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July 21.
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275. COBHAM to WALSINGHAM.
The king remains at Fontainebleau with the queens, his mother,
his wife, and of Navarre, attended on for the present by the Cardinals
of Bourbon and Birague, his Chancellor, the Dukes of Montpensier,
Guise, Mayenne, and Mercur, with most of the principal personages
belonging to the Privy Council, with whom his Majesty has sat in
Council many times of late more than accustomed, having made
sundry ordinances for the redressing 'in show' of the government
of his estate. So now the lords are 'upon' scattering themselves
again abroad. The Duke of Guise is looked for in this town within
two days ; the Duke of Montpensier is ready to retire to his house
in Touraine. The Duke of Joyeuse has already left the Court with
his mother and wife, towards their house in Touraine by Chenonceau,
where he leaves his wife for a while and returns himself to Court.
During his absence the King means to pass his time at Saint
Germain or Dollenville.
Many bruits are spread in Court and in Paris of a disagreement
and some words passed between Joyeuse and Epernon. However
no effect of it appears.
It is supposed by some here that the King of Navarre will 'pass'
an interview and conference with Joyeuse in Touraine.
I have been informed that the Lord of 'Weame,' surnamed
Colvyn, was of late with the King of Navarre, treating about the
marriage of his king with the Princess of Barn, and taking home
with him her picture in a small little book. This Colvin is affectioned
to the house of Douglas. He left this town three days ago
by Dieppe for Scotland.
As for the affairs of Geneva, the state depends upon the resolution
presently to be 'had' at the Diet of the Cantons, now held in
Baden ; which being accomplished, they of the town 'pretend' to
send to her Majesty and all other princes of the Religion. Meantime
they are promised aid by the Grisons and others of the vales
between the Grisons and the Cantons who are of the Religion. As
yet the Duke of Savoy seems not for the present to besiege them,
but seeks to 'empesche' them of their commodities, and to fortify
the bailliages restored to him by those of Berne, as near the town
as his commodity may serve. By letters from Lyons and Turin it
is written that he has taken out of Chambry 14 'pieces of
battery' and sent them towards Geneva. The king imputes to
him and the Catholic king the disagreement which appears among
the Swiss, and sends them as I hear all persuasions to join themselves.
It is certified that the Canton of Fribourg have apprehended in
their town certain practitioners, who have been corrupted with the
Pope's and Spanish money, and imprisoned them.
The Duke of Savoy is 'served with' about 2,000 Swiss, led by
Colonel 'Phyfer' ; which is much cried out upon at the Diet in
Baden.
The 41 companies of Spaniards, amounting to 4,000 men, who
came from Naples and Sicily, are already arrived in Franche
Comt, marching speedily towards Flanders ; and the 9 companies
of horsemen of the bands of Naples and the 4 companies of the
State of Milan amounting in all to about 800 or 900 horse, have
likewise passed towards Franche Comt, and will be commanded,
they say, by the Prince of Parma's eldest son, about the age of 17
years.
The 6,000 'Alman' foot which John Manriques is levying in the
County of Tirol and other provinces of the Archduke Ferdinand,
part of these will supply the garrison of the kingdom of Naples and
Milan, and the other part is to be sent to Portugal, with 4,000
Italians. This course was ordered in the Court of Spain on May 27,
as is certified by letters from thence.
It is advertised from Milan that although they write from Spain
that Marcantonio Colonna is to be recalled from Sicily to become
their governor, they, notwithstanding, judge that the Catholic king
will not suffer him to stay in the Duchy of Milan but employ him
in the government of the Low Country wars. This is conceived
because the Prince of Parma has sought many ways to come from
thence ; but this exchange will not as yet be made.
The Prince of Parma's father lately made intercession to the
King of Spain to have into his hands the citadel of Piacenza, but
he cannot obtain so much favour. So there is miscontentment on
that side, and ill-satisfaction given to King Philip in respect of the
Prince [sic] at this time so earnestly suing for that citadel.
Don Juan de Cardona is to depart out of the Kingdom of Naples
with 1,000 Italians and great quantities of saltpetre to make gunpowder,
to be transported in the galleys to Portugal.
Cardinals Borromeo and Paleota have confirmed the confederacy
the Pope has entered into with the Duke of Savoy for the enterprise
of Geneva. The Pope, the princes and clergy of Italy will bind
themselves to defray one-third of the charges, paying it monthly ;
and this Pope dying, his successor shall be bound to the same conditions.
Further, King Philip has assured 'by' the said Borromeo
that he will bear another third part, binding himself to aid the Duke
in all the wars which shall be 'offered' to him in his States by the
French or Swiss or others, excepting no state nor commonwealth.
By the last letters from Lisbon, of June 18, it is understood that
there were in readiness 36 ships, 4 galleys and 10 galliots to depart
'presently' upon any advertisement of the approach of Don
Antonio's 'army.' In them were freighted 8,000 soldiers, good and
bad, all Spaniards.
Letters are come to this agent of Spain from Lisbon of July 1, in
which it is certified that the marriage between King Philip's eldest
daughter and the Emperor is concluded. This agent now sends his
letters by way of Calais to a Spanish merchant, by whom they are
conveyed to Don Bernardino in London.
The difference between the General of the Cordeliers and the
Franciscans in this town continues. The Pope's nuncio often
writes to the king in the matter, and the king answers him with
his own hand, wishing that the General would accommodate
himself to permit the Parisian Cordeliers to enjoy the privileges of
their house and forget their past disorder ; which he must do if he
is to receive that satisfaction he desires. The Chief President de
Thou very earnestly withstands the Pope's nuncio and the General's
endeavours against the Cordeliers. The same President has sent
Friar Bousser and others to prison in the Chtelet, where they
remain, for taking part with the General contrary to the king's
authority and the privileges of the Gallican church.
I am informed that the Englishmen imprisoned in Rome will not
be released from captivity until there come 'relation' from England,
giving notice what quality, condition, and profession each of them
'are' of. I hear that Don Bernardino de Mendoza deals very badly
with her Majesty and her subjects in this cause, hearkening after
all evil relations.
There are come to this town two 'Alman' Barons, who are to
pass into England to see the country. The Pope's nuncio 'did
cheer' them the last day. They are somewhat 'a kynde' to M.
Schomberg.
The Bishop of Glasgow visited me yesterday, bringing with him
M. de Ronsan, an advocate married to the Scottish Queen's secretary's
sister ; who informed me he had the Queen's leave to pass into
England and to visit the Scottish Queen, his mistress, having
occasion to inform her of the present state of her dowry. I enquired
of the bishop whether it was true, as is reported in this Court,
that a composition and conclusion were passed of all matters and
titles between his mistress and her son. He answered that some
months since such a matter had been moved and imparted to the
Queen my sovereign, wherein he said Mr Beale had conferred with
his mistress. But since then he understands no further intention
nor conclusion of those causes.
The bishop made a large discourse to me of his mistress's sickness,
wherein he 'showed' to doubt of her long life, considering her
mother died of the like malady much about the 'years of forty.'
I received letters from my lords Russell and Cheyney of the
9th inst. in which they write me that King Philip's forces are lodged
in Spa and thereabouts, and that the Prince of Chimay, the Duke
of Aerschot's son, was followed by the Spaniards to the gates of
Sedan. Wherefore these lords have resolved to take the water there
in Sedan, where the prince 'saved himself,' they being graciously
entreated by the Duke of Bouillon.Paris, 21 July 1581.
Add. Endd. 5 pp. [France V. 122.]
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July 21.
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276. INSTRUCTIONS for SIR FRANCIS WALSINGHAM, &c., sent into
France.
Rough draft with many corrections, in Burghley's hand, and endd.
by him : Copy of the first instructions for Mr Secret : Walsingham.
8 pp. [France V. 123.] (Printed in Digges' 'Compleat Ambassador.')
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July 21.
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277. FURTHER INSTRUCTIONS.
Since you are acquainted with the negotiations passed till now
concerning the marriage desired by the Duke of Anjou with us,
and know the causes of the delay thereof, we have no need to
impart the circumstances to you, but to deliver to you in writing
what by word of mouth we have declared in presence of such of our
Council as we have conferred with, for an answer to the king and
his brother, upon which our ambassador and Somers have treated
with him.
You shall first repair to the duke, and if Paris, or the place
where the king is, shall be in or near your way, you shall either
first repair to the king, or if you find it otherwise convenient, you
shall direct our ambassador to him, and in either case let him know
that you are expressly sent to deliver answer to such things as of
late were propounded by him to our ambassador concerning the
message sent by Somers ; yet because the matter principally concerns
his brother, you or our ambassador shall request the king not
to mislike your first repairing to the duke, as to the party whom
your message most concerns.
So our meaning is you shall repair to the duke, and let him
understand that you are come to satisfy the French king in the
matters lately moved better than by report of our ambassador and
Somers it appears he was satisfied, and therefore doubting that the
duke remains as much or more unsatisfied, you come to reiterate
the substance thereof, and give him reasons to move him (though
his affections 'percase' cannot at first admit our motives) to
accept our manner of proceeding in such good part as reason ought
to be the interpreter thereof.
You shall therefore say to him that forasmuch as the king has
now, after conference between divers of his Council and our ambassador
and Somers, seeming not to allow the motions made on our
part, delivered to them his mind in three points to be answered by
us ; of which the first was, upon a supposition made by him that
the marriage was agreed to, that we would 'take a day' within
which it should be consummate ; the second, that the marriage
being promised and the day assigned, the king would upon knowledge
thereof enter with us into a league offensive and defensive,
and cause it to be delivered to us at the instant of the consummation ;
the third for a secret agreement to be made between the
king and us for the matters of the Low Countries. To which points
the king required our answer within a short time, for on it depended
the course of his affairs.
And though the motion made by our ambassador, being well
considered, yielded reasonable answer to the substance of these
three points, yet because neither the ambassador nor Somers was so
well acquainted with the circumstances that moved us to propound
such things as we did 'as whereby' they might have maintained the
reasons of our overtures, we have sent you, as a person the best
acquainted therewith 'of any other' by reason both of your office
about us, and that you had in all this action for the marriage been
appointed as one to treat and confer on our part with any sent
either by the king or the duke, and that by reason of your office
and our employment of you in our affairs you were best acquainted
with our estate and so more able to make demonstration of the
circumstances that led us to move the motion lately made.
You shall therefore say that however the world may ignorantly
conceive of us for the long prolongation of this action of the
marriage, yet we desire it to be considered both by the king and by
his brother that from the beginning we never inclined otherwise
generally to marriage but to content our people when they importunately
many times pressed us thereto for the continuance of the
state of our realms in peace, and especially to stablish the succession
to our crown in the children of our body ; and therefore after the
motion made to us for the duke 'we did for his person and worthiness
yield further to like of him that [than] ever we did of any
other,' and so we think him to have better 'deferred' to be loved of
us than any person living of any degree, and so we profess that we
do love him more affectionately than we do any other person in the
world. But yet to come to any perfect conclusion of marriage with
him we never could be so resolutely and clearly induced to assent,
but that we always directed ourselves to yield therein or to forbear
as we might find our determination to be acceptable to our best
subjects, and that in such sort, that we shall not 'mistrust cause of
repentance,' after we had consented, because of misliking thereof by
our realm.
And that thereupon sundry accidents and varieties that have
happened specially for a long time during the civil troubles in
France in general and also for the duke's own particular troubles
and of the lack of the favour of the king his brother towards him,
contrary to his deserts, with many other such accidents adverse to
the furtherance of this marriage, as things generally misliked by
our subjects, have been the just occasions that at sundry times
have altered the progress of it ; so that without any diminution of
our love towards the duke himself, which till this day is as great
as it ever was, we have been forced to vary in our inclination as
sometimes more ready to like it than at other times, and never
declining from it but when we found causes of doubt how it might
content our subjects or be beneficial to our state. And for the time
past we assure the duke that these have been the just grounds of
our delay of perfect conclusions, and not any lack or change of love
towards him, which by his desert as touching his person has rather
increased than diminished. And so we hope while we live not to
be found ungrateful to him otherwise than we would be to one more
than a real brother.
And you may say that though by our letters and by testimony of
his ministers that have had long acquaintance with us, we
hope he does so assure himself of our singular love towards him,
we yet have willed you, as one that can of your knowledge give
testimony of it, to deliver to him a full assurance thereof.
And as hitherto, you may say, many accidents have impeached this
matter from perfect conclusion, so at this time when we see that no
further delay is convenient to be made, but our resolution is peremptorily
required by the king to assent to marriage, we are at this
instant more grieved than at all other times to see so apparent and
present impediment to stay us from yielding to it at this time, considering
how the duke is entered into an actual war against the King of
Spain, and that also we cannot find it good for him either in honour
or in profit, nor, to say the truth, as the King of Spain's greatness
is growing, good either for the Crown of France nor of England that
he should leave this enterprise, whereby the whole Low Countries
would be left to the violence and tyranny of the Spaniard. And yet
in no wise can we find this marriage more agreeable to our realms
nor a contentation to our people who have desired us to marry for
the preservation of our realms in peace ; for by direct consequence
in marriage at this time with the duke we shall at one instant bring
with the marriage a war into our realm which now is at peace ; and
for continuance of it in peace the desire of our subjects is and always
has been to have us marry.
So to conclude, for answer to the first point moved by the king,
which we are most sorry to deliver for a conclusion, notwithstanding
our love is as great to Monsieur as can be imagined, we cannot
satisfy ourselves that our subjects can like this marriage with the
duke, bringing with it a present war. The very love we bear to
him moves us not to let him feel the effect of that misliking that
of necessity could ensue in our realm both of him and of us in
bringing it to war, the burden of which must ordinarily fall on our
people ; and from them grudging and murmuring must redound to
us, whereof we never felt any taste from our good subjects ; and to
give them just cause to yield it to us we ought always to avoid as
much as we can anything that we can eschew.
And if it shall be said by the duke that rather than he will leave
the obtaining of us in marriage he will relinquish his whole actions
in the Low Countries you may say that we take this his intention
in the Low Countries so honourable, and if God give him success
they may prove to him and his posterity so profitable, and adding
thereto the benefits that may grow to the public estate of Christendom,
that we cannot see how his marriage with us can be of that
moment that it can overweigh the profit of his actions against the
King of Spain and sorry would we be to have him marry so greatly
to his loss of honour and apparent profit to his house and posterity.
If it shall be said that notwithstanding his enterprise upon the
Low Countries he may marry us and not bring our realm into a
war, but as we and our realm may hereafter find the war to be
necessary, and that there is a clause in the treaty of marriage providing
that we shall not thereby be entangled in any war, you may
say that though there be such a clause in words, it was inserted a
long time ago, when the duke was not engaged in any actual
war, and follows the form of treaty made for the marriage
of our sister Queen Mary with King Philip ; and howsoever
such words are in writing, yet no person can think that
the duke, being at war with the King of Spain, and such
a war that there will be no end of it until he has conquered by force
the whole Low Countries, nor then also a full end, but that by war
he must still maintain his conquest, can marry us, the Queen of
England, and we suffer our husband to adventure himself and his
state without relieving him, yea, without taking part with him ; for
otherwise no man can think that there shall be any perfect love
between us, nor is there any example of the like, although by
like words King Philip was so bound to Queen Mary, yet experience
taught us that the words lasted not long in strength, but were made
void by a conjunction in war, and that both harmful and chargeable
to the realm and notably to the misliking of the subjects, a matter
also by some thought never digested by Queen Mary, but that it
was one of the causes that hastened her death.
You shall therefore beseech him not altogether to look to his
private affection of the love he bears us, but to weigh these reasons,
which withdraw us from such a disposition to marriage as that if
we also only regarded our love to him we should readily assent to
it ; but we have also to look to the consequences of a marriage so
ungrateful to all our subjects that it is better for us both to have
none at all than to have it with the general misliking of them, who
will neither joy in us nor in him, and so we ourselves should lack
the comfort that marriage ought to bring with it.
And since the duke will perceive that it is not lack of good will to
him that stays us, nor yet altogether a disposition to 'spare from'
relieving him, we will be content, if the king his brother does the
like, to assist him in the enterprise of the Low Countries with
such a portion of money towards his charges as shall be thought
reasonable for our part, upon nothing but [sic] what the States
shall certainly yield him, and what he shall have of his brother,
and what shall be thought a reasonable charge to maintain his
actions ; and as the king shall think convenient for the execution
of this, so will we have regard of the duke's estate, honour and
success, so that he shall see a certain proof of the love we bear him
and our good will to the success of his enterprises.
And because this aiding of him by the French King and by us
may seem a probable cause to irritate the King of Spain to use some
violence and revenge upon some countries of the king's, not ours,
we think it also meet, as has been heretofore moved by the king, that
there should be first a strait league made between us both, offensive
and defensive ; which is the second point moved by him, whereto
we assent, as also to the third, for some secret agreement for the
matters of the Low Countries. And in this sort you shall inform
the Duke that you are expressly sent to the king to answer his three
points and to 'enlarge the causes' at length, as matters best known
to you, and yet that your charge has been first to repair to him,
and make him first acquainted herewith.
So we leave to your discretion how further to answer the duke to
any questions not here remembered, for we know you are sufficient
to do so ; holding you to these three positions : first that we think
the marriage with a present war cannot be digested by our realm ;
second, that it is impossible for him to continue a war, being our
husband, and we live in peace ; thirdly, that it is not allowable that
the duke should, for the marriage, abandon this enterprise.
Now for your instruction how to treat with the king as to this
matter of having this marriage forborne, which concerns the first
point moved by him, and a treaty notwithstanding to be made for
a league (which is the substance of the second point), and consequently
an aid to be given to Monsieur secretly by the king and by
us for the Low Countries, which is his third point, it is not needful
to enlarge to you much more ; but, mutatis mutandis, to deliver to
the king for answer to his three points these our motions and
opinions, and first to declare that though our ambassador and
Somers have moved the same as you are to deliver, yet since it
appears that the king was not satisfied therewith but has required
answer to the three points, we have sent you to satisfy him therein,
which you shall do according to the course represented to the
duke. You shall therefore beseech him to consider that as he
himself is a king and owner of a realm and people, and those
of divers sorts and capacities, we know he so prefers the possession
of inward peace in his realm, but especially the assurance
of the love of his best subjects, that we think no worldly respect
grounded upon any private love of any person, were he never
so dear, could make him prefer the private to the public ; being
of such a nature that without the love of his subjects a king
cannot account himself a natural king but a tyrant. You may say
that we have willed you but to touch this reason to him, and not to
stay upon it ; for such is the property of it, that though an orator
had it to dilate, none can so sensibly feel it as natural princes of
kingdoms and people, and specially such as are by succession in
royal blood duly possessed of their crowns.
You may also use the reasons mentioned in your instructions to
the duke to purge us of what 'percase' is imputed to us, that we
have prolonged this action in sundry sorts by showing ourselves
sometimes willing, sometimes not so willing, and so forbearing
always from final resolution. You shall also answer to what the
king seems to touch in his speeches that he takes the marriage as
concluded, which is probably because his commissioners here
showed him a treaty for marriage without exception, under the
hands and seals of our councillors. But you can tell him first how
unwilling we were to suffer any such treaty to be in that sort
concluded, and how we 'found lack' that his commissioners had
not power to treat of a confederation between us as well as of a
marriage, as had been promised us. But because we considered
the honour of his commissioners and their long abode here, and
since it was then uncertain to us whether the marriage might take
place or no, though we were doubtful, we assented that in omni
eventu it should be "articulated" and put in due form ; but with this
condition, that if within a time limited we should not certify the
king of our assent, it should be void ; and that condition is
expressed in a writing of like authority with the treaty, and has
power to make the treaty good or void. Therefore it is not to be
held for a certainty, as the king seems to interpret it, that the
marriage is concluded ; and for that purpose his first motion is that
we would appoint a day for consummation thereof, which we
cannot do till we have fully assented to marry, which hitherto we
never did.
And because it has been found strange that seeing there is a clause
that refers us to consider certain things between the duke and us
before we testify to the king our mind to allow or disallow the
treaty of marriage, that thereby there was no cause why our
ambassador should move anything to the king, of whom no mention
is made in that clause, but only certify him, you may answer, as
truth is, that the matters of doubt that are between the duke and
us, that is, whether as his estate is, he being brother of the king,
and entered into an estate of war, wherein without his brother's
aid by all likelihood he will not prevail, might be thought at this
time a meet husband for our realm, and therefore of necessity we
ought in these causes to resort to the king and treat of this with
him ; for by him and his favour the good or bad fortune of Monsieur
does consist, and without treating with the king, we could not
resolve those doubts that stay us from assenting to marriage.
Lastly, if you could possibly, after you have declared the reasons
why the marriage with the duke, as his state now is, cannot be
acceptable to our realm, induce the king to assent to a league
offensive and defensive, which is the second point moved by him,
as you know has been 'motioned' sundry times already by him
and his mother, if marriage should not succeed, and if also he will
be persuaded to let his brother proceed in this enterprise, and be
content to join with us in some secret sort to aid his brother to go
through with it, which we take to be the third point ; and if also he
will continue his aid for Don Antonio against the King of Spain as
we also have entered into some charge therein, you shall let him
understand that you have commission amply to treat of all these,
and to make such speedy conclusions as the causes shall require.
And so we would either have you send home John Somers with
instructions 'what you shall have need of for a final instruction,'
and he shall speedily return to you with all things requisiteand yet
presently you shall have a general commission for yourself and
our ambassador, joining Somers also with you, to treat hereupon,
and you shall have a memorial of the general points appertaining
to those three causes ; which as soon as we hear from you of the
king's 'contentation' to treat, shall be enlarged.
Draft in Burghley's hand. 12 pp. [France V. 124.]
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July 22.
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278. "Instructions for the treaty of a league offensive and
defensive between us and the French King, and for other
things depending thereon."
[Partly printed by Digges, so jar as 'further aid.']
Item, either prince shall solicit with convenient speed any other
prince of power with who [sic] they [sic] are in amity to join in
this league with them both, so that they shall become friend to our
friends and enemy to our enemies ; in which case we both shall
bind ourselves in like manner to defend them and their countries
either with men or money as opportunity shall serve, if they so
joining with us shall suffer any invasion in respect of it.
Item, we shall covenant that we shall continue in peace and
amity with the realm of Scotland as for these 20 years we have done,
so that the said realm and its subjects keep peace with us and both
of us ; or else, in case either of us have any invasion or hostile action
committed against either of us or our countries, the other shall
accept the invader as an open enemy. And because the realm of
Scotland has had an ancient amity with France, and that with the
straiter bond because of the often dissensions and wars between
the realms of France and England, which now have long ceased,
and intended [sic] never to be renewed, so that there is no need for
Scotland to 'sue' for offences of England and in the favour of
France, it will be well to covenant that Scotland shall be contained
in a mutual amity with us both, and that either of us or both shall
induce the realm of Scotland by the offer of our amity not to enter
into any new league with any prince or potentate without our
mutual liking ; and if Scotland will, contrary to our friendly advice,
enter into any league with a prince that shall be our enemy or with
any whom we shall have just cause to 'doubt' by reason of his
actions to become our enemy, in such cases neither of us shall continue
our amity with Scotland.
Item, it is good to covenant that neither of the princes shall at
any time hereafter give aid to any enemy of any other prince with
whom they are now at peace, thereby to provoke the other third
prince to make war because of the aid given ; but before the aid is
given, the prince meaning to give it shall first advertise the other
confederate, and have his allowance. In this word of aiding shall
not be meant any aid but such as shall make the enemy aided able
to use open hostility against the third prince.
[Definition of invasion, cancelled.]
Item, it may be covenanted that if it shall hereafter seem
necessary for both the princes and their states that some other
prince showing actions that may induce both the confederates to
doubt that without some means to stay him he will annoy either of
them by means of his evident increase of power and of the probable
arguments that he will become a dangerous enemy to both or either
of them, then they shall both covenant that they shall join in some
actions to interrupt or stay such growth to overmightiness, and by
their conjunctions they shall impeach the other prince's fearful
greatness in any sort 'to' them thought needful ; and this shall be
maintained by virtue of this league offensive as though the aforesaid
prince had declared himself to either of them by word or deed.
And if it be said on the French king's part that no such secret
aid can be given, but either it will do no good to stay the King of
Spain's greatness, or else, however it be, it will as well provoke him
to a war as his opportunity shall serve, as if the aid was open ; and
further 'percase' the French king will allege that he has already
given aid for Portugal, by levying men and sending ships, so that
he cannot allow that course ; to this you shall say that we for our
part, and as the state of our affairs are [sic], can only for this present
yield to give reasonable aid secretly or indirectly, but at present to
do what shall cause a war we can not resolve it meet for us.
And so you may persist upon this resolution, adding that perhaps
a further consideration of the matter may hereafter allow us to
alter our mind. You may also say that the matter of Portugal
and the Low Countries both import more to the king than to us, for
as we hear the Queen Mother pretends some title to Portugal, which
perhaps she may join to Don Antonio's, for preferment of some of
the king's blood and hers. For the Low Countries, the acquisition
of them will properly appertain to the king's brother, and the
sovereignty of Flanders to the Crown of France ; so that evidently
the king has another manner of interest in having these two actions
proceed than we have, and therefore reason would that in our joint
aid towards these both there should be a difference in our manner
of proceeding.
If you shall perceive that besides the treaty for a league offensive
and defensive the king shall press to understand what we mean to
do for the aiding of Don Antonio and also for the enterprise of the
Low Countries, now at present, or after the relief of Cambray, you
shall at first allege that as the league will serve both the king and
us to strengthen ourselves against the King of Spain at any time
that he shall offer either of us any wrong, so to enter into a present
conclusion for giving aid openly either for Don Antonio's title to
Portugal or for the maintenance of the war in the Low Countries
must need bring a war upon either both or one of us ; which were
good to be well considered beforehand, and that a war be not
brought upon us by our own occasion, but rather provided for, to be
defended when we are provoked to it. Yet you may say we think
it good for the King of Spain to be impeached both in Portugal and
in his Islands, and also in the Low Countries, whereto we shall be
ready to give such indirect assistance as shall not at once be a cause
of war.
Draft in Burghley's hand and endd. by him, with date. 8 pp.
[France V. 125.]
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July 22.
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279. Copy of the above with some variations. The clause as to
invasion is retained, and reads as follows :
It shall be interpreted that no act shall be accounted an invasion
but where the invader shall burn any towns or houses, with a force
above 500 persons, or where the invader shall make any 'rode' or
incursion by land with a number of men furnished for war
amounting at least to the number of 1,000, and so as the number
invading remains above two whole days in the country of the prince
invaded ; or with ships to the number of six, armed for war, which
shall land any men above the number of 200, so as they abide
above two days on land. But if both the princes shall admit any
lesser act to be hereafter counted an act of hostility, it shall be so
judged and interpreted.
Endd. by Burghley. 7 pp. [Ibid. V. 126.]
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[July 22.]
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280. "A Second Instruction for Sir Francis Walsingham."
Our meaning has appeared in our former instruction, as also by
our speech to yourself, how desirous we are, for divers considerations
which also you know, that considering the marriage with the
duke cannot be acceptable bringing a war with it, you should
therefore do your utmost to make it appear to the king and
the Queen Mother, that notwithstanding we find the marriage
not meet at this time, we are content to enter into a strait
league of confederation with him, and also to aid Monsieur
in his enterprise. Which if you cannot obtain, but shall be
still answered as heretofore that the king will not enter into
any straiter league without the marriage, and also without the
marriage will not help his brother in the Low Countries, although
he may 'percase' for his brother's honour 'yield' to help him to
save the town of Cambray at this instant, then you shall, after some
pausing, and using means to understand whether the answers that
shall be so made shall be peremptory and not by any means to be
altered, then our will and pleasure is [sic] for divers great considerations,
whereof you are not ignorant, as if we shall be left alone
without any aid from the king, subject to the malice of Spain, and
not free from the evil neighbourhood of Scotland, and lastly uncertain
of the good will of the French King or his brother or of both,
you shall find some indirect means to renew some speech of the
matter of the marriage as, if it may, by some importunity that
shall be used to you by some of the duke's friends. And then you
may for entry into a new treaty remind them that it is not lack of
love for Monsieur, nor yet a lack of disposition to marry, that has
induced us to declare our misliking of marriage with him, but the
offence that we fear a marriage with a war shall bring to us in our
realm. Therefore you shall pretend that if Monsieur's marriage
might be free from bringing us into a war, you think we should not
be found to refuse it, having it accompanied with a strait league
with the king, as offered ; and by this kind of entry and 'projection'
we doubt not but you can so use the matter that you may, with our
honour, enter further into the following 'degrees.'
First, if it can be obtained that the duke may be enabled to
prosecute his actions in the Low Countries without any open
appearance that our realm shall give him aid, so that our subjects
will not think themselves, if he shall marry us, to be in consequence
burthened with the charge of the war ; the marriage will then content
both us and our realm.
And though this we know will at first appear strange to the king
or to his Council that we can be content he should continue his
action and yet we will not contribute to his aid, but will seek to
burthen the king and others, and go free ourselves, it may be
answered that our marriage shall not be to spare our purse and
only to charge others, which were not honourable, but because we
would avoid the general offence of our subjects, which cannot be if
the duke should be manifestly aided by us and our realm, because
they will certainly look for a war to follow thereon with the King
of Spain, which they will impute only to the marriage, and so
grudge at it. But considering we think that the marriage taking
place the king will continue his mind to aid Don Antonio, therein
we will be more liberal in contributing ; whereby though the duke's
enterprise shall not be directly relieved by our realm, nor thereby,
as by a marriage, our realm burthened with a war, yet the King of
Spain shall be made less able to withstand the duke's enterprise.
And so it may appear that we do not mean to refuse the aiding of
the duke for sparing, but to avoid the mislike of the marriage by
our subjects ; and yet none will think that Monsieur, being our
husband, shall want what we may yield without offence of our
realm, which you may say is better left to our discretion than to
any other speech.
If this project should be allowed, then all other things thereto
belonging, as the league offensive and defensive, as all other confederations
to make the French king our sure friend, to provide
that Scotland may not be drawn to Spain, to provide that our rebels
may not be succoured in France, and such like, as may be better
remembered hereafter, you shall then request the king that this last
motion may not be too public for a few days, until you have advertised
us ; for you may truly say that generally all our councillors,
yea, all our noblemen and all others that have had any 'concept'
of this marriage, have of late taken it either for fully broken, or very
doubtful, and therefore it shall be necessary that before any public
report 'by' your dealing there shall bring it hither, we consider
how our Council and Noblemen may be acquainted therewith to
breed a liking thereof, as reason is it should ; for you may assure
them that all the Spanish fautors in England and elsewhere will
repine at it, and hinder by all practices the allowance thereof.
Draft in Burghley's hand. 5 pp. [Ibid. V. 127.]
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[July 22.]
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281. "Certain later degrees of proceeding, if the former
cannot take place."
You shall use some means to be provoked to have a new conference,
which we doubt not but by the particular friends of the duke
you may have. Thereupon you shall say and for proof you shall
have a writing signed by us, to show that we will be content to
promise to marry, and that without unnecessary delay, according
to the treaty already made, so as the king and his brother will devise
how we shall not be brought into a war therewith, although Monsieur
shall continue his actions in the Low Countries. And in offering
this you may maintain that thereby we fully perform the treaty for
the marriage ; for therein it is covenanted that our realm shall not
be brought into war thereby. But that covenant cannot stand firm,
as Monsieur is now entered into the action, except he may be maintained
therein without drawing us and our realm into such an aid
of him as our subjects shall interpret to be a just cause of war with
the King of Spain.
If it be said that to avoid this scruple Monsieur shall relinquish his
actions in the Low Countries, you are sufficienty informed how that
were a matter more hurtful to both France and England than the
marriage can be profitable. Of this our offer next before mentioned
you shall secretly make Monsieur acquainted with it before he has
knowledge of it from the king, and you shall observe that order for
the rest of the 'degrees' following, for we mean not you should
deal any wise with the king, but that Monsieur should be made
privy thereof by you, before he hears it from the king or any
other.
And if this offer of marriage cannot be accepted without war, upon
your earnest reasons to make it seem probable, but that with the
marriage some aid will be looked for from us, or else Monsieur shall
not be able to prosecute the cause, you shall say that it may be reasonably
conjectured by them that though we will not give him any aid
openly, to offend our people, as thereby to bring our realm into a
war, or at least to move our subjects to a general grudge against
us, and the duke's self, being our husband, and against all our
Ministers, we may so temper our actions that he may in secret sort
be relieved of us, and that without open 'note' to breed either a
war or great offence to our subjects. Upon this you shall persist,
and declare to them that you can proceed no further.
Draft in Burghley's hand. 2 pp. (and 1 cancelled). [Ibid. V.
128.]
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July 22.
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282. "Articles to be considered upon by degrees."
Marriage with war.First to declare that her Majesty cannot
like a marriage with a war, as by marriage with Monsieur now she
will have, in respect of her subjects' discontentment.
Without marriage, to aid Monsieur secretly and openly.Secondly,
she thinks it nevertheless good that Monsieur's actions in the Low
Countries should proceed ; and to that end, the marriage not taking
place, she will jointly with the king aid him under hand. If that
cannot be allowed, then, seeing it will tend to abate the King of
Spain's greatness, she will contribute with the king for her part
reasonably in open sort, both to Monsieur, and to aid Don Antonio.
Marriage to be with condition to avoid war 'of' England.If
this cannot be accepted, the ambassador shall show under the
Queen's hand an assurance that before the 1st of October she will
solemnise the marriage with Monsieur, if it may be devised how
without bringing her realm into an open war with the marriage
the King of Spain's greatness may be withstood in the Low
Countries and in Portugal.
Marriage with secret aid.If this cannot be obtained, then may
be offered that the Queen with the marriage shall secretly aid
Monsieur so as to avoid open cause of war, that he may be with her
aid sufficiently supported by the States and the king to execute the
enterprises.
Another way of proceeding.
That the Queen will marry and appoint the time of the contract,
so that she may avoid the entry into war jointly with the marriage.
If this shall not be allowed, then she is to marry and make
a league with the French king to annoy the King of Spain ; and to
induce her subjects to find it necessary to join with the French
king against the King of Spain and the rather to allow of the
marriage with Monsieur because the conjunction with France may
be more sure to continue against the King of Spain's greatness.
Rough draft in Burghley's hand, and endd. by him : Instructions
and other writings upon Mr Walsingham's departure to France.
2 pp. and some fragments on 3rd p. [Ibid. V. 129.]
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July 24.
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283. List of documents 'in the box' and 'out of the box.'
Endd. : A note of . . . of writings touching the French
causes, to be delivered to the L. Thr e.
Date in Burghley's hand. p. [Ibid. V. 130.]
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July 26
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284. WALSINGHAM to BURGHLEY.
I received the enclosed at my landing at Gravesend by this
bearer, an Italian captain, sent from Count Vimioso to Don
Antonio. Since the contents of it minister no matter of discourse.
I forbear to trouble you further. Only I am to beseech you to
move her Majesty to have gracious consideration of Sir Henry
Cobham touching his suit that has long depended. The gentleman
for the maintenance of himself in this service has sold a good
portion of land. His fidelity and 'painfulness' have not been
inferior to his charges. If it pleased her Majesty to expend her
goodness towards him, I should esteem part of the favour bestowed
on myself ; and so being ready to take post horse, I take my leave.
Gravesend, 26 July 1581.
Holograph. Add. Endd. 1 p. [France V. 131.]
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July 27.
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285. J. GABRI to MARCHAUMONT.
In this letter I wish only to tell you that I have written to you
once since my departure, giving you to understand the news of the
place and also the desire that many have to see the Duke of Alenon
in these Low Countries. Further I would tell you that the bearer
of this, a smart young man, plays divinely on the lute, and is
accompanied by another fellow who plays all instruments. Don
Antonio had them found, and perhaps they will enter his service.
If you like to hear the lute, you have only to command him and tell
him that I told you about him.
Yesterday my father heard from Venice that the Venetians have
some dispute with the Pope over the distribution of Church property
and benefices, which the Pope wants to have, and they do not want
to allow. He is further told that the Grand Signior has sent ambassadors
to the Venetians, the Emperor, the King of Poland, and
the French, to stand godfathers to a little son of his ; which we
cannot understand, on account of the difference of the law, namely,
circumcision. Also he invites them to the wedding of one of his
daughters.
Touching Antwerp, all goes well. On the 24th the rest of the
images and altars in several churches were taken away. It is said
that they are beginning to get lodgings ready for his Highness, I
mean the Duke of Alenon.Antwerp, 'in your house,' 27 July
1581.
P.S.On the 22nd I had a letter from Monseigneur de Fleury,
written at 'Moleen' [qy. Montlear] on May 26. I hear they are
all very well.
Add. Fr. 2 pp. [Holl. and Fl. XIV. 21.]
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July 27.
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286. GILPIN to WALSINGHAM.
Of my arrival and proceeding at the Emperor's and Duke of
Saxony's Courts and the delivery of the Queen's letters, I doubt not
you have ere this, by order from Mr Governor or his deputy, and
the company, to whom I wrote from Prague, understood. So I need
only advertise that I have since received answers from both princes
for her Majesty, with which I intend to depart hence for Antwerp
and there deliver them to Mr Governor, who I know with all convenient
speed will send them over. Meanwhile I thought it my
duty to write thus much, adding such news as I could hear in those
parts.
The Emperor is still so ill at ease that he keeps his chamber, and
has not stirred abroad nor given audience to any these ten months.
His disease is diversly reported of, and has been 'extremely handled'
not without danger of life. It neither is, nor, as some think, can
be clearly cured, so that the grief of mind and remembrance is so
great as has driven such a melancholy into his Majesty that no
pleasure, company, or exercise delights him, but he leads a solitary
and pensive life. This as I credibly heard is the course of it : he
rises commonly by 7 o'clock, at which time the physicians visit
him ; and after he is ready and has somewhat exercised himself by
walking in his chamber, and Mass has been said at another place,
which he beholds afar off through a wicket, he dines at 10. After
this he is used to subscribe letters, reads a book, or hears those of
his Chamber or Council report what passes in affairs of state, with
which he troubles himself little. He sups at 4 and afterwards
commonly paints or works in iron, wherein he has most delight ;
and so spending the day in this sort, goes to bed at 8, after conference
with the physicians and their opinion heard.
The Pope's legate who came to supply the place of the former,
whose time being expired was [sic] called home, was some months
before he could get access or audience, which he had at last on
June 23 ; but as the speech went, saw not the Emperor, though he
heard him. The Spanish, Venetian, and Savoy ambassadors were
after long suit heard in like sort, the Emperor requesting them to
be as short as they could. The Archduke Ernest arrived in post
with 10 horses from Vienna, and supplies his brother's place, both
in council and otherwise, as also about the furthering of the
Empress's departure towards Spain. She was in a manner ready,
and the day of her setting out appointed, the 16th inst. She takes
her way by Vienna, whither the Archduke Ernest conducts her, and
thence the Archduke Maximilian will bring her to Genoa, where
shipping is ready for her to embark about the middle or end of
August. The Queen of France also departs with her mother to
Vienna, and there will go into a nunnery and lead a monastical life,
yet not altogether take that profession on her. The Duchess of
Bavaria with the young 'lady Marques' of Baden came the 21st
ult. to Prague to take their 'leaves' of the Empress and stay till
her departure. She takes her jewels with her, and leaves her plate
to the Archduke Ernest, and to the Emperor 200,000 dollars in
debt, which he must 'answer' in her absence, and also 60,000
dollars towards the charge for her journey, though he be very
slenderly provided for the same. The Empress also had sent
certain letters to the Electors, advertising her departure and
requesting them to move their subjects for some 'prest' or
present of money towards her clearing out of the country ; but her
suit 'took no place'only sent [sic] among them 20,000 gulden of
their own, which she received after a sort, and bestowed it among
her Spanish courtiers, or household, towards their preparation for
the journey.
The Emperor's Court is very small, and no noble or gentleman
of any great name or note save ordinary courtiers and officers.
Great want generally amongst them of money, many debts and
divers suitors for payment, credit very small, charge great and least
provision. Not one nobleman of Hungary, a few or none of Austria
or Bohemia, many Spaniards, certain Italians, and almost all the
Court hispaniolated ; such force have the King of Spain's pensions,
whereof most of those belonging to the house of Austria are provided.
The garrisons and frontiers are greatly discontented and ready to
mutiny for want of pay ; which moved the Archduke Ernest to come
to Court in such haste.
Most or many of the noblemen in Hungary are at the King of
'Powlle's' Court and follow him ; so there is some fear that he
agreeing with the Muscovite will attempt some enterprise. Otherwise
it is thought that Hungary of itself will fall to the Pole, so that
Silesia is not without fear.
The Empress being departed, it is hoped some other order will be
taken by the Emperor to move the good will of his subjects ; to which
end, as the report goes, he will go into Austria and Hungary in
person, and against his return call a general meeting in Germany,
whereat matters of religion will be debated and ordered, as also
concerning the troubles of the Low Countries, which begin to be
so felt in Germany, as well by the chief as by the common sort
(the 'doing' falling so cold that all cry out against the Spanish
government and such as hold with them), that divers stick not to
say openly that if the Emperor were dead, the House of Austria
should in that respect rule no further.
The Archduke Charles who was with the Duke of Saxony for
seven or eight days made his way home by Prague, and there took
leave of the Empress and suddenly departed. The Archduke
Ferdinand was on the way to do the like, but certain 'byles'
breaking out upon him, returned to the hot baths whence he
lately came, and sent the Earl of Symmern to make his excuse ;
which some thought to be feigned, and that the doubt which he
conceived lest money should be required and lent by him stayed his
coming.
The Emperor took occasion some months ago to write to the
King of France touching Monsieur's coming into the Low
Countries, which he utterly disliked and desired it might be
hindered. To this the king answered in April or May last that his
brother's dealings were against his will, and to him unknown ;
and 'might be assured would do' all endeavour to stay anything
might be attempted, or tend, against the King of Spain, and thereof
instantly desired the Emperor to assure himself.
The Duke of Saxony and the Marquis of Brandenburg are
'sporting' themselves in progress in the duke's country, and have
agreed marriage between his grace's only son and one of the
marquis's daughters. Sunday after Bartlemewtide or thereabouts
shall be 'made sure,' and Martinmas after, celebrate the marriage.
In Brunswick 1,200 reiters have been levied. It is not certainly
known for whom, only taken to be for the States, because their
leader has often served the Prince. Of other levies in the parts I
passed, nothing is said, nor did I hear any other news. So far this
time I may cease troubling you further, only to add that I heard in
Prague of an English Jesuit called Father George Warrouse [sic] who
'keeps' there, and is greatly accounted of for his learning. I could
not come to see or speak with him, but understood he had received
letters from England, both from the Jesuit prisoners and others,
advertising their estate and usage ; whereupon he spread a rumour
how cruelly they were handled by commission from her Majesty.
Howbeit, divers of their brethren, to the number of 30 or thereabouts,
lay close among friends, and hoped ere long there would be more
liberty and a better day for them, finding many thousands of their
religion that longed to be doing. I tried to learn who were the
writers, or favourers of their practices, but could not know them ;
my abode being so short. I therefore dealt in such sort with a
doctor who is the Earl of East Friesland's agent at Prague, and
has good means to understand such like matters by reason of his
acquaintance there with the Spanish ambassador's secretary and
divers others, that I doubt not he can and will do some good
service, and advertise you what he hears and what passes in those
parts. To that end I left a note with him for safest direction of his
letters, and will not fail as any come to send them to you. One of
the Emperor's secretaries one day amongst other conferences with
me enquired after the Jesuit prisoners, and how they were used,
whether they had been tormented or not. I answered, the clemency
towards such practisers and instruments to disturb commonwealths
was but too great, for they were thereby the more emboldened to
labour for the attainment of their wicked desires. I perceive they
doubt lest by torture or like means some of their secret attempts
and practises might be discovered, which I pray Almighty God
confound and overthrow to the establishment of His Church and
Gospel, which you may hereby perceive their enemies will not cease
to impeach.Embden, 27 July 1581.
Add. Endd. 3 pp. [Germany II. 22.]
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