December 1581, 26-31


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'Elizabeth: December 1581, 26-31', Calendar of State Papers Foreign, Elizabeth, Volume 15: 1581-1582 (1907), pp. 418-437. URL: http://www.british-history.ac.uk/report.aspx?compid=73534 Date accessed: 25 April 2014. Add to my bookshelf


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December 1581, 26-31

Dec. 27. 449. [WALSINGHAM] to COBHAM.
Pinart, at his late audience, upon the arrival of his courier, told her Majesty, amongst other things, that the king was minded to send M. Lansac hither ; and that this determination of his grew upon some motion from you. She said she could not believe that, both because you had no commission to make any such overture, as also that she saw no necessary cause of his repair hither. She has therefore willed me to signify to you that if the same determination continue you should seek by some good means to 'impeach' it, as of yourself, without direction from her. Endd. : Part of letter to Sir H. Cobham, 27 Dec. 1581. 12ll. [France VI. 85.]
I am very sorry that my affairs should have given annoyance to the queen, since I desire nothing but to satisfy her in regard to them ; but it seems that my troubles are not yet at an end. It is many days since I heard that Henry Knollys was not getting on well in the charge I gave him, and was not obeying me. I should like to complain to her Majesty ; I abstained from doing so because he was so nearly related to the Earl of Leicester, to who I am under so great obligations ; but I wrote to him about it, and his reprehensions have not sufficed to amend it. Before when I sent for him to come to me, to send him on an enterprise for his own honour and profit, he would not do it, and as I am informed with a little silliness [? cum pouco tonto] said certain superfluous things which I did not expect in him, so that all which her Majesty may do in the matter would seem to me very prudent. But all the same I may remind you that because he did not keep the instructions I gave him, I do not deserve to be punished, and that in like manner the ships are not to blame for what the captain does. Wherefore I shall take it as a great favour from her Majesty to order my ships to come and fetch me, and chastise those who are to blame for the insults done me. I remind you likewise that I ordered the ship which some Portuguese took [?] to come to me that I might avail myself of it as my subjects' property, since in such times it is right they should help me, intending nevertheless to pay for it ; and that I have some subjects to whom this good work is not due. I am sending Diogo Botelho to her Majesty ; he will tell you what he is going for, and I am confident that upon occasion you will do me the kindness which you have so many times offered, and which I hope to deserve. And since you will give him full credit, I stop here.—Tours, 28 Dec. (Signed) Rey. Holograph. Add. Endd. Port. 2½ pp. [Portugal I. 69.]
Dec. 29. 451. STOKES to WALSINGHAM.
On the 27th your servant Walter Williams came to this town, from whom I received yours of the 14th, with one to the Four Members of Flanders. I well understood the contents of your letter at large, and incontinently I delivered yours to those of the Four Members that are still here in this town, namely, Bruges, the 'Free,' and Ypres ; for now they are removing to Ghent, so that there are none here now for Ghent, and those that are here seem to be very sorry that the interest of the £33,337 and odd money due to Palavicino and Spinola in June last has been so long after the day unpaid. They humbly desire her Majesty not to take it in evil part, so that Bruges and the 'Free,' for their part of the first half-year's interest, have given me their bills for the same payable in Antwerp at 4 or 5 days after sight, each bill containing £193 8s. 0½d. flemish, so that the two together amount to £386 16s. 1d. flemish ; which bills I have sent to George Gilpin and Renold Copcott at Antwerp, who shall have good payment of them at the day. For Ypres they have made answer that their part for this first payment shall be speedily paid to Renold Copcott at Antwerp, for they say their money lies ready there or at Ghent. For Ghent, since none of them is here, the magistrates of this town wrote them speedily, and sent your letter to them that they might make speedy payment of their part in Antwerp as aforesaid ; which they doubt not will be speedily done, for the money has been long in readiness. So in this order the Four Members of Flanders have appointed their payments for the first half year's interest due in June last. For the payment of the interest for the other half year, due on the last of this present month, I have used such speeches to them as you wrote me ; and they answered, forasmuch as this debt touches the whole General States now assembled at Antwerp, they cannot of themselves do anything in the matter. But whatever order the States shall take for the payment of the same, they will see such part as they shall be appointed to pay, paid with as much speed as may be. This is the answer they made me, and I have written it to George Gilpin by your servant Walter Williams, who went yesterday morning towards Antwerp. They humbly desire you to stand their good friend towards her Majesty, for surely at present their State stands in great danger to be overthrown, for their enemies the Malcontents grow stronger, while the French and their other soldiers for want of a good commander spoil all where they lie, and obey no man ; so that there is a most lamentable state for want of good government. —Bruges, 29 Dec. 1581. Add. Endd. 1½ pp. [Holl. and Fl. XIV. 137.]
Dec. 30. 452. FREMYN to WALSINGHAM.
I wrote to you last on the 23rd, since which nothing has occurred, the enemy having undertaken nothing. Today M. de la Rochepot departed, going to join his troops, with M. de Villiers as his Maréchal de Camp. They have some enterprise in hand. It continues to be reported that the Prince of Parma is retiring to Italy, to be viceroy of Naples. He is now at Namur with all his Council. Archduke Matthias comes in his place. The Duke of Aerschot is dead. His Excellency starts tomorrow morning for Zealand, to receive his Highness, this being for divers reasons the best for their personal safety. The Gantois are offended with his Excellency for not returning ; which has made them murmur, an easy thing for folks of their humour. They seem to me not to desire his Highness's reception at present ; besides there are so many factious people that it is a pity to see affairs so managed. A good head is much required, as you may see by his Excellency's Remonstrance, who has all possible trouble to manage these fickle and inconstant people. The Prince of Epinoy with his wife came to this town yesterday, glad to have got out of Ghent. God grant that his Highness's coming may bear some good fruit to affairs here ; there is nothing else for the present distress. The Antwerp people are saying and murmuring that his Excellency was withdrawing to Holland under the pretext of his Highness's coming. That is how men of honour are subject to tempests and storms from the people, who are naturally insolent and cowardly.— Antwerp, Dec. 30, 1581. Add. in English (as are all Fremyn's letters at this time in his own hand). Endd. Fr. 1 p. [Ibid. XIV. 138.]
Dec. ? 453. Some notes in Burghley's hand : rates of pay for officers and men in the Low Countries. "Mr Norris as general or master of the captains of all men of war beyond the Meuse, per mensem, 1,500 guilders, and as colonel of the Englishmen he has 1,200 guilders, out of which he pays the serjeant-major, lieutenant-colonel, provost marshal, and drum-major." Some officers' names, including "Verdugo, a captain Spaniard." Parts of 3 pp. [Ibid. XIV. 139.]
Dec. 30. 454. COBHAM to [WALSINGHAM].
Since I last wrote, the king has returned to this town, having been much 'cheered' by the Duke of Aumale. After the christening of the duke's child he presented to the duchess his gossip, 'in open show,' a jewel worth 2,000 crowns ; besides giving her, as I hear say, a jewel worth 4,000 crowns in a more secret sort. Since coming to this town he has begun his Christmas solemnly, according to the manner of their Church, and kept his chamber one day, because he felt some pain in his eyes. Notwithstanding, on St. Stephen's night he went in a coach privately with the Duke of Joyeuse, waited on only by four or five lackeys, and came to visit the Duke of Epernon, my next neighbour, with whom he remained above an hour in cheerful conversation. Marshal Biron is come to this city accompanied by divers gentlemen, met and brought to the town by sundry principal personages, and courted as one who has been a chief conqueror against those of the Religion. It has been told me that the Dukes of Guise and Nevers, and M. 'Chapelle Urzin' with other chief Catholics had a secret meeting and conference on Christmas Day in the afternoon, where new considerations were propounded, to be remembered and added to their Catholic League. The Duke of Florence has written to la Chapelle-des-Ursins a very amiable letter, 'requiring he may enjoy' his accustomed goodwill and friendliness towards his Excellency ; desiring further that M. de la Chapelle would by all means endeavour to procure their Majesties' good liking in such sort that the Marquis of Ponts, eldest son to the Duchess of Lorraine, might marry his daughter. On this M. de la Chapelle has moved their Majesties, using sundry persuasions, and alleging that besides that they shall bind the Duke of Florence perpetually by that alliance, they may also by this means break off the marriage sought to be compassed by the Duke of Savoy, who seeks to have one of the Duke of Florence's daughters to wife ; so that he will thereby become the more willing to marry the Princess of Lorraine, a match which the Queen Mother desires, if Monsieur her son should not like that princess. Notwithstanding these persuasions, the Queen Mother favours the Duke of Florence's desires but slowly. Whereas in my former letters I told you what was delivered to me concerning the practice for the surprise of Saint-Jean-d'Angely, it is held to be of 'traught' [qy. truth]. The 'said' prince called before him all the Papists that were in the town, and manifested to them the evil intention there was towards him ; requesting that they would depart out of the town and remain absent for a few days until he had given some better order for the defence and safety of those of the Religion that were with him. M. Strozzi has written to the Queen Mother from Poitou and Languedoc, he having now gone to Bordeaux, that he perceived by sundry 'shows' which he declared particularly to her that those of the Ligues would give occasion and constrain those of the Religion to take arms for their defence. I hear the king is discontented that the Duke of Mayenne has excused himself from coming this New Year's-tide to the feast of Saint-Esprit ; and has resolved to have the Dukes of Joyeuse and Epernon now named in the election, that they may be created knights of that Order next year. I solicited M. Brulart, on the king's going to Anet, to know whether his Majesty would make any answer to the last letter I delivered him from the Queen. He deferred it to his return, and now having again requested M. Brulart to put him in mind of it, he says that certain matters have been sent to M. Pinart to be treated on, so that when the king knows how those matters pass in England, he will write to the Queen. The young Count of Brissac has now returned to this town ; and as I hear, Count Vimioso has separated from Don Antonio. By letters from Strasburg it is understood that the governors of the town have taken the public 'Lector' from Dr. Sturmius. Those of Geneva have sought to be 'encantonned' with the Swiss, of which there is now some hope. The other day, by order of the Privy Council, there came a secretary to me with a supplication that had been exhibited to the king by a French merchant, complaining that he had been robbed by Captain Clarke, an English pirate. The secretary requested me in the king's name that her Majesty might be advertised of it, in order that the merchant might receive restitution of his goods, which were sold, as he 'pretended,' in the West of England. I enclose a copy of his complaint ; wishing you a prosperous and happy year.—Paris, 30 Dec. 1581. Endd. Marginal notes by Walsingham. 4 pp. [France VI. 85.]
Dec. 30. 455. COBHAM to WALSINGHAM.—Advertisements.
A gentleman of the Court came to visit me the other day, by whose language it appears that 'Hipolito' [the king] would give the world to understand that though 'Splendor' [Monsieur] passes the marriage without passion, he means not to suffer such a reproach. Notwithstanding, I hope this humour will pass over. 'Hipolito' shows himself kind to his two minions in their loves, as Madame de Sauve knows and finds by present experience. The king's sickness appears in his face. 'Hipolito,' speaking of the Duke de Mayne, said he was a person that might easily be persuaded to change his purpose ; adding how he had such about the King of Navarre, who upon occasion would not fail him. The Pope's nuncio had audience, and another Monseigneur whom the Pope has sent to the king. They had long audience of their Majesties. It seems since that they are well edified with the message. I hear it concerns the affairs of the Grand Master of Malta, and the causes of that Order. The Spanish Ambassador causes it to be 'vented' that his master will marry one of his daughters to Monsieur, and that the Queen would consent to it. The Duke of Mayenne would come to this feast, but he requests his Majesty to assure him that he may [be ?] of his Council des affaires d'ètât. The king said that 'capitulating' with him is to give him the law, wherewith he has been somewhat displeased, as he uttered : Voilà comment 'il m'aymount,' et puis ils 'disont' qu'il 'm'aymount.' Advertisement is now come that the King of Spain has taken from the Duchess of Lorraine a town called 'Tortone,' for which she is to have in recompense 116,000 crowns ; wherewith there runs today a rumour of war with Spain. But it is only a noise or brag, which is often heard at times in this world with us. The king has been long in Council this morning, and they say to give order for 'provision of wars' ; but a more peaceable advice will take place, so much he mislikes the wars. They say that 'Oriens' [the Queen] has proposed to 'Splendor' to have Calais. There has been some little 'gearre' [qy. jar] among the great ladies in this Court about the placing of the new-married Princess of Conti, and especially between her and the Duchess of Nevers. It is given out that 'Splendor' has appointed the Prince of Condé to be his lieutenant. I enclose the names of those who are said to be 'in election' to be knights of St. Esprit. Add. Endd. with date. English words in italic are cipher, deciphered by Walsingham. 2 pp. [France VI. 86.]
Please pay, on and out of the sum of £60,000 which I am to receive at your hands, to Mr. Horatio Pallavicini, gentleman, of Genoa ['Genevoy'], the sum of £10,000 sterling ; which I promise to deduct and abate from the £60,000.—London, this last of Dec. 1581. (Signed) François. Endd. by Burghley, with notes of payment to Pallavicini. Fr. ¼ p. [Ibid. VI. 87.]
Don Antonio being in possession of the Isles of Terceira happened to take a ship and goods of certain of the King of Spain's subjects, coming from San Domingo and brought them [into the] said Isles, and from thence the same . . . . . . by way of merchandise into England. The question is whether the Queen [ought] by the way of justice to cause restitution to be made of the said goods to the King of Spain's subjects. First in this case it is to be considered whether there be lawful wars between the King of Spain and Don Antonio. For if their wars be lawful, there is vo doubt that those goods being once brought to Terceira, and so intra praesidium hostium, are good [? prize] into what place soever they are afterwards [taken]. Now whether these wars be lawful or not, it seems not to be convenient should enter into the determination thereof, but to [? leave] it to be determined between themselves ; for although the title of Don Antonio be doubtful, yet forasmuch as he was first in possession of the kingdom of Portugal, before the King of Spain and came quietly in vacuam possessionem, neither did any fealty at any time to the King of Spain, but was expelled by the King of Spain out of his possessions, which was naturalis, by force, and retained civilem possessionem animo, it may probably be said that he may lawfully make war for the recovery of his possession, though his title were but coloratus ; namely, whereas there is no superior of whom he may have redress by the way of justice ; for this case is taken to be within the rule of nature, vim vi repellere. And if the King of Spain should happen to take any of the goods of Don Antonio, and bring them first into Spain and afterwards into England, it may be supposed that he would take it reasonable that her Majesty should leave the matter to be tried between themselves. And so the French and other princes likewise have used to do in questions that have arisen in controversies between other. Endd. by Walsingham: Reasons set down in the cause in controversy between the King of Spain and Don Antonio. (See Span. Cal. No. 172.) 1¼ pp. [Portugal I. 70.]
1581. Feb. 12. 458. JOHN JOHNSON to BURGHLEY.
'Aleretho,' the 12th of February, 1580.—According to my bounden duty I am to certify you of all such things as are suspicious or contrary to her Majesty's laws, if it be in my knowledge. So it is that there is one Robert Sawman, that dwells at 'Harseydown' near Southwark, who has 'fratched' a small bark to a town in Biscay called 'Alleretho' (Laredo), in which place I have remained about my affairs for the space of this month ; and being there, the said Robert Sawman arrived in the town as merchant and pilot of the bark, 'with whom' he brought as passengers from England a Spaniard and an Irishwoman. The woman professes to be a Spaniard born, and how she went over with the Spanish ambassador to England, with whom she has hitherto remained ; and now she is come over again to Spain to see her husband who dwells at a place called 'Colendres' (Colindes) three miles from 'Alleretho.' Which is nothing so ; she has no husband here, and whether she has remained in the Spanish ambassador's house so long as she reports, I know not. But 'if it please your honour, my Lord,' there is great murmurs here and secret talk among the common mariners and masters of ships that she has brought over certain money and packets of letters. Which indeed is to be suspected, and it is to be thought that she is a fit instrument for such a purpose, inasmuch as she can speak as good Spanish as if she had been born in Spain, good Irish and English ; and it makes the matter more suspicious, that so soon as the Spaniard that came with her came ashore at 'Allereth,' he was conveyed away out of town with a small packet very closely packed. He did not stay, and whither he went, or what he was, I cannot learn. But the woman stays here still, and at her first coming she stayed with this Sawman all one afternoon in a Spaniard's house where all Englishmen usually lodge. In this time there resorted great company of Irishmen to her, whom she had great talk with here in secret ; and that night she went from our lodging, and has ever since remained in an Irishman's house here. The next day, being the 13th of the same month, I chanced to accompany Sawman from 'Alleretho' to 'Colendres,' at which place I laded oranges. By the way I 'reasoned' with Sawman concerning the woman, who answered me, he did not care what she brought over, or what she was, 'for' says he 'the Spanish ambassador gave me his word to save me harmless whatever should befall' ; and that the ambassador requested him she might have passage. Therefore he was assured that the ambassador would save him harmless. So if you are not acquainted of her coming over with the Spaniards, you have to use your accustomed wisdom herein, for she is coming over again to England with Sawman about six weeks hence ; but whether the Spaniard comes with her I know not, but if you please I will learn what I can, and give you to understand thereof at large at my coming over, which, God willing, will be the next fair wind. Further I have to tell you that since the woman's coming over here, there has been great murmuring and talk among the common sort of Spaniards of certain Spaniards that were executed and put to death in Spain [sic : qy. Ireland] and of divers said to be imprisoned in London ; whereas before there was news that all Englishmen in Ireland were put to death by the Spaniards. But this sudden alteration has caused the 'most sort' of the Spaniards to use extraordinary words and speeches that I judge to be untrue. But this I can certify you with truth, that since her coming over there has been taken up for the king's use all the wheat that has been brought to Biscay by English, Bretons, or other nations. Also all the wheat that was brought down from Castile by the Spaniards was taken for the king ; but for what purpose I cannot tell you, but the common sort of people give out that it is for provision for Ireland, but I think it not to be so. I cannot certify you anything therein. But the abuse of western men is much, in the bringing over abundance of wheat, tallow-candles, and leather, without any licence, or paying her Majesty any custom ; as also other 'lowabell' [qy. allowable] goods, which are carried over without any customs paid, as if you will give me a hearing at my coming over to England, I will give you to understand more at large. Add. Endd. : One Sawman and an Irish woman 'comen' thither, doubted to be spies here, and carriers of letters thither. Also a note. To speak with the officer of the customs. 2 pp. [Spain I. 64 bis.]
1581. Probably about end of April. 459. W. WAAD to [WALSINGHAM].
Referring to the bearer hereof for the particular report of our journey, and the course of the proceedings now in hand, I thought good to set down somewhat at large what at sundry conferences with the count and 'Il Sr Roderogo' I have understood from them, whereby you may have further sight into their meanings and intents. At the first time 'Il Sr Roderygo' presented me to his Excellency, he told me that he had two special cares : the one to convey himself out of the realm of Portugal, the other to get thence such sums of money as were gathered to furnish the charges of the enterprise, which both in his own person and other merchants [sic] had already 'sorted' good issue, and others daily lay in wait to take the like occasion ; whereby, according to the advice I received from you, I took occasion to praise that their determination, wishing all the rich merchants to retire out of the realm, which they say all the nobility affected to the king intend, for the safeguard of their persons, and better setting forward of their enterprise. "We have" quod he "two things to recover, the realm and our honour ; for if we had lost the one with the safeguard of the other, the case were tolerable. But the loss of honour is so deep a note of infamy as nothing can efface but the virtue of our own hands, which must recover both. Therefore I will that we with our own hands recover our lost country. Howbeit, to say something in our excuse, it was the pleasure of the Cardinal that would have it so, and the fault of others was obedience to their Prince." Here I took occasion to say that they might use a proverb which in England in all time was ever approved, that Cardinal never did good to the realm ; but the pleasure of the last that he spake of was coined by the stamp of him that is the head of that college, to whom indeed they might attribute the very cause of all that has happened ; and still laboured [sic] all Christendom against them, having espoused the cause of the Spaniard, to whom long since he had betrothed all his power, both temporal and spiritual, as by the open forces and certain 'inbrelios' was plainly shown. He told me 'he came not hither rather than into England, but lying first in his way,' and had not to negotiate here, for already he had full promise of the king and queen, which he meant to put in execution. And if the Queen would show like forwardness, he doubted not but his master's affairs would proceed well. "The king" quoth he "says he will do anything if the Queen of England will. Her Majesty affirms the like, the French King declaring himself ; so that both will, and neither, do anything." I told him it lay only in the French to remove all those doubts, and to 'resolve' divers other princes and states that desire or 'attend' the same ; though none have so great occasion at this time as her Majesty to proceed circumspectly in these times, and thereon depended the ground of their safety ; for by the difference in religion quarrel is picked against her, and already she has been constrained within her own dominions to 'expulse' the enemy. Whether France has performed what they undertook, his Excellency, who has heard the promises and seen the effects, can judge. What they might have done is easy to be known ; which example would have been 'as acceptable as of encouragement' to all Christendom, who not only blame their doubtful proceedings and full of suspicion, but attribute all the greatness of the King of Spain rather to the weakness of the French negligence than to the might of the Spanish force. "But" quod I "the person of your Excellency, who understands both these doings and how to negotiate, may so govern this matter that all lots may be removed and to the benefit of all Christendom, your state succoured, your king restored, and your honour recovered. How much her Majesty desires it, I leave to the information of the ambassador, Il S Roderigo. And I can assure you that her Principal Secretary, by whose command I offer my service in this cause, embraces it with earnest affection, which I am able to affirm ; and you may make full account that the credit which his wisdom and integrity has in her Majesty's favour will be employed to the furtherance of this service." "I have" quod he "all such power as the king may give, only reserving his Crown ; and more than he has, for I have the consent of the people to ratify all that I shall do for the benefit of the realm. Therefore I am to offer her Majesty those conditions or privileges which shall be greatly to her liking. 'Mary,' her Majesty will consider that a simple merchant that ventures his whole stock to increase the same, makes hazard, having fear of all the elements, to perish in the sea, to strike on rocks, to stick in sands. And her Majesty will not stick to make some small venture where she may reap perpetual and inestimable benefit to herself, her realm, and subjects." Then speaking of the forwardness he found in this nation, and great offer of such as he little looked for, that already he had 80 ships at his command in readiness, I said in general terms that it imported much to consider the quality of the persons he dealt with. To this he answered straight, "That" quod he "you may mean in respect of Lansac, 'whom I content myself shall deceive me' for I will answer for him. I know his 'bring up' in the Spanish Court, the presents he has had of the king, and the conceit her Majesty has of him for certain English ships he took. But she is perhaps more beholden to him than she weens, for at the solicitation of the King of Spain he provided certain vessels to be employed against the Turk, as he was borne in hand ; which being ready the King of Spain would under his conduct have used against her Majesty, as like to Infidels, which he refused. And he had already six ships bound to the Indies, which voyage he has stayed, only to accompany me." He told what offers the King of Spain made himself, of whose liberality he acknowledged his liberty, 'redeeming him' out of captivity ; which goodness he would acknowledge with all 'particular' service, and his life. But always his honour and conscience excepted which bound him to the service of his king Don Antonio. He told me further that there was grudge always between Don Antonio and him, so that nothing but mere equity brought him into this action. 'At other times repairing to him,' he seemed to have great hope in her Majesty. But since he has dealt with the king and Queen Mother, is quite discouraged, and utterly despairs of having any help from her Majesty. The Queen Mother imputes all the fault of the loss of Portugal to her Majesty, accusing in hard words her hardness, which she said to be so strange and extreme that with the spending of 60,000 crowns she would not assure her own State, and do singular benefit to all the rest of Christendom ; that she had besought her to enter into this league, but she hearkens rather to the Spaniard ; that the French king offers to enter into the league with two parts of the charge, and demands of her but one part ; how she has already disbursed in this cause 32,000 crowns, with sale of her own lands. Besides they bear the Court in hand that the King of Navarre of set purpose broke the last peace by procurement of the King of Spain, of whom he received money to that effect ; that the king himself has been 'travailed' [since his?] tender years with wars, having in person been in four battles, and after with great voyages much broken, and continually troubled with discontent of his nobility, with the unkindness of his brother, with the commotions of those of contrary religions, with the jealousies of the House of Guise. In such sort a number of lets still cross his good dispositions. [Walsingham notes in margin : Queen Mother's description of the king's troubles.] That the Queen, so loath to enter into this action, has yet been content underhand to nourish the factions in France and Flanders ; but in so honourable and profitable a resolution as this is, both for her especially and for all Christendom, though she had been besought by all means, would . . . . nothing, but when the . . . . . should . . . . . themselves, retire her stake. Hereto I discoursed at length, showing not only at this present the doubts that the French gave, but how hitherto they have shown themselves to their own hurt inseparable from the King of Spain. And he himself should see the heat wherewith they embrace this matter at first, wax quickly cool. I showed him how the Venetians, that proceed in all their dangers with great circumspection, though they desire nothing more, cannot as yet be brought to believe that the French will break with the Spaniard ; that there is never a prince in Christendom that can assure himself of the French, which makes them seek to the Spaniard. Remainder missing. Marginal notes by Walsingham. 4 pp. [Portugal I. 73.]
May 22. 460. The DUCHESS OF SAXONY to the QUEEN.
Request on behalf of Andrew and Walter des Kragen, that they may have leave to bring cloth out of England at the old rate of duty, not that lately imposed 'doubtless for good and moving reasons' on the Hanse Towns.—Dresden, 22 May, 1582. (Signed) Anna. Add. Endd. German. 1½ pp. [Germany II. 19 bis.]
May 21. [sic.] 461. English version of the above.
Endd. 2/3 p. [Ibid. II. 19 bis a.]
May 20. 462. The DUKE OF SAXONY to the QUEEN.
From yours of April 5, written at St. James's, which reached me only the 16th inst., I learn that rumours had reached you of an intention on my part to forbid English merchants to trade in my dominions on the ground that privileges enjoyed for some centuries by the Hanse Towns in England had been unjustly overthrown. I do remember to have heard a year and a half ago that certain English merchants at London had entered into partnership and had by public authority obtained that the cloth trade at London should be left free to none but members of the society ; and that for this reason, whereas till then cloths had been imported into Germany by the Hanse Towns, and sold at a moderate price, the cost of them was immensely increased, to the public detriment of all Germany. But up to now I have heard no more of the matter, nor have I thought of depriving anyone of the power to transact business, or enact anything of that sort, to cause annoyance to you, from whom I remember to have received benefits, nor to your people for whom I have special liking. Wherefore, these things being so, I praise your kindness and prudence in having an excellent opinion of me, and not being easily persuaded that I should decide anything against British merchants without sufficient enquiry ; and your fairness and justice in saying that you do not wish to shirk any prince's judgement in this matter. And so it will be that if the Hanse Towns have referred, or shall hereafter refer, this matter to the Emperor and the Estates of the Empire, and if you were to declare and set forth your reasons, the whole thing would be equitably and amicably settled ; whereby the rights of neighbours might be permanently welded (sarta) and protected. As I perceive that you already of your own accord incline in this direction, you leave me no further reason for to beseech or warn you. Rather you have so bound me to you by the fairness and courtesy of your letter, that I shall never allow myself to be lacking in aught that may be to your service.—Dresden, XIII Cal. June, 1582. (Signed) Augustus. Add. Endd. Latin. 2 pp. [Germany Il. 20 bis.]
1581 ? 463. A brief statement, in an eighteenth-century hand, of all marriages proposed or contracted between the Royal Houses of France and England, from Charles the Simple in 904 to the Duke of Anjou in 1581. Endd. Fr. 2¾ pp. [France VI. 88.]
464. Another copy. [Ibid. VI. 88a.]
1581. 465. Document in French requesting 'M. de Walsingham' to send orders to 'le sieur Arondel' [A. of Tolverne], vice-admiral, to cause restitution to be made without delay to the bearers of all that is missing out of two ships belonging to them, one of which was laden with wines for MM. de Lansac, de Borcq, and others, and the other with salt for the king's magazines in Normandy ; such as cables, hawsers (hauisères), sails and other gear, as contained in the memorial presented to him, which were in the ships at the time of their seizure by him ; and also to have satisfaction made to the owners of the said wines for so much as has been sold by him or his, as well as what was sold by the pirates to private persons, and to the owners of the salt, of which 38 barrels have been sold, with part of the wine, by one named Thomas 'Grandfil' [qy. Grenville] his servant, and in default of payment by the said 'Grandfil,' that he will send him at once to the said Secretary with the rest of the pirates, that reasonable order may be taken. Endd. : Memorial for the French ambassador. Fr. ½ p. [Ibid. VI. 89.]
1581. 466. "An Estimate of the charges for the defraying of 6,000 French footmen comprehended under three regiments ; (added in Walsingham's hand) each regiment containing 2,000 men." Captain, 35 crowns, 20 sous ; lieutenant, 18cr. 40s. ; ensign, 12cr. —and so on, the total for 200 men being 737 crowns per month. Total for the three regiments, including provost and archers, marshal of the bands, physician, apothecary and surgeon, 23, 358 crowns. Endd. with date. 2 pp. [Holl. and Fl. XIV. 140.]
1581. 467. Notes of the debts due from the Low Countries incurred between 4 Dec. 1576 and 18 July 1581. Begins with: 'Authority given by the States to Monsr Swevingham to come into England to borrow of her Majesty £100,000, and ends with: 'The States' bond for incorporating the £4,000 and odd into the principal debt of £28,000, and for payment of it with the principal. Partly in Burghley's hand, and endd. by him. 1¼ pp. [Ibid. XIV. 141.]
1581, or later. 468. "A note of the Debts, drawn out of the original bonds, which the States-General of the Low Countries are owing to her Majesty." Begins with : 'The States-General stand indebted to her Majesty by a bond bearing date the 19th of January 1577 at Brussels 'into' the sum of £20,000,' and ends with : 'Another bond of the States-General, bearing date at the Hague, the 8th of July 1581, for the sum of £4,616 13s. 1d.' The total is £98,374 4s. 4d. Endd. : Note of debts of the States-General. The copy hereof delivered to the Commissioners. 3 pp. [Ibid. XIV. 142.]
1580-1581 469. Notes, in the handwriting of Burghley and his secretary, of the chief persons in France, their alliances, friendships, enmities etc.—Marshal de Retz is noted as an enemy to Villequier and Bellegarde, Matignon as having taken Montgomery 'contre sa foi,' Bishop Lenoncourt as 'a favourer of those of the Religion and Montmorency,' and so on. Of the Duke of Uzés it is said : 'He has been of the Religion ; a Guisard inasmuch as the 'Duke of Guise saved his life on St. Bartholomew's Day.' La Vauguyon 'hates la Mothe-Fènelon.' Under Mignons du Roy are entered d'O ('joneur à toute outrance') ; des Arches [sic] ; La Valette ('neveu du Mar. de Bellegarde') ; Saint Luc (plus sage que les autres . . Guisard'). Then follows a list of the Governments of France, with their governors and those of the towns ; also the principal noblemen and gentlemen in each, and the frontier (or seaport) towns, baillages and séneschaussées. (Rubempré appears here as governor of Abbeville.) Corners torn off. Endd. with date 1581 (the heading is 1580). Fr. 22 pp. [France VI. 90.]
1581. 470. Statement of the forces under the Duke of Mayenne in Dauphiné ; viz. 10,000 foot, 2,000 horse, and 40 guns. Apparently part of the same series as the last, but separately endd. Fr. ½ p. [Ibid. VI. 91.]
1581. 471. Three papers, in a hand ca. temp. Charles II., containing (1) a brief statement of the facts of the treaty for marriage, with a list of the Commissioners of 1581 (somewhat incorrect) ; (2) some account of the negotiations for a league offensive and defensive, and (3) of the conversation on this subject between the Queen and the Commissioners, and of the instructions subsequently given to Sir H. Cobham in respect to it. All endd. ½ p. and ¾ p. and 2 pp. [Ibid. VI. 92, a, b, c.]
1581 ? 472. Draft in Burghley's hand of a clause binding the French king to allow his Protestant subjects the right of exercising their religion ; probably intended for insertion in the treaty of alliance. Endd. by Burghley : For the Protestants of France. Lat. (endd. in English). ¾ p. [Ibid. VI. 93.]
1581 ? (or later?) 473. Draft, in hand of L. Tomson, of clauses for a declaration of alliance with the Queen of England on the part of the Duke of Anjou. 'We will defend her person, honour, safety, the good and repose of her Crown, her states and realms, against all of whatsoever dignity and condition they may be, without any exception . . . king, commonwealth, or people,' etc. Fr. 1¼ pp. [Ibid. VI. 94.]
1581 ? 474. NOTES FOR A TREATY.
The Queen will not be bound to any number certain, but will aid as her power shall serve ; as was in an article of a Treaty made at Cambray. The greater number of treaties contain aids with numbers certain, some at the costs of the prince invaded, and some (but few) at that of the confederate not invaded, at the will of the party not invaded, with reference to his power, and 'with charge of his conscience.' And so would her Majesty now proceed. And so was it in a treaty between the Emperor and King Henry VIII, and in a treaty between King Henry VIII and Francis the French king, anno 1525, made by the Regent of France.
1. She would give him therein such support as she should please, without coercion. The Queen knows not why she should be at any certain charges either for Monsieur or for Don Antonio.
2. But rather than that he should leave his actions in the Low Counties, she would 'yield' to aid him, though she will not say at present to what quantity. The Queen knows not why she should be at any certain charges either for Monsieur or for Don Antonio.
She knows not why she should be at any certain charge, considering the Queen Mother has, as it seems, an interest therein. And the action to 'impeach' the King of Spain in Portugal shall be to the advancement of title, and so the French king may permit his mother to proceed therein without breach of league with the King of Spain. Touching aiding of Don Antonio.
She has favoured Don Antonio to the value of £40,000 in provisions and shipping, and all lost for lack of good 'answer' from the French king for conjunction with her in this aid ; and besides offered the service of 4, 5, or 6 ships, but he would not accept them. He has hired 8, and is sending them away, so that the lack has not grown from her means.
In hand of L. Tomson. 1 p. [France VI. 95.]
1581 ? 475. "Means that have been suggested to meet the depredations and piracies which have been and are ordinarily practised on the common subjects of the king, and the Queen of England." Proposal on the part of the French king for a joint Commission to enquire and decide upon the injuries done to the subjects of both sovereigns. Orders to be given to the admirals and vice-admirals to assist the course of justice, and in case of their failure to do so, the plaintiffs to be allowed to appeal to a committee of Councillors of the other country, to be deputed for the purpose, who may try inferior judges who have failed to do justice. Some notable person, merchant or other, from each country, assisted by an officer of justice to be appointed by the Commissioners, shall take the necessary steps to verify and recover lost property. He shall have free access to all ports in both kingdoms to make his enquiries, and their Majesties will order all local officials to afford him all facilities. Governors of provinces, admirals, and other local authorities shall have orders to attend to the execution of all sentences pronounced by the said Lords of the Council, on their own peril (sur peine de s'en prendre à eux). Endd. Fr. 2/3 p. [Ibid. VI. 96.]
476. Another copy of the above.
Endd. : Deliberations touching depredations. Fr. 1 p. [Ibid. 96a.]
In May 1580 an English pirate called George Burd took a Spanish ship going from Rouen to Bilbao with 35 bales (fardeles) of linen goods and cloths belonging to Spanish, to the value of more than 5,000 crowns. In October '81 an English pirate took a Spanish ship, master Francisco Abad, coming from Spain to Rouen, with 100 sacks of wool value 6,000 crowns, and took them to Ireland, where they were distributed for conveyance to England. In May '81 Englishmen brought to Lyme a smack (? çafra) of Bilbao, and treacherously slew the sailors in their sleep, and the constable (el conde estable) having caught one of the delinquents let him go. The Lords of the Council gave letters for the restoration of the vessel and goods, and the persons in whose power they are refused, saying they would not do it without orders from Sir Christopher Hatton. They write likewise from Genoa that a vessel belonging to Mr Cotton of Hampton, the captain of which is the son of Philip Buet (?), whose father was executed here for robbing a ship of Martin Visante's in the Straits, took a Catalan vessel in the Mediterranean, with a passport from the King of Algiers, and took it to the city of Algiers, where it sold all the men for 30 crowns apiece. Some Genoese have written this who were in the city at the time. Endd. as above by L. Tomson. Sp. 1½ pp. [Spain I. 79.]
In the year '78 a ship of 'Hari Conols' (Henry Knollys) named Arminia Ilarias Frances (sic) took a vessel bound from Rouen to Seville, and in it 40 bales and a coffer of linen goods, all the property of Spaniards, value about 8,000 crowns. No restitution has been made, though it is proved they took it to 'Estrechenferi' (qy. East Itchenferry). Henry Knollys with the pirate ships of Don Antonio that are at the Isle of Wight (Duyche) took a ship coming from Portugal with 400 chests of sugar and other merchandise of the value of over 20,000 crowns, all Spanish goods. Likewise he has taken another ship belonging to Hernando de Montalvan, coming from Ayamonte in Spain, laden with fruit and resin. This ship having got dismasted in a storm and coming in between Hampton and the Isle of Wight below 'Castillo de Cuc' (qy. Cook's Castle, by mistake for Cowes Castle) was taken. A ship of Lyme, which went with powder and harquebuses to Tercera, brought thence sugar and ginger, plundered out of Spanish goods coming from the Island of San Domingo, value over 15,000 crowns. The goods are at Lyme. The ship of the pirate Roberts of Bristol and that of William 'Guibus' took two caravels coming from the coast of Brazil, one of which they brought to England as she stood, and from the other they took out the cargo and put it in their ships. To justify this robbery they wrote a statement at Tercera that they were goods confiscated for Don Antonio, though they themselves took them on the sea. In one caravel only were about 400 chests of sugar and other merchandise. There is news likewise that a ship of Henry Knollys's with the other pirates in the Isle of Wight has taken three other ships, one laden with Spanish wine, another with French ; the goods in the third are not known. Endd. as the last. Sp. 1¼ pp. [Ibid. I. 79a.]
1581 ? 479. WRITTEN from SPAIN and PORTUGAL.
The Pope's legate is so urgent with the King of Spain to send aid to the Irish that he is making up this mind to it, being persuaded by the Duke of Alva and other ministers. But the aid is given in the name of the Pope, in order that it may not be taken against the king. An English earl is expected in Spain. Don Pedro de' Medici's household is gone ; but his people will be sent with some Spaniards to Ireland. The Earl of Basterdan [qy. Westmoreland], Englishman, has arrived with a French page, from Lyons. It is quite resolved to send Spaniards to the Irish, and already the Germans and Italians are on board ship. But the Germans do not want to go ; and upon this news has come that the Catholics there have had the worst of it. Fr. ½ p. [Ibid. I. 80.]
1581. 480. An Account of Spain, its possessions, the person and character of the king, the government, etc. in 1581. Stitched. Ital. 17 pp. [Ibid. I. 81.]
1581 ? 481. "A MEMORIAL FOR SOUSA."
"There be seven Islands, whereof the principal be the Isles of Tercera, 7 l. B. 3 [qy. 7 leagues by 3] ; St. Michel 18. B. 4 ; Fayal 41. B. 1." "To these islands the ships that come from the East and West Indies, Brazil, St. 'Thomer,' and the Mine [Elmina] resort of necessity."?— And other notes relating to the Azores, the forces there, their needs, etc. On the back various similar memoranda and notes of future action ; also some brief minutes of a meeting (apparently) of the Irish Privy Council, probably early in 1581. All in Walsingham's writing, except endt. 1 p. and writing on back. [Portugal I. 71.]
End of 1581 ? 482. Circular on behalf of Don Antonio to the coast towns, requesting them "not to suffer or permit any wheat, corn, 'haver,' meal, biscuit, beans, peasen, pork, cables or hemp wherewith commonly they are made ; gunpowder, saltpetre, brimstone, metal, or any the like material wherewith any gun may be cast ; nor any other munitions of war to be sent hereafter into Spain, Portugal, or any other dominions being under the jurisdiction of the enemy. For the said king Don Antonio for this consideration has granted letters of 'marte and Octroye' to certain of his captains, against all those who shall presume to convey any such wares to the dominions of the King of Spain, to make them free prize and confiscate." Arrangements follow for the granting of passports to those carrying other classes of goods. "The masters of ships shall be bound to take a certificate of the Magistrate of the town where they laded their ships, signed in the margent of the said passport, that they have no forbidden goods in their ships. Also of him of whom he has his passport, that they also have paid his Majesty custom for their departing and sailing towards another country," etc. "The masters of those ships, so soon as it shall be commanded them in the name of the king Don Antonio, to strike their sail and show their passport, that they may let them pass freely without further search. And if they have no passport to show, yet being commanded in the name of Don Antonio to strike, do obey, his Majesty grants them their ship safe, but the merchandise and other goods will be good prize." "Signed by the Lord Diego de Botelho, Councillor to the Estate of the king Don Antonio, and superintendant of his affairs," etc. Copy. 2½ pp. [Portugal I. 72.]
1581 ? 483. — to MARCHAUMONT.
If my good zeal in the service of God, and 'augment' of His holy Catholic Church (which must be preferred to any other particular thing of this life) had not induced me, I would rather have occupied my hands in murdering myself than employ them in writing what follows ; being much prejudicial to my own nation, which I must confess easily conceives, aids, and assists such devices and practices as here I shall signify to you, to the intent that you may in ime advertise the same, providing convenient remedy for it, as a matter whereon depends not only the augment of the Catholic religion, but also the conservation of it in all Europe, and preservation of M. d'Alençon's life and of all the succession of the nobility of France that profess the Catholic religion. The Protestants of this realm were at the beginning much displeased with the practice of marriage between my sovereign and the Duke of Alençon, and if to this day they show the same, it is deceitfully, because with their hearts they desire it may be brought to pass, being won thereto by the persuasion of the heretics of France and Flanders, believing that with this occasion they may profit themselves 'of' his person, and 'coting' him off, establish with great foundation their religion both here, in France, and in Flanders. And this because the Huguenots of France with this last war have 'tried' that they are not able to defend themselves from the king's power, and shall be much less hereafter ; and that 'Monsieur the Alanson' will not favour them as now at her Majesty's request, being umpire between his brother and them, and that if he should come to be king, 'as is like he needs,' because he is a Catholic, and divers other causes, 'must' favour and maintain the Catholic religion and its professors, and moreover because he might then marry some Catholic princess and make alliance with some Catholic king, wherewith the Hugenots shall be in great suspicion and fear of their state, considering he cannot, being king, make any alliance but directly against them. Whereupon, seeing the 'lickle' health of the king his brother, and the less hope of children, they have determined long since that there is no better mode to maintain themselves, but for Monsieur to come hither, where the Protestants will procure to give him some poison to rid him of his life, that by this means the kingdom of France may fall to the Prince of Navarre ; which will in time put the Catholic religion out of France ; and for the same respect, he will provide, whenever the Queen should 'lack,' that the Catholics may not prevail in this realm, wherewith all the heretics in France, Flanders, and this realm assure themselves to continue. Likewise herein they make account to obtain great commodity, whenever they have slain Monsieur, that all the places which shall be got by him in the Low Countries will presently submit themselves to the government of the Prince of Navarre, being now their practice to employ in that land soldiers of the Religion ; whom the Prince of Orange is willing to assist, because this murder is determined with his consent, perceiving that he may herewith quietly possess Holland and Zealand, and leave the possession to his sons hereafter, having in his favour a King of France that may be of his religion, and England likewise. This practice has been consulted and agreed upon many days ago by the heretics of France and Protestants of this realm, and the Prince of Orange ; who procures by all possible means to induce Monsieur to the conquest of the Low Countries, giving him to understand it will be easily obtained. The Prince of Navarre takes the same course with him, and the Protestants here deceitfully 'show' to be displeased with the marriage, and are glad that Monsieur takes on him the war in Flanders, procuring 'with' her Majesty to assist him thereto ; of which practice and device she and some of her Council that desire the marriage are ignorant. All which is to the intent that Monsieur may not come to be king of France, but the Prince of Navarre ; and I assure you that this is most certain, because I know it of one that has seen writings of it. That is the cause why I advertise you of it, 'as to whom' is careful and faithful in the service of his master. I would have done it in person, if I had not feared the great power and authority of the parties, the time so dangerous, the loss of goods and lands and the peril of my life. But I hope some day to show myself to you by this token, which I pray you to keep. I have written this in my own mother speech because I dare not trust any man with this secret. Headed in French : Please let none but a confidential person read this paper, for it is of great importance. Add. On the back the word 'Recusant' appears faintly written in a later hand. 1¾ pp. [France VI. 97.]
484. "Loans made forth of the receipt of her Majesty's Exchequer to foreign states, by the hands of the persons ensuing, since 29 Dec. 1576." To M. Hallewin, Lord of Swevingham ; Christopher Hoddesdon ; Charles Philip de Croy, Marquis of 'Havereigh' ; Richard Martin and Richard Saltonstall ; Lord Henry Seymour ; M. Jean de Bex ; Horatio Pallavicino ; John Somers ; Christopher Hoddesdon for W. Davison (£142,000 in all). Also her Majesty prays an annuity of £3,337 8s. 5d. to Horatio Pallavicino for interest of £33,374 4s. 4d. owing to him, which sum is supposed to have been taken for the use of the States. Endd. Against the 5th, 6th, and 8th items Burghley notes 'Monsr.' 1 p. [Ibid. VI. 98.]
1581. (Nov.) 485. The QUEEN to COBHAM.
French version of No. 415. Copy in hand of L. Tomson. Endd. Fr. 1¾ pp. [Ibid. VI. 99.]