the continuance of the ancient amity will become desperate ; for by this means the world may think us foully abused in spending our money. In case they reply that that contract was not of force to bind them to any such condition, since we on our part 'slacked' to seal and confirm it interchangeably, you shall say that whatever confirmation lacked on our part, in form of words and other ceremonies more usual for judicial courts than honourable dealings of princes, our acts have shown a real performance of all we promised, which would have been greater had it not stood more in others than in us. For first we slacked not to relieve them with great sums of money, as their obligations and bonds can witness, amounts well nigh to 100,000l. received for the most part in ready money ; and for the rest, 100,000l. more, which we promised them by benefit of our credit, we meant to have made good, had they not broken with us in the performance of former conditions, and given us in many ways just cause to make stay of it. As for the other part of their contract with us, on which they may perhaps take some exception, which concerns the aid of 6,000 of our subjects, you shall say that we redeemed that want, the necessity of our state at home driving us thereto, with a far greater supply, of 11,000 reiters and landsknechts, levied and paid in advance for a certain time by treasure from our own coffers. This we did with their acceptance and acknowledgement of the receipt of one in lieu of the other, as may appear by certain writings of their own, whereof you can give best testimony, being our minister there at that time ; so that in substance we departed no whit from the performance of our promises, though in form there may seem some little difference. Which being so, as they cannot truly deny, you may let them know that we cannot think ourselves honourably or kindly dealt with, to be made a stranger to their proceeding, especially as they have no apparent necessity to force them thereto, as they had at the time of our said negotiation with them ; their towns for the most part being at present well-secured through sufficience of garrisons and fortifications, and their enemies weaker than at that time, standing now only in the strength of a few disunited malcontents, with no likelihood of receiving any aid from Spain, that king being occupied in making good his title to Portugal, and busy about other expeditions, which if common bruit be true, are meant to light upon our realms by way of revenge for the favours we have shown them in their distresses. You shall therefore declare to them that in respect of themselves and of the obligation that we have or ought to have on them, they will do well to stay their last commissioners, who are to go to make up the matter, till our advice be known thereon, if they be not already dispatched ; if for no other reason, yet for our satisfaction, that we may be acquainted with the manner of the disposing of that state, and may give them such advice therein as they shall have no cause to mislike. If they take another course, besides that they will show themselves ingrate, they may assure themselves that though we wish, and with most just cause, as well to the Duke as to any prince or other creature living, we cannot, if the matter be 'carried away' without our privity, but do our endeavours to impeach it, by such means as perhaps they would have no great cause to like, and we should be loth to put in operation otherwise than constrained by necessity. In case you find by dealing generally with the Prince and States, small likelihood of working any good in this matter, you shall deal severally with them in private, especially such as you know or think to be more inclining to us than to the King of France ; yet so that your speeches and persuasions be delivered to them without touching Monsieur, for the conservation of whose honour and credit we ought, as you know, to have an especial care ; but so that they may seem to taste of nothing but a discontent in us that we who have so well deserved of them and been so careful of their well-doing, should be so lightly accounted of as not to be made privy to their purpose in a matter of so great moment, and that cannot but somewhat touch us in honour, considering our former dealings. If in your conferences, either particularly or generally with them, you perceive that they might yet be induced to cease from seeking after the French aid, and to take some such other course as we could like to direct them in, if they could be assured of any relief from us in their extremities, and of certain means to be delivered from these civil wars, which have so long consumed them, you shall ask them what means they would have us use, whereby an end of their calamities may be purchased ; which being known you may tell them you will declare to us, and you hope they will receive from us such answer as shall content them. After thus dealing with the Prince and States, you shall repair to the Duke's agent there, M. des Pruneaux, and acquaint him with the cause of your sending ; laying before him the 'unkindness we conceive' with the States for not making us privy to their negotiation with his master, wherein they could not but have looked for such concurrence at our hands as they most desire, consistently with our honour, considering the good intelligence there is between the Duke and us. So that in this strange kind of dealing they have not only dishonoured us in the opinion of the world, but done wrong to themselves in giving occasion to have that good will estranged from them which has not been wanting to relieve them in their greatest extremity. For they may well have persuaded themselves, for reasons they may well conceive, that we should have been so far from staying the course of any intention that might have been for their good and for the duke's honour, that we would rather have furthered it, and by such means as God has put into our hands advanced it in such sort that the happy success of their delivery from present miseries should plainly have witnessed to them the constant course of our sincere meaning towards them ; which we take to be the principal end why the duke his master, carried with a noble and princely disposition, is entering into the action as one that prefers their deliverance from the present calamity which they now endure, and which without some timely remedy is likely to increase, than of [sic] any desire to advance his own greatness otherwise than by having compassion and procuring the deliverance of the afflicted. Draft, with a few corrections in Burghley's hand. Endd. in a later hand : Instructions for one sent into the Low Countries 1579 when they were about to receive the D. of Anjou for their governor. 6¾ pp. [Holl. & Flanders XIII. 56.]