December 1580, 21-31


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'Elizabeth: December 1580, 21-31', Calendar of State Papers Foreign, Elizabeth, Volume 14: 1579-1580 (1904), pp. 520-537. URL: http://www.british-history.ac.uk/report.aspx?compid=73470 Date accessed: 20 April 2014. Add to my bookshelf


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December 1580, 21-31

Dec. 21. 523. COBHAM to [? BURGHLEY].
Since my last letter to your Lordship nothing more has happened with the certifying. I have been lately informed that the 'Larde' of Fernherst and Hamilton who murdered Earl Murray, both newly come from Spain, have practised with Lord John Hamilton to become the Pope's man ; delivering him large promises from the Spanish king, as that he should give him 12,000 crowns a year pension, 50,000 in ready 'quoyne,' and to pay 4,000 men, if he will go to Scotland to serve the said king and Pope in the conquest of Ireland. I am also advertised that the Bishop of Glasgow has lately used very earnest persuasions to Lord Hamilton to depart from his religion, which he has hitherto refused. Wherefore knowing these temptations to be great, and perceiving his necessity to be almost insupportable, I have thought it convenient to recommend his estate to you, that you may have compassion on a noble personage, 'which so rarely abideth religious,' supporting poverty for God's cause, receiving afflictions and deep temptations. You may be the more encouraged to move her Majesty in his behalf, since he has vowed, as I have already informed her, to become her servant if she will support him and give him maintenance. Thus much I assure you proceeds from myself, nor is the said lord or any of his privy thereto, nor shall be till I hear from your what the Queen is pleased you shall do herein, and that direct me further, or command me to stay with this motion only. I am further given to understand that Sir James Balfour is in Scotland. His unquiet disposition will trouble that Court, as it is supposed by those who best know him. The king has not his health perfectly, as I think Mr Stafford may have informed you. The Pope has 'braved with' the ministers of the King of Spain, at Rome and in Spain, by means of his collectors about the tenths and spoils of the Spanish bishoprics. The Almighty might shew great mercy to suffer that papal pride to have a fall.—Blois, 21 Dec. 1580. Add. endt. and gone. 1 p. [Ibid. IV. 193.]
Dec. 22. 524. COBHAM to [the SECRETARIES].
The king sent M. Pinart to me on the 15th to 'congratulate' her Majesty's victory in Ireland ; which I had signified to their Majesties by the said secretary, and was confirmed by Pasquier, sent from M. Mauvissière. He wished that they might often hear like happy events in her affairs. It may please her to 'take knowledge of' their kind dealing. M. Pinart further mentioned that they understood the Queen misliked that the conference on the treaty was deferred till their coming to Blois. It could not have happened otherwise, considering that the king's journey to meet his young queen was appointed for the day after I had audience at Olinville, and continued till he came to this town. On the 17th, Hans Hess, (fn. 1) an Almayne, was brought by the Prévost d'hostel at 3 o'clock P.M. to a gibbet which was set up 20 paces from the Court gate. Being at the said place of execution, upon the ladder, he spoke aloud in French to the people, lamenting that having been with Colonel Strozzi at Nantes with intent to enter into such service as should be required, whereto he had bent himself for the good liking he bore to him, Strozzi had persuaded him to come to the king with great assurance that he would shew him favour and employ him in the enterprise of Portugal. Whereby he found himself now betrayed, being apprehended, imprisoned and condemned on matters whereunto he takes God and his conscience to witness he was not privy, nor guilty of them. Lastly, that he was brought to this place of execution, being a stranger, there to suffer an infamous death ; hoping that God would have mercy on him, and that Strozzi would in time feel punishment for betraying a gentleman in so wretched a manner under colour of friendship. The friar wished him to leave those worldly matters, to speak so of M. Strozzi, and 'tend' to praying to God. He answered, he could not but discover to the world so wicked a treachery, being thus miserably brought to his end. Then commending his soul to God, he was turned from the ladder and hanged. The Queen Mother stood openly in a little gallery over the gate all the time of the execution and somewhat after. Beside her leaned M. Villequier, behind her M. la Valette, and the king privily 'shadowed' behind him, but so that he was easily discerned. The rest of the nobility and ladies were in the windows beholding the execution. I send herewith a discourse of the causes of the King's displeasure against Hess, and the course he had taken, with the manner of procuring him to come to this unhappy end, as I have been informed. Likewise I enclose a brief note of the state of the affairs of Saluces. M. Pinart informs me that about the 10th inst. Strozzi sent 700 or 800 men from Nantes to Don Antonio, but the winds have been contrary. These soldiers are commanded only by French captains, as le jeune Bra . eres, with whom is gone 'Pierredor,' the consul to the French nation, and Antonio d' Escovir [Escobar] who was sent to England by Don Antonio long since. In their company is gone Polydor [ ] an Italian, brought up in the Court by Queen Mother and by her greatly trusted, who has of late been secretly employed in Portugal. I learn otherwise from Nantes that about that time 500 or 600 men, and 6 or 7 sail were in readiness to go that way ; but for the better knowledge of the truth I have sent one to Nantes to see how things pass there, by which means you shall shortly be more truly and particularly advertised. News is come from Spain that they of Algarve in Portugal have revolted from King Philip, acknowledging Don Antonio for their king. Also that Tangier, Ceuta, and Masagan on the frontier of Africa are at Don Antonio's devotion. I am just informed that the above-mentioned ships were sent by Strozzi from Nantes, and departed about the 13th.—Blois, 22 Dec. 1580. Endd. by L. Tomson. 2 pp. [Ibid. IV. 194.]
Dec. 20-23. 525. AFFAIRS OF FLANDERS.
(1) "Extract from a letter written by M. de Lapret to M. de Bonele, first échevin of the city of Ghent, 22 Dec. 1580."
A peasant of this neighbourhood came to see me this morning, with a note recording how a gentleman of M. de Montigny's said at Lille the day before yesterday that that gentleman had a design either on Bruges, or Ypres, or Menin ; and that in fact he has drawn a good number from the garrisons in this neighbourhood. I sent the note at once to his Excellency [Prince of Epinoy], not having leisure to go myself by reason of pressing engagements. No more to write to you.
(2) The note referred to above.
To M. de la Pré or M. la Cappelle, to let them know that today, the 20th, some friends heard in the town of Lille, from a gentleman of Montigny's, that some treason is toward against Bruges, Ypres, or Menin. He would not say the last (sic), saying that his oath was concerned in it. (3) The Prince of Epinoy to the Four Members of Flanders.
Gentlemen, I think it well to let you see the letters of the 17th inst. which I have received from M. d'Inchy. It is true as I said in my last, that there entered the town of Cambray the last day of last month four French companies in full strength and well armed, and a small quantity of provisions, under the command of Colonel Balagny. After dinner the Albanese to the number of 300 horse came and made a pretty skirmish before the town, in which the French and the old garrison behaved valiantly, and but for night coming on, not many of the Albanese would have escaped. They left 20 dead on the ground, and 3 prisoners, among whom was an Italian, a knight of the Order of Savoy. Next day the Albanese had their revenge on four French companies of the regiment of M. de Chamois, who were quartered at Prémont [qy. Brunémont] away from the others who were at Bouchain. But apart from the capture of officers and flags the loss of the enemy was greater than that of the French. The notice which I have taken of it pretty sharply to M. de la Rochepot will make him be better on his guard. M. d'Inchy had also spoken to him before. In fact he retired with all his troops to Cressy, awaiting his cavalry which is collecting by degrees. As it seems to me, Cambrai has no lack of anything as yet ; though M. d'Inchy writes me that they only have corn and water for half-a-year ; 2,000 soldiers and 2,000 armed citizens, all well-advised, and the town quite orderly. M. de Villers, governor of Bouchain, writes him from France that the Duke of Anjou's army will be fine and large ; and the duke himself writes to M. d'Inchy on the last of last month from Cotrous [Coutras] that peace is fully achieved, and that he is compelled to make a little stay there in order to complete certain points in it. This will be done in a few days ; and meanwhile he has sent Marshal de Cossé to the king, to back him up by the word he has given him. The Guisards too have offered him their services, as M. de Villers writes—but he did not want to take them with him—offering to attack Burgundy or Luxemburg, or to send four regiments. Further, that the King of France is so satisfied with his brother on account of this peace that he has told M. de Marchaumont he would pawn his shirt to further his schemes. Since M. d'Inchy's letter to me, fresh advertisements has come of the approach of the Duke, accompanied by the King of Navarre, M. de Toure [qy. Turenne], Marshal Biron and others. He does not name the place. These are the most recent and certain news that can be sent you from Cambray. I am astonished that you have favoured me with no news of yourselves for the last fortnight. I am told however that you have had your hands full with the defeat of some of your troops between Alost and Ghent ; but I cannot find out the truth of it. I do not want to believe it, because it is said to have happened on the 14th, and you will have had notice that the enemy was marching on the 12th, and consequently time to withdraw them. I send you herewith a little note with information. From the same quarter I have had several others, and very often true. You will do well to communicate it in the proper place. Further, you give me no answer about the payment of the English, the four months will be up tomorrow. The excuse in your last, that no garrison is better paid than mine, is not to the point. Mine is not on a par with others, if you consider what I wrote you in my former letters. If you do not attend to it incontinently, do not be surprised if you find the five companies at your gates, for I cannot hold them by force. Meanwhile I will remain at the work, and in the keeping of God, whom you ought to care more for, if you desire your own benefit.—Tournay, 23 Dec. 1580. (Signed) Pierre de Melun. P.S.—Once more I beg you will attend to the matter of the English by action, not by words or excuses ; otherwise I shall certainly believe that you care neither for me, nor for the keeping of this town. Copy. Endd. by L. Tomson. Fr. 3 pp. [Holl. and Fl. XIII. 83.]
By letters from our brethren in London we learn your request for the admission of Mr Alderman Martin into our society. Which being propounded in our general Court, and there weighed and debated, was for sundry respects found very dangerous and prejudicial to the state of our fellowship. Nevertheless, considering how ready you have always been to further our cause, and what good turns we have from time to time received at your hands, we thought it our part to have more regard in this to your desire than to our own commodity ; and therefore devising some way that might both satisfy you and meet the inconveniences that are otherwise likely through his admission to pursue us, we have willingly consented to receive Mr Martin into our fellowship, so far as it may please her Majesty and her Council to direct two letters to us in the nature of the two copies enclosed. Without these we see ourselves as it were disarmed against divers assaults, and a way opened to let in all those that seek by the like means to enjoy the benefit of our freedom. We doubt not that having considered the grounds of this request you will not only judge it reasonable, but also very necessary for the preservation of our general corporation, and trust that as you have heretofore been in a manner our patron and defender, you will now and hereafter extend towards us your favourable assistance.— Antwerp, 24 Dec. 1580. (Signed) Christopher Hoddesdon, Governor.
Enclosures in the above, being drafts for letters :
(1) From the Privy Council. Whereas we understand that 'at the contemplation' of our letter to you dated 18 May 1578 you are now willing for the better service of her Majesty, that Mr Richard Martin, Alderman of London and Warden of her Mint, should be admitted to the freedom of the society of Merchants Adventurers, if it were not for the ill precedent might grow thereof, and specially for that her Majesty by her former letters has enjoined you the contrary ; we like both your inclination that way, and your regard for her Majesty's command. She has now written her letters of warrant to you for his admission only, her former letters notwithstanding ; but enjoins you withal that no other be hereafter admitted otherwise than by your orderly course and laws has been accustomed, nor contrary to the tenor of her letter of 31 Dec. 1559 ; which we also require you to have in such regard that the Queen's command be not broken, nor the admission of Mr Martin be drawn into 'president' for any other.
(2) From the Queen to the same effect. Add. Endd. by Walsingham. 1 p. and ¾ p. and ¾ p. [Holl. and Fl. XIII. 84.]
How our company has proceeded in Mr Martin's case you will see by the general letter directed to you. There is another matter in which I am bold to crave your advice, for it seems to be of importance, and may touch me and the company. The sum of it appears from the enclosed copy [see No. 536], which I thought good to send you with the letter, that the delivery of it might be ordered according to your appointment. The truth is that I am unwilling to disturb the quietness of the Church, and loth to incur her Majesty's displeasure ; insomuch that I intend either to resign my place here and repair home, rather than offend in one or the other. Pardon my continual boldness if in all my doubts I make recourse to you as to a refuge wherein I never missed the help which I sought. In which respect as I must acknowledge myself to be without comparison beholden to you, so I will not fail to show the effects of that service.—Antwerp, 24 Dec. 1580. P.S.—Mr Rogers's servant, who is now going to England, tells me that he has commission from his master to require of me fresh letters for the £200 that were to be paid him at Nuremberg ; wherein also I crave your advice. Add. Endd. by Walsingham. 1 p. [Holl. and Fl. XIII. 85.]
Her Majesty has upon earnest solicitation from Horatio Pallavicino and Baptista Spinola for satisfaction for the debt grown to them from her, by her being bound for the States of the Low Countries, committed the hearing of their demands to us, to the end that such order might be taken as should be found best for her honour and indemnity. Forasmuch as the state of the matter being looked into by us was found dangerous to her Majesty unless she might be better provided for from those parts than in former years she has been, she thought good, before coming to any conclusion with them, to have the States and the Prince of Orange earnestly dealt with for due regard to be had by them to her honour and indemnity ; and therefore made choice of you to treat with them about the matter, giving you letters of credit to them, and for your direction therein commanded us to deliver to you the instructions that you will receive herewith ; of which we doubt not but you will have a care according to the trust she reposes in you, that further delays may be abridged, and a final order taken to her Majesty's satisfaction. Draft. Endd. with date, by L. Tomson. 2¾ pp. [Holl. and Fl. XIII. 86.]
Dec. 27. 529. GILPIN to WALSINGHAM.
As soon as I had settled the Company's business in order, I departed on the 16th towards Holland, by way of Zealand, the other passages being frozen ; and passing thereby, 'moved' to some of the Estates of that province, who are most commonly assembled at Middleburg, the cause of my going to Holland, and requested their consideration in so reasonable and just a suit. I was answered, their conformity should be found, and their deputies who were at Delft had sufficient order to deal therein. I did not arrive here before today by reason of stormy weather and contrary winds, so that till my next I cannot write you of any likelihood of good success in my proceeding, only for the time to advertise my arrival. Please answer one of my former letters touching the order I am to follow for the taking of such assurances for the satisfaction of interest yearly following as the States shall offer for the forbearance of the principal, and such further commission for the receiving of the money already due for interest as you may think requisite, and the States thereby think me sufficiently authorised, without longer delay upon other excuses. The Prince and his wife, who is lately arrived from Antwerp, with all the train, are both in very good health. His Excellency keeps council at his house ; the chief about him are M. Villiers and M. Languet, and when any occasion falls out among the States wherein his advice or help is requested, certain of them repair to him or else he goes to their assemblies. Steenwick in Friesland is still besieged by the enemy, and so well defended that there is hope the force preparing to rescue them will be in time. Three companies of Englishmen were left at Swart Sluys, while the rest went with their Colonel to Campen, there to join with certain ensigns of other nations serving the States ; whereof the enemy having advertisement came with 11 ensigns of foot and 600 horse under the Count of 'Rhenenbourgh' (who of late has shown himself on their side as chief commander and in other ways) and charged the Englishmen ; who defended the place so stoutly that they not only repulsed the enemy, but issuing out of their trenches charged them. During the skirmish the colonel arrived with the rest of his men and others, who so seconded their friends that they put the enemy to retreat in great disorder with the loss of 300 or 400 of his men, besides divers prisoners ; and had the States' men been sufficiently provided with horse to encounter the enemy's, whose chief strength lay therein, they had altogether overthrown them. This piece of service has got the colonel and his men in great honour and good report. There were but few Englishmen slain, and none of note ; only Captain Ellys, who was too venturous and forward in service. There is a town called Hattam, that lies between Deventer and Campen on the river, and has a small castle kept by the Drossaert (as the office is termed) of that place. He was so wrought by practice of the enemy that he would have surrendered it by intelligence to the king. But being discovered by the people of the town, they sent for aid from Deventer and elsewhere, and thereby prevented the Drossaert of his treacherous purpose. He with his confederates is keeping the castle, which is besieged by those of the town, and it is hoped will soon be got by composition or otherwise. The place was and is of great importance ; for by it the enemy could not only have stopped the river and passage between Campen and Deventer, but also have put those towns and others thereabouts in danger. Since the assembly of the States-general at Delft, little, so far as can be learned, has been done. An order taken by them was published last Friday that no trade shall any longer be suffered, especially in victuals, munition, and the like, to or from the provinces and places possessed by the enemy ; and that upon pain not only of confiscation thereof, but also the land and goods of such dealers with the enemy to be confiscate to the State and common cause. The assembly is very great from all provinces. Those of the Union are likewise here ; so that it is thought conclusions will be taken for the government, better assurance, and defence of the country. News is come for certain to the Prince that peace is concluded in France, so that Monsieur will shortly resolve touching his repair into these parts. So far as I can learn, he must overthrow the Malcontents "ere any sure account can be made on his side to enjoy these provinces," especially Holland and Zealand, who love him and his as they did twenty years ago. The Scots regiment that served under 'Beaufordt' has been divided into two, and two colonels appointed ; but Colonel Stewart will be chief of all the Scots, and the others be all at his direction. The Ireland news much rejoiced the Prince and all those in this country that love religion ; "and was greatly desired" to understand the particulars.—Delft, 27 Dec. 1580. Add. Endd. by Burghley's Secretary. 2½ pp. [Holl. and Fl. XIII. 87.]
Dec. 30. 530. The PRINCE of EPINOY to the FOUR MEMBERS of FLANDERS.
On the 22nd inst., the Princess my mother sent to me to ask permission to pass through this town with her suite, as far as the 'Chartrous' a quarter of a league from here, where she said she had business. She asked me also to come and see her without delay, which I did, with a good escort. After the due reverences, she took me into a room, accompanied only by my sisters, and spoke as follows. She had brought with her a personage to whose discourse which he would make to me she prayed me to listen ; and at once called in Councillor Richardot. I was much surprised, and said a few words ; but to please her, and remove the idea they have that I hold my position from sheer obstinacy, I listened quietly to him. He held much grand talk, lots of promises from the king, all the posts, governments, titles, goods and other things that I could demand, and great assurances from the Prince of Parma, with carte blanche from the king for it all. To which I gave him in detail so good a reply that he will be well able to assure his masters of my resolution being stronger than ever to live and die with the popular cause (la généralité) as promised and sworn, and to shed the last drop of my blood for the defence and freedom of our country. I thought I would tell you of this, in order that whatever rumour of it you may hear, you may be able to give a true reply and make the facts known to whomsoever you think fit. I have received yours of the 26th, in which you send word that by the 6th prox. one month's pay will be ready for the five companies in garrison here. I must beg you to have ready two months' at least ; one month is as good as nothing. I shall not be able to keep the gendarmerie if you do not send me two months' pay. You will not believe what I have written to you. You must understand that provisions are double as dear as they used to be. Plunder does not get along (les butins ne vont pas leur train) as it used to do. There is nothing more to be lost round about here ; the soldier has no more profits. Wherefore, gentlemen, believe me implicitly, if you do not send me two months' by the 6th, it is clear to me that I shall lose all the soldiers.—Tournay, the last but one of Dec. 1580. (Signed) Pierre de Melun. Copy. Endd. by Burghley's Secretary. Fr. 1¾ pp. [Holl. and Fl. XIII. 88.]
Dec. 30. 531. JACOBUS CUNO to the QUEEN.
Your Majesty will perhaps wonder what has induced me, a German and unknown to you, to venture to address you. I will briefly disclose my reasons, praying that you will not be annoyed. It is more than thirty years since, having completed my course in Arts and Philosophy, I devoted myself by the advice of my then teachers, Philip Melanchthon and Erasmus Reinhold, wholly to the love of mathematics and astronomy ; and having made such progress as neither I nor those excellent masters had reason to repent of, I began to pursue my aim not only more ardently, but even with pleasure, since no kind of literary life seemed to suit me better. But after the late Elector Joachim II had summoned me to his Court there seemed all the more reason, even necessity, to cultivate the science to which I had addicted myself from my youth, and for the sake of which that learned and excellent prince had summoned me from Wittenberg. And as I not only was aware that the art of making automata was germane to the profession of astronomy and mathematics, or rather, if it would win the suffrages of the intelligent, ought to issue from it as a daughter from a mother ; and as I further observed—let me not be suspected of arrogance—that the ordinary makers of such things often blunder grossly, while my prince was aware of this, and wished the blunders to be corrected, if possible, and ordered me to do it ; then, having carefully considered everything, and wishing to try if my small powers could do anything in that line, I did my utmost to discover the causes which had hindered other people ; not with any view of blaming them, as is often done, but of setting right what was demonstrated by the evidence of reason, and of the work itself. What I have achieved in this way, I would rather leave to the testimony of others, especially my prince, and the late King of Poland, Sigismund Augustus, than mention myself in a way that might be invidious. On the death of Joachim II, I obtained from his son, the Elector John George, leave to fix my abode at Frankfort, (which I had decided upon as a haven of rest when age began to weigh on me, and my health was not very sound, and I found the Court ill-suited to study), and to pass the rest of my life there ; and endeavoured to complete what I had begun. Among other things at which I worked perhaps not unsuccessfully, as to which I can cite the Elector of Saxony as witness, I went so far in my desire to illustrate the art which might be called αυτοματοποιια, that I ventured to attack a piece of work of great difficulty, appearing incredible to some ; nor do I doubt that if my health had held out, I should have finished it. For I discovered a certain and handy method whereby what had been lacking elsewhere, and unknown to those who called themselves craftsmen, in order to show the true motions of planets and stars, and what is necessary to indicate the variations in the length of the hour from day to day, might be made clear and obvious. Not to weary your Majesty with details, I send herewith a description, or so to say epitomic synopsis, which I have published, embracing and explaining all these things ; and I trust that by the Divine favour all I have promised therein may be accomplished, lest men complain that I have raised their hopes in vain. But to tell the truth, what I want is a great and a fortunate patron, so that if I venture to complete the work which I have sketched out, and some of whose parts I have experimentally finished, I may not, in the absence of a patron whose authority I may follow, and by whose resources I may be sustained, incur great cost to no purpose, and seriously damage my own affairs. For, while no one, I think, could look at the completed work without pleasure or fail to set a high value on it, no private person, however well off, is likely to spend money on such a thing or buy such beauty and excellency of art at any price. But when I look round for a suitable patron, your Majesty occurred to my mind, as one by whose aid and kindness, celebrated throughout the world, I was confident that my desire of completing what I have promised to construct on the soundest astronomical principles, would receive a lift and assistance ; of which if I were to endeavour to explain the utility to the life of men I might seem to do it rather to sell my wares than for the sake of truth. Again, could I find any more worthy than yourself to possess this beautiful work ? So far as I can learn from the judgement of men most worthy of confidence, in knowledge even of the science which I have ever most valued, you not only excel your own sex, but leave behind the greatest kings and most chief men. This and other reasons which I do not now propose to enumerate, have moved me to address you, and respectfully beg that you will let me know whether you approve my counsel in investigating the work promised in my description ; whether you think I shall do well to proceed with it ; and lastly, if when it is finished I may bring it over and offer it to you for sale. In deliberating upon this matter, if it be taken into consideration what an ornament such an unprecedented work will be to your palace, how much pleasure will be afforded by the sight of a machine imitating the positions and revolutions of the stars, of how much service it will be found by those who want to calculate the dates of past events or foretell the future movements of the heavens, I venture to hope that your Majesty will not only choose to be the one person to whom the work should be dedicated, but also will do nothing which may make me seem to have been mistaken in the expectation which on no slight grounds I had formed. As far as concerns me, I assure your Majesty that I am not aware of being moved by ambition or avarice, nor borne on by levity of mind to promise what I cannot perform. If I hear that I have your approval, and that you do not shrink from the outlay needed to complete the work, which after all need not be enormous, I shall greatly rejoice at the support given to my labours. As soon as the season and my health permit, I shall, unterrified by the length of the journey and the intervening ocean, repair to your Majesty, and treat with you so that you shall learn you are not dealing with a covetous man, but one to whom fraud is most alien.—Frankfort-on-the-Oder, 30 Dec. 1580. Add. Endd. by L. Tomson : Dedicat his work of the clock which he intends to make, to her Majesty. Lat. 7½ pp. [Germ. States II. 10.]
Dec. 31. 532. GILPIN to WALSINGHAM.
Since my arrival I have not only dealt with M. Villiers to move his Excellency for the advancement and ending of the long suit, but also dealt privately with most of the States. Those of Brabant abide by their former resolution for 7,500 guilders ; those of Flanders will not be to seek for their part ; others agree to do the like. They of Zealand do not altogether refuse to conform themselves ; but the Hollanders after a sort allege that it touches them not, but those of Brabant and others that had used the money and given the bonds, to which they had not consented. The deputies of Antwerp and Brussels requested me to have patience 8 or 10 days, till the States had passed some or most of the principal general matters wherewith they were at present very busy ; first of all to make an order of finance. That done, the next was, how debts were to be 'answered' and paid ; among which the chief should be 'given first contentment.' If I may believe what was told me by one in secret, there have been earnest speeches to have her Majesty satisfied ; wherein I judge there is some other mystery, but leave it to your judgement, also not finding it convenient (for causes) to write thereof further. The news that came from France of the peace was brought by him that was Governor of Bouchain. Monsieur has not only confirmed the articles sent by the States, but the king 'avouched to' see them maintained, promising to help his brother against the King of Spain en sec et en verd ; which words run here in most men's mouths, and have stirred a hope of help with encouragement. I perceive the accepting of Monsieur will be generally after a sort allowed, so that he do some act agreeable to what is expected ; for those provinces that lie further off will be lookers-on, and the Prince's lodging in this town is accommodated as if he would remain for ever. In my opinion he will not lightly remove at least the Princess and children, until he see by 'likelihood' what will be the 'success' of next year. The repulse given to the enemy in Friesland made such a doubt of further danger in his camp before Stenwick, that as it is reported 'of truth,' by Mr Norris's order, 30 men entered the town each with a bag of powder, of which there was great lack, on his neck. Certain small ships or boats are also ready at Enckhuisen, to be sent 'upon the sudden' to rescue Steenwick ; and for their readier passage the 'dytches' will be cut so as to bring in the water the next spring-tides. By this means it is hoped that not only the town will be helped, but the 'siege' be forced to remove without further damage. A letter from you to the States of Brabant, and another to those of Flanders, or a general one to them all, would do good, and urged them to forward the suit, which I wish were ended.—Delft, 31 Dec. 1580. Add. Endd. 12/3 pp. [Holl. and Fl. XIII. 89.]
1580. [After June 30.] 533. "EXTRACT out of a Letter written to the PRINCE OF PARMA."
The legate Riario is at great variance with the ministers here over the affairs of Ireland, which the Pope thinks much of, and will do the more, since they write that the Catholics have a great footing in that island with the aid that he has in these days sent them. The captain wrote that if 4 or 5,000 soldiers are sent from hence, it will be the easiest thing to get possession of that island ; and from this good beginning the enterprise of England can then be set on foot, which is the Pope's principal aim. He has just offered the King of Spain 300,000 crowns whenever he makes up his mind to that enterprise, and the king has begun to give ear to this practice, and has deputed Don Juan Diaquez [Idiaques], the secretary Delegado, and Zoaial [sic ; qu. Zayas] to meet the legate, and treat of this matter, and they meet every third day. Copy, in hand (?) of L. Tomson, and endd. by him. Ital. ½ p. [Spain I. 61.]
? 1580. 534. A general view of Spain and Portugal, with names and revenues of the nobility, names of cities, note of harbours and shipping, copy of the king's muster-book of 1571, course of the principal rivers, &c. MS. book of 26 pp. stitched. [Ibid. I. 62.]
? 1580. 535. Report to the Secretaries of all such persons as are delivered by the Queen's letters out of the 'holy house' in Spain and those remaining there. Delivered :— Randolph Shawe, William Melsam, John Dobson, William Cundey. Delivered and yet remaining captive in the galleys :— Roger Hankin, Edward Taylor, Thomas Celye, one of the Queen's guard, William Collins, Thomas Kelley. Remaining in the prison perpetual, commanded to wear the coat, according to the order of the house :— Robert Massey, John Birche, William Bland. Remaining in the holy house :— Robert Fitzwilliam. The five remaining in the galleys are condemned for four years, and after that to prison perpetual during life. All the persons named are troubled only for saying service in the churches in her Majesty's realm and saying it in ships at sea according to her laws and 'proceedings,' for which they have sustained all their troubles, the fact being done before their arrival. Endd. 1 p. [Spain I. 63.]
[? 24 Dec.] (See No. 527.) 536. [HODDESDON] to BURGHLEY.
Having, contrary to my expectation, found Mr Cartwright, at my coming over, in the ministry of our Church here, and fearing such displeasure as might grow both to myself and the company by retaining one against whom I doubt her Majesty to be offended, I endeavoured by all means so to remove the danger that our Church might nevertheless be sufficiently provided for. Thereupon, after conference with the rest our company, it was thought convenient to write to Mr Travis, being then in England, and lately elected for our preacher, that either he should repair to his charge here, or send some fit man to supply the room. Whereupon he procured one Smith to come over to us, who being sundry times requested by the company to take the function upon him, refused, I know not why, to do so. So we were forced to write again for Mr Travis's return, with express order set down in our general Court that if he did not come by Christmas at the furthest, his stipend should forthwith surcease, thinking by this means to have hastened him forward. But he being resolved to remain in England has answered that he cannot repair again to us. I have also dealt by letter with other learned men about coming over, but none will meddle with the place so long as Mr Cartwright continues in it ; for which cause I moved him to abstain from preaching any more in our church, considering he was neither chosen nor entertained by our company. To this he alleged inasmuch as he received no allowance at our hands we had the less to do to restrain him from preaching, and that he thought our Church was as free for him in that respect as for any other minister ; which allegation, as the time and condition of things stand at present, I cannot greatly impugn, especially as he is very well thought of by the preachers and learned of this town. What course it were best to take, I desire your opinion, hoping to use such secrecy and wariness in following it as shall agree with your good liking. I have not frequented his sermons since my coming, 'for doubt of the worst.' If I might do it without danger, I should be loth to be absent from the public exercise, yet I rather mind to resign my place here and return home, than do anything to incur her Majesty's displeasure. But by your direction I trust to be thoroughly resolved touching this matter. Endd. : The copy of the letter sent to my Lord Treasurer. 1 p. [Holl. and Fl. XIII. 90.]
? 1580. 537. On April 24 last, the Emanuel fell with the North Cape. The prima May she came to Typone [Tiepna] near Cola, where they fished, and tarried there till the 16th. Thence they went to Aragooba, about 14 leagues from Cola and there fished till the 29th. On May 30 they went to Kildyna [Kilduyn] to fish and to meet the boats which were to come from St Nicholas [i.e. Archangel] with merchants. They tarried at Kildyna till June 4 ; and that day in the morning came one of the company's [?] ships, called the Brave, to them ; the master of which told them that there were 14 sail of the King of Denmark's ships and galleys coming for that place to take such ships as trafficked there. The same night came seven of the King of Denmark's ships which found them at an anchor. The Emanuel's boats being at sea fishing (in which were 20 of her men) espied the king's ships and forthwith came aboard their ship ; and then the ship let slip an anchor and cable and put to sea with three boats and a skiff at her stern. But when they perceived the king's ships, which were all 'in the weather' of them and fetched upon them, they sent away two of their great fishing-boats with certain Russes to the shore, and ran off, with their own boat and skiff at their stern, to seaward, the ship being wholly untrimmed and not well able to bear sail ; and the Brave also ran off with a skiff at her stern. The master of that ship promised to keep them company, but his ship being in good trim went from the Emanuel and cut off his skiff from his stern. Which when the master of the Emanuel perceived, and seeing that the king's ships fetched upon them, he cut off his boat also and made as much sail as he could to get away ; one of the king's ships still to weather of them and on their broadside, and a great galley on their quarter, still plying them with terrible shot. Yet they durst not lay them aboard, because the other five ships were not able to fetch them. Thus they ran off with them 24 'owars' or thereabouts, one shouting at the other ; and when the king's ships saw they could do no good they cast about and left the Emanuel. After this the merchants requested the master to go to St Nicholas, and thereupon they set their course for it and lay close by a wind till June 9 ; upon which day they espied a tall ship of the King of Denmark's, of 300 tons by their judgement, to leeward of them. And immediately the mariners went to the top and said they saw 3 more great ships to leeward of them, of the same company as they supposed ; whereupon they kept close by to keep the wind of the four. And then the merchants and the master judged it to be true, what the master of the Brave had told them, that 14 sail of the king s were come to that coast, which they judged would go to St Nicholas ; whereupon they determined to come back again for England. Yet within two days after the merchants and the master would have had the ship return again for St Nicholas, but in no 'ways' would the company consent to it, but said they were content if they met with the rest of the fleet to go back with them, but else not. Endd. by [?] R. Beale : The report of those of the Emanuel. 2 pp. [Denmark I. 10.]
? 1580. 538. SUGGESTIONS as to the CONDUCT of the WAR.
It seems to me that there is no means more expedient for getting the war in these Low Countries off our hands and of restoring the required religion and authority, than an invasion of Portugal on behalf of Don Antonio, in force and with all diligence ; to the end that that kingdom may serve as a barrier between Spain and England, and that the King of Spain may have war in his own country, with the result that the resources of his country and of the Indies will be lost. The Queen of England to attempt nothing against the Hollanders and their associates here until Portugal is secure, and the places which hold for her service to be well secured meanwhile, succours from England being always continued so that resistance can be made during the expedition to Portugal, and that we may not be undone here for want of good men ; while the English conduct themselves gently towards the people and soldiers of this country, to win their affection and remove all rancour and jealousy. When the expedition to Portugal is secure, then will be the time when her Majesty will be able to use more authority here in matters of government, in virtue of her rights under the treaty made with her in consideration of the said succours, until a prince of great power is established in these countries having the means to maintain religion, authority, and justice ; and for this she holds keys and fortresses enough, from the moment she is assured of Portugal. There must be a powerful prince in this country, or it is impossible to maintain it in repose, true religion, and justice ; for it is too rich and strong by nature, with too many fortified towns, and the people too much used to arms, arrogant and petulant through wealth, which ordinarily makes them mutinous against prince or magistrate, or at least causes them to make war one on another, province against province or town against town, or even one lot against the other within the towns, as has been from of old the custom for the smallest cause, as the histories show, till about 100 years ago their princes increased in power. If God take it not in hand, by the means of the Queen of England, we must be sure that it is all up with religion and justice and the countries will either have constant civil war, or not only lose ordered liberty, but fall into slavery to our enemies, whether Spaniards or French ; whereby either one of those realms may receive such increase as the realm of England may feel seriously, inasmuch as but for this present war no one knew the forces and riches of this country. And if governed by a prince with authority it will be as good as the mightiest realms of Europe, and will have the means to keep more than 50,000 fighting men constantly in the field, the country remaining in good condition. Thus acting, it seems to me that her Majesty will do the best thing for this country and for her own realm ; for there they will have a fine guarantee against that horrible beast of Rome, and deliver us and our posterity from all these miseries of civil war ; which cannot be done if steps are not taken in time to deal with the proceedings of certain who only further democracy and a liberty too great in a country furnished with so many strong towns and so much wealth, if I am to refer to the judgement of the wisest. The realm of Portugal being assured, and her Majesty having the opportunity to have more authority, notably in this country of Brabant, many noblemen who have done good service in these parts might be recompensed there by some Church property, of which there is great quantity there, very pleasant and profitable. Copy. Fr. 1½ pp. [Holl. and Fl. XIII. 91.]
1580. 539. Certain Edicts which the King will employ to raise a sum of money :—
First, an Edict of Registries (greffes).—We call greffiers those who put into writing the decisions given by the judges, whether supreme or subordinate, and the place where these acts are kept and the office performed is called greffe. All greffes, alike of parliaments, bailiwicks, and seneschalries, belong to the royal domain. The greater part of them have been alienated since the reign of Louis XII, and those not alienated are farmed by the year, by the king's receivers-in-ordinary. Those who make the arrangement with the king do it on this wise. For the space of 10 years they are to enjoy the greffes, alienated or not, reimbursing the purchasers of them, or paying them interest on the sum which bona fide entered the king's coffers, at the rate of 5 per cent. ; and they shall enjoy them as their own property. At the end of the time all the greffes shall revert absolutely (francs et quittes) to the royal domain. They provide the sum of 600,000 crowns, or 1,800,000 livres. Second Edict.—All crowns soleil shall bear the king's mark, and pass at 5 sous (marginal note : which is 6d. sterling) more than others. Third Edict.—On all contracts executed before notary and witnesses, whether purchase, redemption, obligation, mortgage, the king will take 1 liard per livre, i.e. 9 deniers in the crown. Fourth, Edict of Fees (espices).—Espices are the remuneration which judges get for the decisions given by them, and thus put so much into the fund pro speciebus. The word comes from the fact that the judges when occupied in judging causes, took no remuneration except some refreshment, as they called it ; and what was called anciently 'bringing spices' was bringing this refreshment. But now the spices are so excessive that sometimes they exceed the sum at issue (le principal). Endd. by Burghley's Secretary : 1580. Edicts pour amasser quelques sommes de deniers. Fr. 1 p. [France IV. 195.]
540. Extracts from the 'Apology' published by the Prince of Orange in reply to the King of Spain's Ban. Headed and endd. : Matters objected to the King of Spain by the Prince of Orange in his Apology against the proscription published against him by the King of Spain. They refer to 'his incestuous marriage with his niece,' 'murder of his lawful wife, the sister of the King of France,' suffering Don Carlos his son 'to be sentenced by 3 or 4 friars and inquisitors and put to death,' etc. 1 p. [Holl. and Fl. XIII. 91.]
[? Dec.] 541. Another copy, in a hand of late seventeenth or early eighteenth century. [Ibid. XIII. 91a.]
1580. 542. "Discourse containing the reasons and causes for which we are entering upon a divorce with the King of Spain ; issued about the close of the year 1580." MS. pamphlet of 74 pp. setting forth the grievances of the Low Countries, bidding the King take warning by other sovereigns who have been rejected. "Let him above all set before his eyes the reason why Hugh Capet Count of Paris was preferred to Charles Duke of Lorraine, the true successor and heir to the Crown." In defence of their recourse to a French alliance, they point out that Gaul is all divided into three parts, of which the Belgae are in that from the Seine-Marne to the lower Rhine. Fr. [Holl. and Fl. XIII. 92.]
[? 1580.] 543. "Proposition on the behalf of the Emperor for the reducing of the Low Countries to their ancient estate before the troubles." Endd. as above by [?] R. Beale. 15 pp. stitched. Fr. translated from German. (May be any time from 1580 to 1583.) [Ibid. XIII. 93.]


1 L'Estoile calls him d'Efle. Qy. Elz.