November 1580, 11-20


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'Elizabeth: November 1580, 11-20', Calendar of State Papers Foreign, Elizabeth, Volume 14: 1579-1580 (1904), pp. 478-493. URL: http://www.british-history.ac.uk/report.aspx?compid=73466 Date accessed: 21 April 2014. Add to my bookshelf


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November 1580, 11-20

I have so vivid a memory of the honour and favour that I received in England, especially from you, that I should be neglecting the due claims of gratitude did I not occasionally send you news of me, though I am much further from you than I was, having left the Low Countries seven or eight months ago, and retired to my property in Lorraine, where my wife and relations are and where I shall always be at your service. There is nothing here for me to impart to you, except that I would have you rejoice with me over God's goodness to me in that my wife is with child after we have been so long married. It gives me hope of seeing some to come after me, whom, if I may bring them up, I shall nurture to do loyal service to her Majesty and my good lords and friends over there. I am sure you remember the obligation that I gave on my last journey, after the payment of the £5,000, and how after that Messrs Cobham and Walsingham were ambassadors to the States, and treated with them, and received their obligations for the sum in question. Pray have mine cancelled or sent back to me, transmitting it into the hands of my regular agents at Antwerp, Adrian de la Barre and Nicolas Malaperte. I mention this sure way the more willingly for the hope I have that you will sometimes send me news of yourself and of her Majesty's health.—Bayon, 12 Nov. 1580. Add. Endd. Fr. 1¼ pp. [Holl. and Fl. XIII. 73.]
Since in this unhappy age it is laudable, even necessary, that those who profess the name of Christians, and have been divinely placed at the helm of states should join together, we have thought it right not to miss an opportunity of renewing our old amity, which, as mortal affairs stand, may some day be not unprofitable to our peoples. The opportunity has been afforded by Master James Cuno, a man distinguished in all erudition, especially mathematics and astronomy, very celebrated in these parts. He has informed us that he wishes to communicate some invention of his to you, as a Queen having a knowledge and love of such things, and has asked us to aid him with our recommendation ; and we have made no objection. Cuno was attached, with a salary, on the strength of his own reputation, and on the suggestion of Philip Melanchthon to the Court of our father, the Elector Joachim II, to pursue the study of astronomy, a subject with which our father used sometimes to divert himself when public affairs permitted ; and to invent automata, as they call them, showing not only the hours, and various kinds of movements [?], but also even the risings and settings of the planets. In his recondite and difficult pursuit he has become the very first among the foremost craftsmen. On the death of our father he betook him with our permission to our University of Frankfort, and has seemed to surpass himself in wonderful diligence and energy ; nor has he rested till he had achieved what other students of that art have either left alone or despaired of doing. He lately gave our neighbour, the Elector of Saxony, a proof of the faithful and fortunate character of his study by completing a brillant astronomical work, which everybody thought was impossible. We need not however go into this ; you will know it all more fully from the description of the great work on which he is engaged and which he promises soon to complete. As however he has with our full approval selected your Majesty as the person to whom to offer and dedicate that monument of his talent, we beg that you will not reject his respectful wish, but will receive him with your kind favour, and will, even for our sake, and as far as your convenience allows, show him such kindness that he may feel that our letter has been of service to him, and by your approbation be urged on to finish what he has begun. And we will do all that is agreeable to you.—Cöln on the Spree [Suevum ; qu. Sprevum], 14 Nov. 1580. Add. (Seal.) Endd. by L. Tomson : 'in commendation of Jacobus Cunus, an astronomer.' Lat. 3 pp. [Germ. States II. 8.]
In fulfilment of your orders I make this report of the state of affairs in Portugal. I left my master Don Antonio on Oct. 16 at Oporto when I departed thence. I do not treat of what happened at Lisbon, for you know it. I will briefly say that they were all corrupted with promises and presents, and the surrender was brought about by treason, of which the Duke of Alva was always so good a negotiator as is notorious in Portugal, on the part of many men to whom the king thought he could entrust his armies and fortresses, trained in their profession. He managed so cleverly that he gave some to understand that he had intelligences ; to others he wrote letters, and arranged that these should be intercepted and brought to the king to destroy his confidence in those persons. In this way he incapacitated all the men in whom the king trusted for his service ; and the more part of the officers whom the king had in his camp received pay from the Duke of Alva, whereby all were corrupted, and in the end traitors. The king left the field after all was lost, fighting valiantly more like a private soldier than a king. They slew of his men Don Antonio of Portugal, Manuel da Fonseca Pinto, Francisco de Brito my nephew, Manuel da Fonseca Nobrega, Gil Degois, Simaon Vaz de Camois, and other men not of good birth. He went off with two large swordcuts in his head, entered Lisbon, and fearing that it had been corrupted, went off at once by another gate, and made his way to Santarem, accompanied by the Count of Vimioso, the Bishop of Guarda his uncle, Manuel de Crasto, Agostinho Caldra, Antonio da Silva his son, Francisco de Melo, and other gentlemen, arriving at Santarem on the Saturday morning [Aug. 27]. There were with him many other gentlemen and knights, of those who had been in the camp with him. On the Sunday morning he left Santarem, and there were with him 200 horse and about 1,000 foot. He slept 3 leagues away, and on the next day to Tomar, where he was joined by more cavalry, and more than 2,000 foot, and from thence to Coimbra more kept joining him, and all the people of all the places which he passed wanted to go with him, and went into the hills to guard the roads. He reached Coimbra and went on to sleep at Tentugal, and thence to Montemor, where he stayed a few days convalescing of his wounds and resting from his journey. And folk joining to advance when it was known that he was there, 8,000 men joined. They arrived at 'Esgra' [qu. Esguiera], and having advanced to a quarter of a league or less, he ordered the [qu. as bardras] to march forward. They came to the suburb, whence he sent word that he was there and that they should receive him for their king as he was, which they would not do. He sent again another message, that if they did not receive him he would enter by force and sack it. As they had artillery in the town, and not so little but that there were 17 bronze pieces besides as many of iron and the king brought none, they answered mocking, that they did not know him, but only the King of Castile. He called his soldiers and told them to enter the town and sack it. I assure you, sir, as God is my witness, that in less than a quarter of an hour they gained the bridge at the gate of the town, taking no account of the artillery, and it was not an hour more before the town was entered and sacked. The king stayed there some days, giving orders for justice to be done on the heads of the mutiny, and making ready to go and take Oporto, which had also declared for the King of Castile. At that time news was current that the King of Castile was ailing, and had been let blood. There came a letter from the Grand Huntsman, Manuel de Melo, who had gone there as ambassador, saying that the king had been bled so many times, and often cupped. I do not know what will happen, for the fever does not abate. As the man who brought the letter from Elvas was on his way to Estremoz, a mounted courier came through. He asked him how the king was going on ; he said, given up by the physicians. They at once placed guards at Elva and Olivença, to allow no one to pass from Portugal. And this was done because Bernaldim de Taura [?] and his son-in-law and other gentlemen from Lisbon went to kiss his hand, they sent them away and told them that they could not see the king for the next two months ; and they came back—it was already said that the king was dead. And Don Antonio sent a man to Badajoz secretly to learn if he was certainly dead or not ; and he came and said that he made diligent enquiry, and he had ascertained for certain that the king was dead, and that they had taken a bier on the road to Guadelupe, to which they published that he was going, ill, to take the pao [qu. quinine or guaiacum] ; and nobody heard it but they at once proclaimed that there was no pao at Guadelupe, so that his Majesty had no business to do there ; that all were at Catra [qu. Alcantara], where the Queen was going and a dispatch would be given him there ; and that people began to take in [romper] his death more. The Duke of Alva at Lisbon asked that they would swear the prince his son ; to which they answered that they had a king, and that to swear the prince it was necessary to call the Cortes of the whole realm. He [the Duke] no longer slept in Lisbon, but on board ; all his baggage was shipped and order given. The king completed his preparations for the advance, and more people were joining him. He had raised 20,000 or more, and marched on Oporto. He sent forward Don Manuel Pra [? Pereira] uncle of the Count of Afeira with 4,000 men, with which he at once took two forts they had on the other side of the Douro, one in the monastery of the Saviour, the other in the old castle of Gaya, in which they got some pieces of artillery. The king came and stayed two days at the monastery, crossing the river half-a-league from the city at the place they call The Salt Stones. There were 1,200 Galicians on the Oporto side to defend the passage. The first boatful of soldiers that crossed essaying an entrance— there were 17 of them—came to blows with the Galicians, who took to flight and went off to Galicia. The king finished getting his people across towards nightfall. The heads of the rebellion fled, and the rest sent, by the hand of religious persons, to ask the king's mercy, which he granted, but made them pay the soldiers 100,000 cruzados that the city might not be sacked. The king entered Oporto. Presently Viana, Ponte de Limo, Guimaraens, Braga, Lamego, Viseu, and the neighbouring parts made their submission to the king, and in the Serra de Estrela, Pinhel, Castello Rodrigo, and many other places. At this time the king heard that Sancho d'Avila was coming to annoy his general. He gave orders to put poison in the springs and the wines on the way they were coming. They began to fall sick and die, men and horses ; and before I came away, I heard of 80 horses and 100 men dead. And the king gave orders to make ready people to go on the road by which they were coming, whose captains were Don Manuel Pra [? Pereira] and Joao de Brito de Lacerda, to attack them, three days from my departure ; and of cavalry the captain was Manuel Mendez Pimentell, foster-brother to King Sebastian. Eight or nine days after my departure from Oporto, where the king remained in good health, a French vessel departed which came to la Roche Bernard in 7 days from Lisbon, and brought news that Sancho d'Avila had been defeated, and that the king had 20,000 men, and that Santarem, which is a principal town and fortress, had turned round and declared for the king Don Antonio ; and that the Duke of Alva did not sleep in the place, and that there was much talk of Philip being dead, and that he died on Sep. 17 ; and that the duke wished to deprive the inhabitants of Lisbon of their arms, to which they did not consent. Afterwards came another ship of Olonne (Alona), which left Lisbon on Oct. 27 and gave the same news, and another which started later said the same. With the king there were at Oporto Don Alfonso Anriquez, his chief chaplain, of the blood of the Kings of Portugal ; there is the Bishop of Guarda, Don John of Portugal, and the Count of Vimioso his nephew, and the Count of Sta [] ; Manuel da Silva, Dom Pedro de Meneses, Diego Botello, controllers of his exchequer ; Don Manuel Pra, Joao de Brito, Don Fernando de Meneses, Don Diego his brother, Manuel Mendez Pimentel, Pedro Lopez Giram, Manuel Giram his brother, the adajãs of Evora, the adajao of Coimbra, Lopo de Sousa, Coutinho Garcia, Alfonso de Vega and Joao Roiz his son, Simaon Palha of Crato, Agostinho Caldra, Antonia da Silva, Manuel de Brito, Lourenço de Mello and Eitor de Sousa, Don Alonso Duarte de Crasto, Don Antonio de Meneses, Belchior d' Oliveira, Duarte de Lemos lord of Atrofa, Joao Freyre lord of Coya, Joao Freyre da Bobadela, and the Viscount, and Francisco Barreto, and many other gentlemen of Entre Douro e Minho whose names I do not remember, and others that I have forgotten [sic]. The Governors are dead ; Diego Lopez de Sousa died in 14 days, Don Joao Mascarenhas in 7, and they say of poison. Francisco de Sa, one of his eyes fell out and he was very bad of the other. A friar, guardian of the vale de piedade at Oporto, told me that he was dead too, and that his other eye fell out, and that his tongue got so big that he could not draw it into his mouth ; and so he died. Don Joao Tello died at Lisbon. The Archbishop was ill, and they said that those of whom I told you, whom for decency's sake I do not name here, talked to him ; and that he said that his own should return to its Master and they should not take it [?] At my departure news came to the king that he was dead. There died some gentleman who went to Castile to kiss Philip's hand. There went thither Don Manuel Mascarenhas, Don Duarte de Larcao, Don Antonio de Larcao, Ruy Lopez Coutinho and others, whose names I have forgotten. If Joao Roiz de Sousa, the king's Ambassador, is still in those parts, her Majesty can treat with him and declare her will, because he is very loyal, and therefore the king sent him to her.—Saint Maur, 17 Nov. '80. Add. Portuguese. 5 pp. [Portugal I. 42.]
The king our master has sent me to this Court to inform their Majesties as to the state of things in Portugal, for they are very different from what the ministers of Castile have disseminated. Before coming I wrote to you and sent you a letter which I brought from his Highness, which was directed to Rouen, to 'Mosior' Lobim to forward to you. If you have not got it you could send and find out from him if they gave it. I found much welcome here from their Majesties, and they showed much relish of the news that I brought them from the king, and they talk to me much to the purpose. I found at Court the ambassador of that realm, who I assure you, made me no worse cheer than if he had been a countryman. He told me that he was dispatching a courier thither, and had written to you. The king our master was at Oporto in good case and already quite well of his wounds. People were joining him every two or three days. He sent to meet Sancho d'Avila, who was coming to look for him with 600 men ; who were already dying of poison which they had put in the wine and the springs for them. [Other information as in the last.] If you can negotiate for some powder and munitions it will be very good ; and send them to Oporto by merchants. The post is going.—Saint Maur, 17 Nov. '80. Add. Portuguese. 1 p. [Ibid. I. 43.]
Nov. 19. 490. GILPIN to WALSINGHAM.
Though the post has not yet arrived, nor anything fallen out since my last writing, I could not omit 'with these few lines to be troublesome' ; only advertising the return of the Prince, who by reason of the Princess's sickness being in some danger was sent for and arrived yesterday morning. Finding her somewhat mended it is said he will return next Wednesday. I was this afternoon at the castle to speak with him, but could not have access, as he was in council with the States of Brabant, and 'for' M. Villiers could not meet with him. So I cannot write you what has been done in Holland touching Pallavicino and Spinola's cause, but understand that Villiers has advertised you by your servant Walter Williams and answered you 'largely.' I mean to be 'in hand' with M. Junius to move his Excellency thereof, and procure fresh letters from him for those of Zealand and Flanders, who I hear will resolve depending only upon them of Holland. Ymans is still here, and makes no preparation to go till this suit is ended and her Majesty contented. The Malcontents in Friesland having, as it is credibly said, taken Dockum and Staveren, which was forsaken without resistance by the States' men, continue still before Steenwick, 'being' defended very stoutly. If it chance to be taken ere rescue can arrive the English are to 'keep a strength' between Campen and Zwol. The Malcontents in Flanders have drawn towards the frontiers of France with all the forces they can make to encounter the French sent by Monsieur, which makes some doubt lest they have more friends in that country than was hoped. Last week, 'Beauford,' colonel of the Scots, going out with Capt. Seaton and his company of horse to the number of 100 with intent to charge 3 companies of the Malcontents horse by Oudenborgh, was himself slain with 8 or 10 of Seaton's men. Many hurt, and the rest escaped by flight, yet fought so 'happily' that they overthrew and hurt fourscore of the enemy. M. de Bours, bethinking himself and doubting further displeasure, has surrendered his government to M. 'Suyuenghen,' so that the labour of those of Ghent with those of 'Cortrick' is turned to nothing.—Antwerp, 19 Nov. 1580. Add. Endd. 2 pp. [Holl. and Fl. XIII. 74.]
Nov. 19. 491. COBHAM to the QUEEN.
On signifying to the king and queen my desire to be admitted for your service into their presence, I was desired to repair to Dolinville, where they gave me hearing jointly, as follows. First I declared that whereas it had pleased the Queen Mother upon conference had with me lately at 'Shantyllowe,' while he was keeping his late diet, to show her desire that the greatness of the Spanish king might be considered speedily, she also thought it necessary some counsel should be taken between your Majesty and him for the withstanding it, for the better repairing and defending not only of the injuries committed by King Philip in the realm of Portugal, but likewise for the safeguard of the dignities of the Crown of France and England. It had also pleased him to testify the like disposition to me by the message delivered by M. Pinart, with words of great affection to yourself and your estates. Since which M. Mauvissière had confirmed his intent to you after the same sort. Whereon you have been in just reason moved to find it good to give me commission to treat with him or his Council. And further, you had purposed to have sent others of great trust to deliberate with their Majesties. But it seems they liked this to pass with secrecy. After I had said this, I delivered your thanks to both their Majesties for their offers of friendship to you, both made heretofore and now earnestly renewed. You trusted they would continue this profession of clear and sincere dealing, which on your part should be requited with great gratuity. You hoped to find them assured in their friendship offered ; so that you looked there should proceed from them a royal treaty and firm amity to be continued during the lives of your Majesties, to their and your perpetual comfort. The king said he was glad you had taken in good part his meaning first delivered by his mother and in like manner signified by Pinart. It seemed to him convenient to be declared to you, and that the ambition of the Spanish king may be duly weighed ; having now already 'passed his bands' so unjustly, as if he pretended to give laws to his neighbours. But he doubted not that you two together would be able to defend yourselves and your friends. Now that he understood you had given me power to enter into negotiations, he would confer with his mother and let me know what he thought convenient ; which should be imparted to me either that evening or next morning. The queen seemed to say that the loss of time was dangerous, therefore since you had shown your will to join in this amity it was necessary expedition should be used. I took occasion to add that winning of time was profitable to King Philip, having his force armed, marching and conquering in Portugal. On the other side Don Antonio would suffer many inconveniences. His soldiers were not thoroughly armed, nor commanded by expert leaders, lacking munitions. The king assured me he was in good estate, and that divers towns were revolted which at first surrendered to King Philip. Lastly he wished me to thank you for accepting his amity, assuring you that his realm shall be employed in your service and run the same fortune yours should. Next morning M. Pinart came to me with these speeches from their Majesties. The king and queen had well thought on the message I had declared to them, having resolved to join in an unfeigned association with you ; but as the king had appointed to begin his journey to-day to meet his young queen, meaning to go as far as Moulins, and return to Blois about the end of this month, they wished me to be there about that time, when convenient personages of his Council shall be appointed to negotiate those affairs. He thought it would be M. Bellièvre and himself ; but wished me to think on my journey. Thus I have only so far dealt in those instructions which were lately sent me ; because I found the queen more earnest than the king in proceeding to this negotiation ; and also that the king has deferred me till he comes to Blois. Notwithstanding, in conference with M. Pinart, I asked him how the chief persons of the Council liked this intended association with your Majesty, especially as it may be some stop to King Philip's greatness. He said the king had not, so far, 'participated' his intent to the lords of his Council, I said it was likely that he might in private talk 'enlarge' thus much of his affairs to some 'confident' persons among his minions, to whom perhaps this amity would not be so welcome as that of Spain. He answered that the king and queen were so united in this that there would be no contradiction on any side, but they must be content to accommodate themselves to their Majesties' will. M. Pinart enquired of me if those who had landed in Ireland had declared by whom they were sent, and if any Spaniards were among them. I told him I could inform him of no great certainty, for of late, through contrary winds, no certain news had come from those coasts, and those Italians did not at their first arriving pass far from their landing-place. These are the chief poisons mentioned in my conference with Pinart. I have visited the ambassador sent hither by Don Antonio, from whom I enclose a letter to your Majesty, and likewise one to me, from which you may see the adventures of Don Antonio, and the state he remained in when he left him about Oct. 26, at Porto [see No. 488]. This ambassador, Antonio de Brito Pimentell, informs me that King Philip deceased on Sep. 17 at Badajos, and was laid in the ground at Guadalupe, and that the young queen had removed to Safra [sic]. Now advertisements have come from Spain that the queen is dead, and the king not dead but feeble.—Moret, 19 Nov. 1580. Holograph. Add. and endt. gone. 6 pp. [France IV. 175.]
Nov. 19. 492. COBHAM to [? WALSINGHAM].
In the last letter I received from you you set down not only the great benefit that would ensue from this 'pretended consociation,' but have specified the very true doubts which being cleared might show assured good dealing. As first, upon what occasion or rather displeasure this king is kindled so earnestly against King Philip. So far as I can yet perceive, he is especially counselled thereto upon the hope of the recovery of Portugal, through which his subjects may reap profit and his minions are promised particular gain. The Queen Mother works therein, either by bringing forces to assure her pretence by time and means, or else to frame a marriage with Don Antonio for one of her nieces of Lorraine, which will be the more easily brought to pass since Don Antonio has, as they give out, recovered some treasure, and sent hither 20,000 crowns for the 'conducting' of men and munition. The king finds that the Spanish king has altogether diminished his credit in Italy, with which he is much discontented, and seeks to repair it. M. Pinart in my last conference with him let me know that Schomberg was returned, by whom the king learnt that the Spanish king had offered 100,000 crowns to cause the 'roysters' to march into France, but he said they must have 300,000 before they moved. He further noted that the King of Spain had broken his treaty in using violence to Portugal, for in all the capitulations of peace Portugal was included as a realm confederated with France. He 'shows' to be somewhat frank in his dealings and earnest. What shall be brought forth time will discover. I shall be better able to inform you after some conference, which is not likely to happen till we meet at Blois. Notwithstanding this treaty, I hope her Majesty will think of the cause she has to deal with all those princes who have put away the authority of the Bishop of Rome. However they dissent in other points of understanding the meaning of our Saviour, yet they may all confederate to withstand the Romish malice and tyranny which is exercised towards the realm of England, and practised in all other dominions. This would encourage other realms to seek deliverance from that tyrannical yoke, however their consciences were addicted. I shall in this negotiation hear therein, and slowly pass on so far as I am instructed, hoping that her Majesty's charges will be diminished through the ability of Don Antonio. The king likes not that his brother should 'join his power together' before peace is concluded. He has been 'moved from' his Highness that 6,000 Switzers might be levied under his Majesty's 'countenance,' and if peace is not made, they may be the readier to be employed against his Huguenots. The king refuses to do anything before the pacification is established in his realm ; he will not have 'two kind' of wars in hand at one time. In this doubtful manner all their actions are deferred and 'lingered.' —Moret, 19 Nov. 1580. P.S.—I have delivered her Majesty's letter to 'Msr. Martch.' M. Marchemont will write to his Highness for answer to the article touching this king's assisting Monsieur for Flanders. Add. and endt. gone. 2 pp. [Ibid. IV. 176.]
Nov. 20. 493. COBHAM to [? WILSON].
I have written so much in my present letter to your honours that I have little left to write in particular to you, but that I find from Secretary Pinart that their Majesties have found Signor Giraldi has secretly yielded himself to the Spanish king's devotion, and has become his pensioner ; whereon they hide from him their affairs and meaning towards Don Antonio so far as to cause a merchant to arrest such armour and munitions as the king heretofore at his request had suffered to be transported to Rouen for Don Antonio's service. But the king has ordered Antonio de Brito, this last ambassador, to have 300 or 400 soldiers embarked, to pass with the said armour and munition to Don Antonio. They can the better do it now that this ambassador has brought 20,000 for the levy and pay of 4,000 men who are looked for in Portugal. Their Majesties have given him audience at Olinville, and the queen has since conferred with him at Saint-Maur for the dispatch of those affairs ; whence de Brito returns toward Nantes to have conference with his Highness. The said ambassador informs me that Don Antonio had appointed two gentlemen to repair to her Majesty. They would take with them money and other stuff of value. By his relation in my dispatch, which I have procured for her Majesty's better satisfaction, you will see the estate of Don Antonio. The book for which you have written to me has lately had a very high price set on it by some who have sought to send it that way ; 'not knowing' whether it have already passed the sea or no.— Moret, 20 Nov. 1580. Add. and endt. gone. 1 p. [Ibid. IV. 177.]
Nov. 20. 494. COBHAM to the SECRETARIES.
The king seems discontented that the framing of the peace is so long 'lingered.' He has lately written to his brother that though the commissioners for them of the Religion show themselves troublesome and somewhat obstinate, he must not be discouraged, but seek to bring it to some good event ; hoping to hear better news of it. Villeroy and Bellièvre in their letters complain that those of the Religion have not appointed gentlemen among their deputies, but of the commonalty or meaner sort of people, who seem to put divers difficulties in the King of Navarre's head, and yet in private conference promise Monsieur to bring him to more reasonable considerations. This manner of dealing is, they write, taken in ill part, both by his Highness and by the said king. If this is true it may prove dangerous and unprofitable to them of the Religion ; the rather that it is found by them that have experience of the king's disposition that he is determined by all manner of means to reduce his state more entirely to his devotion, for which purpose he has such forces ready in so many places as I have already signified to you. Moreover it is considered with how small a train Monsieur has gone to those parts, as also that the King of Navarre has but feeble forces ; so that if the peace be not framed to his liking some doubt what he may be counselled in policy to do, upon so easy an occasion to compass his purposes, wherein he will not want apt instruments. They have written from those parts that Bellièvre and specially Villeroy have opened the occasion and manner of the late taking of arms, in which negotiations they have flatly charged some of Monsieur's followers, among whom 'namely' Fervacques ; whereon it it is judged some displeasure will be bred at such plainness. Here it is understood that the Queen of Navarre purposes to come toward these parts as far as Vendome with the Princess of Béarn ; but for the truth of this I refer to the advertisements which Mr Stafford will send, because he is at the place of the treaty, whereby he may be more certainly informed. Some who enter into judgement of the present dealing between the king and Monsieur, think that there grows a likelihood of some better and more friendly intelligence betweeen them than has been heretofore ; so far as it is understood that the king will no longer have this strangeness between him and his brother, but by some means will live together. The king has been contented with these levies that have been made for Monsieur's service, but suffers no hostility to be used till the pacification is concluded ; from which opinion he cannot be diverted. In my last conference with M. Pinart, upon occasion of my access to the king, I noted to him sundry shows of goodwill which her Highness had offered to the king. Among the rest I declared to him that Mr Stafford had orders, if his Highness thought good or occasion offered, to persuade the King of Navarre and those of the Religion to yield to the king's will and not show themselves obstinate in their demands ; as also, if it seemed good to the king, her Majesty would make such further show that way as might be to his liking. The Secretary answered he had understood from the king I had sundry times made that offer ; but wished me in any wise to speak no more of it to the king, because he could not take it in good part that any other prince should deal with his subjects. He assured me the king was resolved to have no other pacification than that which was before established ; which he would in all good faith maintain, so that they would on their side perform what they were bound to. The king has commanded Monsieur's companies to be dispersed, saving those of Balagny and Rochepot, and one other. Therefore many of them have retired. This is supposed to be done by the king on purpose to make them hasten the finishing of the treaty of pacification. The Queen Mother left Olinville the same day as the king, taking her journey towards Saint-Maur, where she has had sundry conferences with de Brito. Cardinal Birague is returned from Fontainebleau to Paris. The Pope's nuncio and the ambassador also went from hence to Paris. It is supposed that the nuncio goes to have audience of Queen Mother about the bill which was set up on the door of Sancta Capella in the Palace at Paris. It was directed to the Court of Parliament ; its effect being to beseech them to command execution to be done upon the heretics and Huguenots, till which time the plague and scourge of God would not be removed. Also that they would command all spiritual benefices to be taken from the laity and restored to the churchmen ; wherein they touched by name the Chief President de Thou, for his abbey, using towards him some threatening words. The Viscount of Turenne has taken Sorrèze, where he found four cannon and 80 horses, and razed all the places of strength which those that troubled the country held. So returning into his viscounty of Turenne and Quercy about the end of last month he took and razed Perignac near Figeac, and on the 14th inst. went to Cahors to take two cannons and continue his enterprise. M. d'Odou, governor of Foix for the King of Navarre, has taken Tarascon, near Carcassonne [sic], and two days after took Pamiers, where the chief gentlemen of Toulouse remained. Marshal Biron after losing 500 or 600 men before I'Isle-en-Jourdan was constrained to raise the siege. They of Burgundy have complained to the king of the excesses committed by Monsieur's companies ; whereon the king has sent for them from thence. I enclose the answer to certain points which you sent me in your last dispatch of Nov. 5, together with two copies of letters which Dandino the Pope's nuncio at this Court has caused to be translated into English. Also a 'devise' of Mr Copley, printed in Paris, which may have been sent unto you otherwise, and a copy of Don Antonio's recent letter to Strozzi. I have received the following advertisements from Paris. That another is clapped in the 'Bastillon,' of whose name I am not certified. The papists give out that the succours her Majesty sent into Ireland are drowned. That Count Schomberg assures the king there are no reiters levying in Germany for them of the Religion. Concerning the advices from Spain : That King Philip has sent back the 30 galleys that came from Italy, and 1,500 soldiers are returned to the State of Milan, and 3,000 sent to the garrisons in Sicily and Naples, beside 100,000 crowns sent for the payment. That there is no opinion had of M. Strozzi's 'pretended' voyage into Portugal ; and if the Spanish king had such success in those parts as is there reported it will appear more unlikely. I am informed by an English gentleman who passed lately by Nantes that there are certain Englishmen in chains in the French galleys, and in miserable estate. If her Majesty is pleased to command, I shall willingly be a suitor to his Majesty for their release.—Moret, 20 Nov. 1580. Endd. 3½ pp. [Ibid. IV. 178.]
Nov. 20. 495. COBHAM to [? WALSINGHAM].
Having received the enclosed letter from Signor Cavalcanti, it seemed convenient to send it to you, that you might let me know your opinion touching his intended journey. I defer answering him till I hear your pleasure therein. I send herewith certain letters written to Mr Waad by some of his friends. Mr Thomas Cornwallis, of whom I advertised you some months ago, is to-day arrived from Spain, having been sick most part of his time, so that he could not undertake any matter of consequence. However, he professes a good meaning toward her Majesty's service ; of which you may better judge in conference with him. He brought letters from Spain. I send you the copy of one of them, which concerns the dealing of Lord Hamilton with the Spanish king's ministers ; whereof if you think good, her Majesty may be in some sort advertised, for surely his necessity constrains him to seek some relief. I understand from Mr Cornwallis that some of her Majesty's merchants have lately been put in the Inquisition at San Sebastian. Among them is one Robert Haynes, by whose means I had 'assigned' to pass money to Mr Cornwallis ; for I found that Calvi had discovered to the Pope's nuncio his coming to me, and the matters of which I conferred with him. The merchants to whom Calvi assigned me to serve Mr Cornwallis's turn for letters and money dealt very ill with him, and had like to have caused a further trouble. You write to me concerning my conference with Marshal Cossé. I have 'signified' this in my former letters. It was in effect but matter of compliment, and to show that the king and Monsieur had disposition to enter into matters which might content her Majesty ; not entering into any particulars, though I pressed him thereto, but referred further conference to his return, which he promised should be shortly. I only took occasion at that time to visit him because he came from his Highness, as one of his principal councillors and friends ; understanding also he had to do in those affairs for the Low Countries, and to 'make entrance' into the treaty for this pacification ; "as also that Monsieur might have some little camp levied through certain order to have it brought to pass to the king's small charge, and little encumbrance to the people," which by complaint of the provinces now appears otherwise. At that time I had received no command to treat with the Marshal nor had any knowledge from you of the negotiations between the Low Countries and his Highness ; but I am promised some better answer from M. Marchaumont touching those articles. Queen Mother goes the nearest way from Saint-Maur to Orleans to meet the king and young queen, and so to pass on to Blois, if that appointment hold.—Moret, 20 Nov. 1580. P.S.—At the making up of this letter I received yours by [? Thomas] Walsingham, and shall not fail to accomplish concerning the earl what you have commanded me. Since my man has sent me no order for money, and I have to take my journey to Blois, I see not which way I shall be able to content Sir Jerome Bowes ; notwithstanding [rest cut off]. Add. and endt. gone. 1 p. [Ibid. IV. 179.]
Nov. 20. 496. JOHN BROWN to LEICESTER.
Pardon me for not having written in all this space. The truth is that on my coming into Flanders the companies were ready to depart for Friesland, and Mr Norris was very desirous that I should go among them. I told him the business that I had to do for you, and he answered that he would 'satisfy' by letter the cause why he was forced to use me at that time, and took order withal with his secretary for dispatching to England the armour which I had bespoken. [In margin : To answer this : that his cause with Mr Norris was reasonable to excuse him.] It was conveyed to your house in London long since, to my fellow Broune's. It is all in the manner that we use here now, and of pistol proof. I would know whether you like the fashion, and whether you would have any more made, for I am come from Friesland on purpose to write to you and wait here for your answer ; for in writing from Friesland I could not be certain of the conveying of my letters to you, nor of answer back again. [In margin : The armour was brought to me, and I like it very well, both fashion, etc. But I would have some bigger than this, 50 of them, as soon as they can be ready. I will send present money for them.] The price of that armour is £4, beside the carriage, so that if you purpose to have any more it will be good that you take order by exchange or as you will. Your own armour will be ready very shortly ; as soon as it is done I will either bring or send it. [In margin : That he haste with my own armour ; as also if there be any fair furnitures for horses' caparisons and saddles, that he send me word and stay them for me.] For your bed-ticks also and household stuff, it will be well that you take order for money for them. [In margin : To send me word what stuff he has stayed for me, and the money it comes to, which shall be sent ; and specially that he provide me a good quantity of napery stuff, both damask and diaper, but not of any great price.] News I have none but what you have heard. The enemy not long since was about to besiege the town in which we now lie, called 'Dosborth over Risam' [Doesburg over Yssel], a town of some importance though not strong, for it stood on the river of 'Isle,' a place very meet to convey their men to ; and by that means would have put in hazard the loss of 'Sutfeild,' 'Devontry,' 'Swoll,' and Campen. We cut off their purpose by busying them so fast every day in skirmish that they quit that place, and got them to another town called Doticum, hard by ; where with a false fire from the steeple of the town where we lay, seen to the enemy as well as to the town, caused [sic] the enemy to 'grow in some admiration' of the matter, deeming that our forces were gathered together, and that it was a token of some succour, quit [sic] the place, and drew towards Friesland. They have besieged a little town called 'Stewnick' and have remained there these 21 days. Mr Norris is chosen master of the camp, and has accepted it conditionally that the States will pay the soldiers every month. He is now to go to the relief of Steenwyk with all the power they can make. The towns that I spoke of, Deventer, Zwoll and those, are a free province of themselves, and appertain to the Empire, 'marry' of late usurped by the King of Spain. The town of Doesburg, where our companies lie, borders on the land of Cleve, where Mr Rogers was taken. [In margin : That he send to Rog. from me, to know his estate and advertise me with the next.] The Duke and his people wish by this that he had been taken further off, for we have taken a thousand of his since that time ; I mean oxen and kine. The Malcontents of Flanders being come near 'Bridges' encamped in a village, where those of 'Bridges' were advertised. Colonel 'Bafford,' one of the colonels of the Scots, 'salued' out of the town to give them a camisade with a cornet of horse and certain companies of foot ; were very well beaten for their labour. They were drawn into two or three ambuscadoes, both of horse and foot, where they fought very valiantly, but in the end were dispersed, and returned not above 6 in a company. One Captain Seaton, captain of the horse, with divers of his company were hurt very sore, and Colonel 'Bafford' slain there on the field.—Antwerp, 20 Nov. 1580. [In margin and below : That he procure Mr Norris's leave to dispatch these my business there for a time. To hearken to get two or three good courser stallions, if it be possible, and to send their prices, which shall be satisfied. To enquire for a good marshal or 'ferror,' and he shall be well considered. Item, to procure an armourer to serve me, that is skilful to make or mend armours ; and if he could 'skill' in keeping dags and harquebuses for mending their locks etc. it were so much the better.] Add. Endd. 2 pp. [Holl. and Fl. XIII. 75.]
I hear that Hannibal Spinola, nephew of Benedict Spinola, has arrived here in order to dispose of his late uncle's goods. As he has to account for a part of certain matters of stay, affecting the subjects of the king my master, and also of freights [flets] of ships, and other things, I request you will make representations to the Council that they may give orders to prevent him from selling or transporting out of the realm the goods of the deceased without giving sufficient caution to answer all lawful and just demands touching what appertains to the above-named subjects. It will shortly be necessary to treat of these matters of stay, and also those affecting Portugal, since it has pleased God to give that kingdom to my master. Begging you to dispatch this case, and thanking you greatly for the letter you sent me for the safety of the ships of Laynes.—London, 22 Nov. 1580. Autograph signature. Add. Endd. by L. Tomson. Fr. 1 p. [Spain I. 59.]