America and West Indies
December 1716, 1-15

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Institute of Historical Research

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Cecil Headlam (editor)

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1930

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211-232

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'America and West Indies: December 1716, 1-15', Calendar of State Papers Colonial, America and West Indies, Volume 29: 1716-1717 (1930), pp. 211-232. URL: http://www.british-history.ac.uk/report.aspx?compid=73999 Date accessed: 24 July 2014.


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December 1716, 1-15

Dec. 1.
Jamaica.
409. General Heywood, Commander in Chief of Jamaica, to the Council of Trade and Plantations. Refers to letter of 14th Nov. and enclosure. Continues:—I likewise send the copy of the Journal of the Councill. But I could not get the Journall of the Assembly nor the Acts that passed fairly transcribed but hope to have them ready to send by the next ships that sayle etc. The Country in general has been and still continues very sickly more especially Kingston and abundance of people of all ages have dyed, etc. Signed, Peter Heywood. Endorsed, Recd. 25th March, Read 3rd April, 1717. 2 pp. Enclosed,
409. i. Governor of the Havana to H.E. Peter Heywood. Havana, 8th Nov. (N.S.), 1716. Acknowledges letter of 16th Aug. and expresses satisfaction that Mr. Heywood intends to proceed against those who daily commit hostilities, very many vessels belonging to that Island being taken and sundry robberies committed by pirate sloops in the most defenceless places, etc, Continues:—I have duly considered what I had the honour to be acquainted with by your Excellency of what has been done in Trinidado in the time of the Marquess of Cassa Torres, in relation to some vessells by them declared and adjudged as prizes there. I shall give the most speedy orders that they remit me all papers etc., whereby I may be certify'd of their proceedings etc., and shall use the best means I can to redress the same etc. By the annexed testimony your Excellency will perceive that I have comanded that under no pretext whatsoever, they should fitt out or arm out of Trinidado or Cuba vessells to go privateering etc. Signed, Dn. Vicente de Baxa. Same endorsement. Copy. 1¾ pp. [C.O. 137, 12. Nos. 40, 40 i.; and (without enclosure) 138, 15. pp. 200–203.]
Dec. 1.
Jamaica.
410. General Heywood to Mr. Secretary Stanhope. Duplicate of preceding letter, and enclosure. [C.O. 137, 46. Nos. 21, 21 i.]
Dec. 3.
Jamaica.
411. General Heywood, Commander in Chief of Jamaica, to the Council of Trade and Plantations. On the first of the last month I writ to your Lordships by the Kent gally Capt. Thoms. Lawton, who in his intended voyage to the Windward passage was taken by the pirates, and robbed of what they thought fitt and turned loose, he came to Port Royall, and now sails with two other ships the George Capt. Patterson and the Brocham Joseph Jewell under convoy of H.M.S. Adventure, who returned from her last voyage the 18th Dec. the Capt. very much out of order, but as he tells me his whole company in a very good state of health, but complains much of the refractoriness of his officers, he is now pretty well recovered, and writes me he should be ready to sail with the aforementioned ships the fourth of this instant, so that I continue my aforesaid packets on board the said ship. Encloses Acts and Journals etc. On the 4th Dec. H.M.S. Swift Capt. Durell arrived at Port Royal, I desired the Capt. to have taken a cruize with the Adventure being a proper vessell for the service drawing but little water, but he tells me he dair not stirr without orders from home, besides that he has but six guns (tho' capable to carry 18) and his complyment of men but 40, which I must acknowledge too few to adventure on these pirates by himself they generally going two and two, with seventy or eighty desperate rogues, and 10 or 12 gunns in each sloop they take more then half the ships and vessells that are bound either to this Island or the French settlements on Hispaniola, and Spaniards that comes in their cruize, as well as those that go from hence taking something out of all they meet, and very often burn their vessells, others they disable just leaving them sufficient to bring them down, out of some they meet with rogues that willingly desert, as lately a Guinea ship Capt. Evans out of whom they took 40 choice men slaves and all their gold and what else they thought fitt, and then dismist her, from which ship the master reports 4 of his men deserted to the pirates, out of a ship from New England they took what they thought for their purpose, and then forced the Carpenter away with them, on the last of December [sic] a poor turtler came before me and said they had robbed him of his netts and what little he had on board, and then turned into him three of their gang (and a little boy) that they did not approve of, first whipping them inhumanely and burning matches between their fingers ears and toes, they would not lett the little boy who I take to be about 12 or 13 years of age, because he desired to leave them go without a daudorus as they called it, a good whipping, they give me an accompt of one they hanged for an example for offering to leave them and another they beat and abused so much that they beleived he could not live, and then without any remorse thro' him overboard and drowned him. To inumerate the villanys we have accompts some of them commit would I fear be to tro'blesome to your Lordships, but we have great reason to fear they have taken some vessells and murdered all the people taking out what they wanted and then burning the vessells. We have one particular reason to believe the truth of this, for the pirates that lye the windermost, that we know have a very great plenty of Madera wines and other liquors, but they would not let the master of the Guinea man or any others they have taken know when or where they gott them, there is of these pirates of all nations, those to windward are generally Spaniards, and some few French, but most mulattos, quarteroons and negroes, they lye from the leward part of the Island of St. John de Porto Reco down along the south side of Hispaniola, then on the other side Hispaniola, from Cape Nicola down the north west, and west of Hispaniola, and upon the south side to the Isle of Ash, then on the coast of Cuba from the south estermost end down to the south key and Trinidado lyes others, and from the Isle of Pines clear round to the bay of Hondo, and so on to the Havana and bay of Matances, and from thence to the Island Providence, how many is uncertain, and make that Isle their chief rendezvous taking all nations they meet with, one of those small rogues lately took a Spanish ship of 22 gunns, and 22 pattareroes, a very rich ship from Cadiz, as I am informed, in short these seas are full of these Rovers which will in particular be a very great detriment to this Island, hinder both vessells coming to us from H.M. Northern Plantations, and putting a stop to the little trade our merchants have to the Spanish coast, they give out they want but a good ship or two fit for their purpose and then they design farther off in particular to the coast of Brazil. I am inclined to beleive some of them may go for they generally take all the good instruements they meet with etc. H.M. two Companys of foot want a great many recruits to fill them up, the last list I see of Lord Archibald Hamilton's Company had but 61 seargeants, corporalls, drummers, private men, etc. and they very ragged, having had no clothing these six years past, and their arm's hardly fitt for use, having been here as I think full 14 years, and now have more then seven months pay due to them, but Coll. Delawna's Company which is barrackt at the Fort on Port Royall is much fuller of men, but I beleive in the same circumstances for clothes and arms and the fortifications at that place is very much out of repair, and wants an ingeneer to rectifye and new model the same. Refers to enclosed deposition of Joseph Eels, taken before myself and Council to whom we gave an assurance that he should be secured of his life by a noli prosequi provided he made a full discovery of what he knew of the late piracys committed in the Bay of Hondo, upon this information and deposition we ordered Daniel Axtell and Jasper Ashworth to be apprehended, and committed by a warrant from the Chief Justice as correspondents with and accessorys to pirates and piracys. Upon taking up of these persons a great many are fled, that a warrant was issued to apprehend both as principles and accessarys, and what to do with these men, we know not as yett, not having a Commission under the Broad Seal of England as the statute of the 11th of King William directs, nor Admiral Vice Admiral a deputy to whom to direct a Commission pursuant to the statute of the 28th of Hen. VIII. We are likewise necessitated to keep under confinement the said Joseph Eels for want of sufficient security designing to make use of him as evidence for the King in this behalf which he has promised upon being secured himself to become. I farther advise you that the said sloop Mary which was commanded by the said Leigh Ashworth was condemned as the goods of pirates in the Court of Admiralty here, she being concerned in the piracys committed on the French ship in the Bay of Hondo at which time the said Eels was quartermaster on board her under the command of the said Leigh Ashworth etc. Signed, Peter Heywood. Endorsed, Recd. 1st, Read 3rd April, 1717. 2 pp. Enclosed.
411. i. Copy of deposition of Joseph Eels of Port Royall, Carpenter, Dec. 20, 1716. Deponent last March sett sail on board the Mary sloop, Capt. Leigh Ashworth commander, and soon after arrived at blewfields, where they found Capt. Jennings, Capt. Carnigee and Capt. Liddal, and from thence sail'd in company with them designing for the wrecks. About six leagues from Baya Honda they spyed a sloop with two periaguas putting from her, and found her to be Capt. Young's, who told Capt. Ashworth they were two maroon periaguas, and had obliged him to tow them over from the bay of Honduras, etc. Describes boarding and capture of a French ship in the Bay of Hondo, by abovenamed. A periagua commanded by a Spaniard informed them that there was in Porto Mariel a French ship a trading, whereupon Carnigee went to seek her, but next morning the periagua which had followed him reported that Hornigold had taken the French ship, whereupon Jennings and Ashworth weighed anchor to go after them, but not being able to overtake them stood in again to the Bay, and came to an anchor, the ship being in the offing, one of the periaguas being on board ship and several of her men halled her alongside and threw the money being about 28,500 odd peices of eight into the periagua and immediately went away with it. Soon afterwards the ship came in again and acquainted Jennings and Ashworth the money was gone, and then by order of Jennings one of the periaguas was cut to peices and Young's sloop burnt. Next morning Carnigie halled aboard the ship and hoisted out of his sloope into the ship all his guns ammunition provitions and stores, and going on board with his men took the command of her without controul. Jennings, Ashworth and Carnigie weighing anchor in order to go to Providence, and coming out of the harbour Carnigee gave the Frenchmen that were left on board the ship his sloop, and then all three sail'd for Providence where arriving they shared the goods in three parts one for the owner of the three sloops, and the other two for the men. The owner's share of the goods were put on board the sloop Dolphin, and then wrote to Mr. Daniel Axtell and to his brother Jasper Ashworth. Deponent saw part of the letter, importing they had taken a ship, and that the sloop was coming with the goods taken out of the ship. Deponent, with James Spatcher, Commander of the Dolphin, delivered the above letters to Daniel Axtell, who ordered the sloop to go from Cowboy to Pigeon Island, and thence to Manatee Bay, whence deponent and others brought dry goods in a canoe from the Dolphin to Port Royal, Mr. Axtell receiving them himself into his storehouse at night. After which the sloop being seized by Fernando in Manatee Bay was sent into Port Royal Harbour, etc., etc. Signed, Joseph Eels. Endorsed as preceding. 1½ pp. [C.O. 137, 12. Nos. 41, 41 i.; and (without enclosures) 138, 15. pp. 204–212.]
Dec. 3.
Boston.
412. Instructions from the Government of the Massachusetts Bay to Mr. Agent Dummer. Whereas application hath been or may be made to the Crown for procuring a Patent for all that tract of land lying between St. de Croix on the North East, Sagadehock and Kennebeck River on the South West. Upon that occasion, you are to represent, that from the said Sagadehock and Kennebeck River to Penobscot so call'd (which may amount to near a third part of the whole tract above mention'd) was more than 60 years since bona fide purchas'd by numbers of English Gentlemen and People of and from the natives or Indian Proprietors by and with the consent of the King's Governors and Government from time to time, and the greatest part of it lying within and deriv'd from the great and original grants or paten[ts] of the Council of Plymouth yet to be seen. That pursuant to such fair and legal purchases and confirmations, the said purchasers, their Agents and people expended great sums of mony, made very considerable improvemts., had sevl. settlements and plantations untill they were wholly broke up and ruin'd by the French and Indians in the late war to the unspeakable loss of lives and estates. You are therefore to take care that there be a particular and express saving and exception to the lesser tract beforemention'd, vizt: from Penobscot to Sagadehock and Kennebeck River, purchas'd confirm'd and settled as aforesd. by the respective Proprietors thereof. Signed, Saml. Shute, by and with the advice and consent of the Council and Assembly, Jos. Maison, D. Secry. Endorsed, Communicated by Mr. Dummer. Recd. Read 24th May, 1717. 2 pp. [C.O. 5, 866. No. 116.]
Dec. 5.413. Joseph Boone and Richard Beresford, Agents for the Commons House of Assembly in South Carolina, to the Council of Trade and Plantations. We are so unfortunate as to find that although the affaires of South Carolina are in so ill a posture, there is an Address sent home from the Governour and Council of Virginia etc., that they had not been wanting to strengthen H.M. hands by taking measures to prevent a divertion of his forces agt. the heathens abroad, etc., having sent such timely and sufficient succours to his distressed subjects in Carolina as had effectually helped them to recover their province out of the hands of the barbarous Indians, and had rendred that assistance needless which H.M. had been pressed to send from Europe, etc. We are very sorry that we are oblidged to represent that it plainly appeares that the greatest part of their callamities hath proceeded and doth proceed from the Indian Traders of Virginia, and we beg your Lordships' assistance in redressing of these greivances. Upon the first attack of the Indians the Governour and Councill of Carolina were necessitated to send Agents to Virginia and other parts to sollicite releife, and did expect that so powerfull a province as Virginia and who were so neare neighbours and fellow subjects would at their own expence (as South Carolina did formerly for North Carolina upon the like occasion) have supplyed them with a good reinforcemt. but so farr from it they insisted upon the hardest conditions imaginable before they would consent to send a man, which their absolute necessities oblidged the Agent to promise (only that they would endeavour the country should com [?ply] with). The agreemt. was 30s. pr. mo. pr. man, besides a negro woman to be sent to Virginia in lieu of each man sent to Carolina to work till their returne. Upon these conditions Carolina had at their own expence about 130 men, the far greater part of whom were poor ragged fellows, raw servants, transported to them most of them just landed from England and Ireland whose masters considering the profitt would be greater by this agree[?ment] then keeping them to work at home, let them have them, who comming to Carolina unseasoned to America many of them fell sick, and were intirely unserviceable and unexperienced in armes; nor were they in any action, and did not stay above eight months before remanded and sent home. Upon the meeting of the Assembly of Carolina the agreemt. for them was taken into consideration, they being desirous to comply with the Agent's promisses, although not sent by their authority or authorized to make such an agreemt. and finding it unpracticable to send negro women in their roomes by reason of the discontent such usage would have given their husbands, wch. might have occasioned a revolt also of the slaves; they allowed the Virginians £4 pr. mo. pr. man, Carolina money, which was paid them; but it's so farr from satisfying the Virginians, that they make it a pretence of quarrell, and tell them, for the future they shall perish before they shall have any assistance from them, and their Agents sent thither since to accomodate the matter were told by the Governour he would doe them all the disservice he could, and accordingly has made the aforesaid Representations in his Address to H.M. in order to prevent their obtaining supplies. We must attribute this behaviour of the Governour's in some measure to a complyance with the ill disposition the Assembly of Virginia hath to Carolina, for as the Governour at first promoted a supply being sent them, so afterwards call[ing] an Assembly, and promoting more forces being sent, they not only refused it, but seemed dissatisfyed with the going of the former which they were not consulted in. Refer to enclosures from the Commander in Cheife of the Carolina forces agt. the Indians, and people of the best authority in the country of the informations they have had of the Virginians encourageing the Indians to make warr upon them, and supplying them with guns, ammunition and other traffick. Which makes appeare the grand reason of all their inhumanity to continue the lucre of their trade with the Indians, for which end and purpose they have passed an Act for carrying it on in a Company, that if that Act receives the Royall assent that may have by H.M. authority power to devest them of it which in Carolina they would not much matter could they without trading wth. the Indians be secured from their attacks, but there lyes their misfortune, for if they omitt trading with them they will goe to the Virginians who if permitted to trade without limitation can sell cheaper then Carolina, which will carry the trade from them, and the Indians being thus independant of yt. province will continually insult them whilst they can be supplyed from Virginia, and never be brought to peace, nor will the Virginians ever desire they should so long as they doe and can trade with them. The Indians are naturally proud, revengefull and bloody, lovers of warr and mischeife, and are no longer to be kept in subjection then necessity or interest oblidges them which may be accomplished by prudent methods and precautions, the cheife of which is making them dependant for necessaries of all kinds, and in these keepg. them bare and unstored. But if the Virginians are permitted to trade with them Carolina can't prevent their having magazines of armes and ammunition, the Virginians selling cheape the Indians are inabled to purchase greater quantities. It is certaine the Virginians have at the beginning of the warr, and very lately sent here to buy great quantities of such armes as formerly the Carolinians used to sell the Indians, there being a particuler sort that those Indians like, and whilst the Carolinians traded with the Indians Virginia never made use of but they have now lately (as may be seen by the Custom—house books) imported great quantities of deer skins, which must be bought of the Indians that are at warr with Carolina; their trade with their neighbour Indians never having produced such quantities, and can be no other then the stores the Indians plundered from the Carolina Traders and sold to them. Thus my Lords appeare the difficulties that Carolina struggels with on every side, and how unlikely it is to restore peace whilst the Virginians are permitted to trade with the Indians living within the limitts of Carolina, without paying the same duties and being under the same rules and limmitations in trade as the traders of Carolina. Nor is it possible for Carolina to inforce laws necessary to regulate that trade in order to keep the Indians in subjection, and have a good correspondence with them whilst the Virginians trade wth. them not being lyable to the same laws and restrictions in trade but will pervert what Carolina restrains them in for the sake of peace, to their own profitt, and the undoing Carolina. We hope your Lordships will seriously consider this their unfortunate and deplorable condition in respect to the Virginians trading with the Indians living within the limitts of Carolina, and now at warr with them, or with foreigne Indians as the Virginians truly call them in the preamble of their Act, so that an Order may be obtained to limitt the trade of each province to their own Indians; or if permitted to trade with Indians inhabiting within the limitts of another province, they shall strictly be injoined and made lyable to all the laws and customes imposed upon the traders of that province they trade in. We are likewise instructed and beg leave most earnestly to represent to your Lordships the behaviour of the King of Spaine's Garrison at St. Augustine towards Carolina: The Yamasees of all the Indians were ye first that began the warr attack'd the English and murthered them in cold blood, and they have ever since been sheltered by the sd. Garrison from whence by reason of their nearness to South Carolina they not only prevent the resettling of many deserted plantatns., but are and will be continually murthering and enslaving the inhabitants of the sd. province and robbing them of their slaves cattell etc. which they carry to St. Augustine and are there openly bought by the Spaniards; and the Yamasees are by them plentifully provided with armes ammunition and provisions which they could not procure anywhere else, which is we humbly apprehend a breach of the first Article of the late Treaty between the Crownes of Great Britaine and Spaine. H.M. subjects in slavery amongst those Indians and others detained by the Spaniards with the slaves cattell etc. so taken have been demanded of the Spaniards by a propper Agent sent by the Govermt. of Carolina for that purpose: But the redelivery thereof refused, under a pretence (after many evasive answers) that they had wrote to the Court of Spaine for directions therein: and as to Yamasee Indians the Governour told the Agent they were subjects of Spaine and upon that account he could not but receive and use them kindly, and also protect them against us; of these perticuler and severall other hardships put upon Carolina by the Spaniards we beg leave to lay accounts and affidavitts before you, and we humbly beg your Lordships will represent them to H.M. in order to procure such necessary powers and instruction to be sent to the Governmt. of Carolina as may effectually authorize them to attack their enemies the Yamasees, or other Indians at warr with Carolina wheresoever they shall find them, although they should be in the King of Spaine's jurisdiction, without which permission it will be impossible for H.M. subjects of Carolina (their enemies being so protected) ever to suppress them, but they must always be spoyled and ruin'd by them. And we also humbly request and hope that restitution of the effects of H.M. subjects so detained by the Spaniards will be redemanded by H.M., and the Spaniards breach of Treaty remedyed. We returne your Lordships thanks for your readiness from time to time in receiving their requests, and promoting answers thereto. But as what has been hitherto done is not effectual to their releife, the warr and consequently the expence still continuing, the people still decreasing both by death and desertion, they not being at first above 1400 English fitt to beare armes against many thousand Indians, that disables them to pay so great a debt contracted, and continue the expence, and in a short time must reduce them to ruin, or to abandon the province. Your Lopps. will be pleased further to represent these their necessities and requests to H.M. and the parliamt. in order to the obtaining effectuall releife. Signed, Joseph Boone, Richd. Beresford. Endorsed, Recd. Read 5th Dec., 1716. 3 pp. Enclosed,
413. i. Committee of the Assembly of Carolina to Messrs. Boone and Beresford. Aug. 6, 1716. Our House of Commons had resolved that a Committee from their House shou'd have drawn these letters before the[y] broke up, that they might have had the approbation of the whole House, and have been sign'd by the Speaker, but a hurry of business prevented them and they only gave us the heads they would have us insist upon and farther order'd us, that we shou'd send home some Acts of our Assembly and other papers, enclosed. Since our last to you we have received several letters from you and are glad to hear that we are like to have assistance of men from Engld. There is already one vessel arrived from Leverpool with eighty odd of the rebells, whom we hope will prove serviceable to this country, we being still in great want of men to help defend us from the incursions of our barbarous enemies who are still very numerous threatning to invade us in a short time wth. an army of 4 or 5000 men to be rais'd amongst the Creeks, Tallabosees, Obecaes, Albamees, Choctaws, Euchees, Apalaches, Yammasees, Savanna's and other Nations of Indians in amity with the French at Moville, and Spaniards at Pansecola and St. Augustine; They have already began to make incursions amongst us, in small parties, having by that means destroy'd several of our inhabitants very lately. Last week in perticuler Major Henry Quintyne, and several others were kill'd near Port-Royal, by ye Yammasees who unless removed from St. Augustine will be a continual plague to this province, more than any other Indians being so near us, and plentifully provided wth. armes, ammunition and provisions from ye King of Spain's Garrison in that place; of this divers merchts. and masters of vessels trading to that Port have been eye witnesses; but the fullest information we have had in that affair is from one Hugh Brian son to Joseph Brian, who was made a prisoner by ye Yammasees in ye beginning of this war and was a slave amongst above a year; at length his Master being call'd the Woospan King having under his command about 15 men, sent him in to us, to desire a peace with us, wch. we would have willingly granted (understanding by Brian that he has all along been a friend to the English, saving his life when a great many others were cruelly put to death by ye Indians in cold bloud). The Woospan King desired if we would make a peace with him, that we would send to him privately at St. Augustine, wch. we did but he was not to be met with there. So we concluded that ye Spaniards had some notice of it, and that they had sent him out of ye way on purpose; This Brian has heard the Indians telling one another oftentimes that the Spaniards perswaded them what they could, to kill the English, provided they did not let them see it done, and he has all along been an eyewitness to the Spaniards furnishing ye Yamasees wth. whatever they wanted to carry on the war against us; His Master once carried him amongst the Creeks where he continued some time; while he was there divers parties of Indians came in with ammunition from Moville and Pansecola who also encourage the Indians all they can to destroy us, etc. Unless we can find some way or other to prevent the Indians from being supplied with arms and ammunition, we may expect a long and bloudy war wch. in all humane probability will end in the ruin of this once flourishing Colony; the best method that can be proposed to strengthen this province, is to get a good number of people from other parts to come and settle in it, and one Act of our Assembly (copy enclosed) gives great encouragemt. to any persons that are willing to come and settle on ye Yammasee lands, being ye best part of this province; But we cannot expect that any person will come to settle there till the Yammasees be removed from Augustine, wch. we hope may be effected by means of ye Governmt. at home, therefore desire you will use your utmost dilligence in that affair. It is some time since our Governmt. sent to the Governr. of Augustine a letter to demand his observance of the first articles of ye late Treaty of Peace concluded between the Crowns of Great Brittain and Spain, whereby neither Nation is to give any aid to ye enemies of the other; to which he return'd answer, that he look't upon ye Yammasees as the subjects of Spain who a long time ago revolted from that Crown but were now return'd again to their former allegiance, and that upon that acct. he could not chase but receive and use them kindly and also to protect them against us: Now if ye subjects of Spain in time of Peace are allow'd to destroy ye subjects of Great Brittain and not only allow'd but encouraged and assisted to do ye same, by ye King of Spain's officers, we think it is the greatest violation of ye said Treaty imaginable and we hope it will be resented at home accordingly; This is directly the case of ye Yammases who have neither ammunition nor provision but what they receive immediately from ye King of Spain's Garrison at Augustine, though now shortly they will [have] corn enough of their own having planted a great deal near that place. Since the comencemt. of this war we have had abundance of slaves taken from us by the Yammasees and carried to Augustine and many more run away to that place of wch. having certain information, we sent Major James Cochran in quality of Agent for this province to demand the said slaves, and other goods which the Indians had got from us, but to no purpose, for they would not deliver them up, notwithstandg. several negro slaves belonging to our said Agent came flocking about him intreating that they might have liberty to go home wth. their Master. Their refusing to deliver up those slaves has encouraged a great many more lately to run away to that place, and what still is more barbarous in ye Spaniards is, that they suffer ye Yamasees to keep divers of our white women and children as slaves amongst them of wch. we have certain intelligence by Hugh Brian confirm'd by ye master of a New York sloop, who actually saw some of them at Augustine but when our Agent was there, he saw none but two children whom ye Spaniards have got, in order to make good Christians as they call their proselytes. We are inform'd by some masters of vessels that the Governr. of Augustine says all Carolina belongs to the King of Spain and that he hopes in a short time to see it united again to his Dominions; and so great an eye sore are we to the Spaniards that when some time since it was reported at ye Havanna that we were all taken or kill'd they express'd their satisfaction thereat by ringing of bells, bonfires and other demonstracons of joy from all which we conclude the Spaniards will still encourage and insist our enemies all they can to kill and destroy us. This is but a bad return of ye civilities they have always received from us for when some of our neighbouring Indians in ye late war, used to take ye Spaniards even from ye walls of Augustine whom they would cruelly put to death, we as soon as we knew it prevented it, by paying five pounds for every Spaniard they would bring alive to us. (You will find how much money we paid on that acct. in ye abstract of ye publick charge of ye Province, exclusive of the present Indian War, herewith sent) after wch. they killed none but brought all alive to us and we sent them home to Augustine, and since ye Peace was concluded we have entirely prevented them from doing the Spaniards any manner of mischeif whatsoever. As for the Charakees they have so often promised that they would fall upon our enemies to ye Southward (vizt.) the Creeks, Euchees, etc. and so often disappointed us that we can but little depend on them in that affair; However they have done us a signal peice of service, in compelling ye Cattawbaws, and those other small Nations about them to make Peace wth. us, whom otherwise they threatned to destroy; They have engaged to deliver up Wateree Jack, who is thought to be ye author of most of ye mischief they have done us, and all ye white men's slaves goods and horses they have amongst them. The Wascaws refused to make peace with us which obliged the Cattawbaws to fall them. They have kill'd ye major part of them the rest are fled to ye Sarraws: also ye Waccamaws, and those other Nations bordering on ye sea shore, to ye Northward (the Sarraws excepted) have made peace with us fearing the Cherakees. The conditions of ye peace agreed upon wth. them is, that they shall deliver up all belonging to ye white people and that they shall use their endeavours to destroy the Sarraws; They are now marched with their whole strength to put it in execution. We knowing that it was impossible the Waccamaws should be supplied with ammunition from ye Spaniard asked them how they came by it since this war; they answer'd that what little they had they got from ye Sarraws who constantly used to carry slaves skinns and other goods taken from us (of wch. they had a large share) to Virginia, in lieu of wch. they return'd home wth. ammunition and what elce they wanted; This being a great abuse, we hope you will represent it as such, for by this means they have been, and still are enabled to hold out against us, etc. Refer to enclosures. P.S. The charge we have been at during this present Indian war amounts to £95,000 and accordingly there's an Act pass'd by ye General Assembly, wch. makes provision for levying ye said sum upon ye estates of ye inhabitants of this Province, wch. will be an heavy burthen upon them. Aug. 13, 1716. Signed, B. Godin, Ra. Izard, Edwd. Hyrne. 2¾ pp.
413. ii. Extracts of letters from South Carolina. (a) Aug.30, 1715. Refers to negotiations with Virginia. They advise us yt. our Northern enemies have coartid them for a trade with them: and yt. they have lay'd them under a promise of a cessation of arms against us: and have order'd them to return with a certain number of ye Great Men: ye which are to consist of all our Northern Enemies: with whom ye Coll.Spotswood writs us yt. he thinks if hee brings all of them to a nutralitie, it will be very much to our advantage. And I beleive he designs no more, because Capt. Evans whom he sent hither as Commander in Cheif of all his forces; declares that his Instructions are, that he shall not fight against our Northern enemies: wherefore I beleive Evans will return for Virginia. Now Sr. knowing how they treated ye people of No.Carolina when they were at war: with ye Tuskaroras: together with the fund of money layd out (and by whom) for ye carrying on of ye Indians trayd, I must judge they are willing to have us in a continual war with our Southern Indians that they may have the whole trade with the Northern: Because it's certain as long as our war continues with any one party we cannot trade with the other. Butt a far greater mischeif attends any of our enemies being brought to, or allowed to be nuters, because under that covert they will both supply and assist our enimies: then the sweat and blood of our people, will center in ye coffers of the Indian Trading company of Virginia (thee which I think they hope for). You will find in our Address to ye King we pray him to command yt. a war be proclaimed in Virginia with all our enemies and I hope you will with all earnestness press it ye which being granted we have reason to judge would soon end the war: But if the contrary and any of our enemies stand nuter the charge will ruin us and we must leave this our hopeful place.
(b) April, 21, 1716. I find by an Address of thanks from many merchts. and others of London to Collo. Spotswood he is esteem'd to be our only support and deliverer out of the hands of our enemies now it must be confest that upon the arrival of Mr.Middleton who was sent to desire his assistance our Messenger was received and treated at first sight with great civillity and large promisses of assistance. But when the terms came to be stipulated he was forced to promise that for every man they suffer'd to come we should return an able negro woman in his stead wch. should continue there and make good all the time each man shou'd be absent and that the transportation of both white and black to and from the place should be at our cost, and every man so sent should have 30s. pr.month and that we should pay what debts they ow'd in Virginia as far as that 30s. pr. month would reach, the number of men sent was —. But their officers and about 10 more excepted they were the most ignorant creeping naked people yt. ever was seen for such a number together and I verily beleive many of them did not know how to load a gun some of them did confess they never did fire one. The armes that were sent with them were like themselves, and so broke and out of order yt. above three quarters of them were sent to the smiths to be mended, and Mr.Middleton told us that the Governour had several hundreds of choise arms which he desired part of for those men, the Govr. answer'd they were the King's and he could not spare them. He also supplied us with some powder and shot, but set such price on it in buckskins that we could buy powder cheaper in our town. When Mr.Middleton let us know his negotiations we were amazed at ye sending of ye negroes and could not think it by any means practicable but in lieu thereof offer'd the men 50s. pr. month with which they were content so yt. they had £4 pr.month: The which we thought generous. Now the Governr. of Virginia taxes us with breach of contract and has upbraidingly writt to us on this foot the whole story is too long to recite: and I suppose you are thoroly tyred with the potaige you have had etc. Wherefore know my resolution is to propose that ye whole stepulation and other passages that have happen'd be truly copied and put in print in London that the world may see how Collo. Spotswood has dealt with us and then they may judge whether his regard were not paid to our buckskins and whether his ignorant mortals here defended us for we have sent back all that were willing to go and are glad to be eased of the charge altho' we should be glad of a number of good men that our Planters might return to their homes. 21/8 pp.
413. iii. Extracts of letters from South Carolina. (a) 15th May, 1715. The Sarraws give out amongst the Wincaws and Norward Indians that they are order'd by the Virginia Traders to destroy this country and do their utmost endeavours to draw those Indians with the Waccmans to their party they offer them plunder and threaten they will destroy all that will not side with them.
(b) 19th June, 1715. We have an account pr.some Indians that are lately taken that the Virginia Traders encouraged our Indians to do what they have done and promised to supply them at a much easier rate than our Indians Traders did and that they would give them much better treatment. We have the names of some of them who encouraged them to committ this barbarous act, etc.
(c) 5th April, 1716. I perceive in the accounts of our affairs in England that the Lords Comnrs. of Trade are inform'd by Mr.Byrd several things which he knows but little off. But in one perticular he is right, which is our Traders trusting so largely their goods to the Indians. But as to everything else it is false notions of the management of Indians who are naturally proud and only want good stores of our goods to set them on mischeif. And if they were to have a good supply of goods at Virginia rates they would soon be our masters. No people keeps their Indians in so much subjection as the Spaniards and only by keeping them poor. Mr. Bird makes mention of their Tributaries in how great order they keep them which altogether are but very few and compounded of at least 18 or 20 different Nations and the largest of them not above 80 men, and some but 10 men. I heartily wish Virginia had all our Indians so we were but secured from them. That they may try whether their cheap selling them goods and kind usage would avail anything to such a number. There's another false assertion from a New England merchant that we used to set our Friendly Indians together to war on each other for the advantage of slaves which you know to be falce and that it was always our care to keep them at peace which we dearly pay for now. I desire you will also take notice of the false representation of the Virginians in England when Sr.Nathaniel Johnson was our Governour, wherein is asserted that the Cattabas are in their Government which to your knowledge is not and I have taken the latitude of the most northern towns of those Indian Settlements which I found to be to the northward of Charles town but 89 miles.
(d) 6th Aug., 1716. We knowing that it was impossible that the Waccamans shou'd be supplied with ammunition from the Spaniards ask'd them how they came by it since this war; they answer'd that what little they had they got from the Sarraws who constantly used to carry slaves, skins and other goods taken from us (of which they had a large share) to Virginia in lieu of which they return'd home with ammunition and what elce they wanted. This being a great abuse, we hope you will represent it as such for by this means they have been and still are enabled to hold out against us. Endorsed, Recd. Read 5th Dec., 1716. 31/8 pp.
413. iv. Certificate by Robert Daniel, Deputy Governor of South Carolina, 13th Aug., 1716. (a) Having several complaints and informations given unto me that the Spanish Government at St.Augustine did intise stir up and incourage the Yamasees and other Nations of Indians to make continual deprecations on H.M. subjects of this province comitting frequent murders on their persons and robbing them of their slaves goods and their cattle and conveying them to St. Augustine and there disposing of them to the Spaniards who openly bought them of the said Indians, I the Govr. aforesd. did by the advice of the Generall Assembly in June, 1716, commission Major James Cochran then one of the Assembly etc. to be Agent for this Governmt. to St.Augustine to demand the prisoners slaves and other effects belonging to H.M. subjects which were in possession of the Spaniards who bought them of the said Yamassee Indians. Major James Cochran at his return deposeth that he did there see several of his own slaves in possession of the Spaniards as also several other slaves who told him they belong'd to H.M. subjects of this province and were carried and sold to the Spaniards by the sd. Indians, begging him to redeem them. He also saw several perriagos there which he was informed belonged to H.M. subjects, etc., and having made a demand of the sd. effects of the Spanish Governmt., after several evasive answers they told him that they had writt to the King of Spain for directions how to dispose of them and that they could not part with them till they had an answer. He was inform'd that the Yamassees had a constant supply of ammunition from the Spanish Governmt. Signed, Ja. Cochran.
(b) Deposition of George Duckett, shipwright, living now at Charles Town, but lately at Port Royall. Deponent has made several voyages to St.Augustine since the beginning of this Indian rebellion. He saw several slaves belonging to his neighbours at Port Royal in possession of the Spaniards and bought by them of the Yamasee Indians who robbed the sd. slaves of Major Cochran, James Patterson, Collo. Barnwell, Mrs.Ford, Mr.Dicks, Mr.Graham, Mr.Adams and one slave belonging to himself. The Yamasee Indians assured him that the Spaniards supplied them with as much gunpowder and ball as they demanded, and bought all such goods of them which they plundred. from H.M. subjects of this province. Signed, George Duckett. The whole signed, Robt.Daniell. Endorsed, Recd. Read 5th Dec., 1716. Copy. 1 p.
413. v. An account of the charges the inhabitants of South Carolina have been att for the defence of the said Province, 1701–1716, over and above the expences of the present Indian Warr, etc. Total, £84, 035 (including £8495 for the Expedition agst. St.Augustine). Endorsed as preceding. 1 p. [C.O. 5, 1265. Nos. 44, 44 i.–v.; and (without enclosures) 5, 1293. pp. 42–52.]
Dec. 6.
St.James's.
414. Order of H.R.H. the Prince of Wales, Guardian of the Kingdom, in Council. Approving appointment of Robert Johnson as Deputy Governor of Carolina, provided he qualifys himself and gives security as Nov. 22. Signed, Edward Southwell. Endorsed, Recd. 10th Dec., 1716, Read 2nd Jan., 1716/17. 1¼ pp. [C.O. 5, 1265. No. 46; and 5, 1293. pp. 56, 57.]
Dec. 6.
St.James's.
415. Order of H.R.H. the Prince of Wales, Guardian of the Kingdom, in Council. Approving report of the Council of Trade and Plantations, Nov. 22nd, upon the petition of Lord Archibald Hamilton, and ordering that instructions be prepared for the Governor now going over to Jamaica, to recommend the said publick debts to the Assembly for procuring the payment thereof accordingly. Signed, Edward Southwell. Endorsed, Recd. 31st Jan., Read 16th Aug., 1717. 2 pp. [C.O. 137, 12. No. 58; and 138, 15. pp. 285–287.]
Dec. 6.
Annapolis Royall.
416. James Campbell to Mr. Secretary Stanhope. Having served for 26 years begs to remit in his son's favour and to be provided for in Chelsea as a half pay Captain, etc. Signed, James Campbell. Addressed. 1 p. [C.O. 217, 38. No. 1.]
Dec. 6.417. Order of H.R.H. the Prince of Wales, Guardian of the Kingdom etc., in Council. Confirming Acts of Nevis obliging all persons to give in a list of their slaves upon oath; and for making fortifications. Signed, Edward Southwell. Endorsed, Recd. 8th, Read 16th Jan., 1716/17. 1¾ pp. [C.O. 152, 11. No. 40; and 153, 12. pp. 483, 484.]
Dec. 6.
Whitehall.
418. Council of Trade and Plantations to Mr.Secretary Methuen. In reply to Nov. 30, refer to their own letters of Sept. 13th, March 24th, 1716, and Representation of Dec. 14, 1715. Continue:— As to the dislodging of the pirates, we conceive the Lords of the Admiralty are the best judges, what force may be necessary etc. However, we take leave to observe, that unless proper measures be taken for securing and settling those Islands, as soon as the pirates shall be dislodg'd, this service will not have its full effect. For when the ships of war shall be retir'd, this Island will always be a receptacle for such pirates, or liable to be seiz'd by other Nations to the great prejudice of our commerce in those parts. Autograph signatures. 2 pp. [C.O. 23, 12. No. 73; and 138, 15. pp. 57, 58.]
Dec. 11.
Jamaica.
419. General Heywood, C. in C. of Jamaica, to Mr.Secretary Stanhope. On the 3rd of this instant I sent on board the George a pacquet directed for H.M. service to your Honor. which contained the Journal of the Councill and Assembly with the Acts I had passed, but the ship sprang a leak etc. I now send H.M. pacquets on board the Sarah, etc. On the 4th instant H.M. sloop Swift Capt. Thomas Durell Commander arrived from Newfoundland to whom I ordered my Secry. to write and desire he would take a cruize up with this ship as far as the Narrows where if she gets well I hope she may be clear of any danger of pyrates, etc. v. Jan. 3rd, 1717. Signed, Peter Heywood. 1 p. [C.O. 137, 46. No. 22.]
Dec. 12.420. A.Broughton to the Council of Trade and Plantations. Offers to be security for Lt.Govr. Johnson, etc. Signed, A. Broughton. Endorsed, Recd. 13th Dec., 1716, Read 2nd Jan., 1716/17. Addressed. ½ p. [C.O. 5, 1265. No. 47.]
Dec. 12.
Whitehall.
421. Mr.Popple to Archibald Cumings. In reply to letter of Aug. 22nd (i.e. 2nd. Ed.) encloses copy of Attorney General's opinion, Nov. 22, q.v. [C.O. 5, 915. p. 21.]
Dec. 12.422. Mr.Attorney General to the Council of Trade and Plantations. I have considered the several Acts following past in Antigua (v. 2nd Nov.). As to the Act for establishing a Court of King's Bench, Common Pleas and Errors etc., tho' there are several things therein contained proper for regulating the proceedings in those Courts, yet for the reasons hereafter mentioned, I am of opinion that the same is not fit to receive H.M. Royal approbation. (i) It directs that those Courts are to hear try and determine matters therein according to such laws and statutes of England made before the settlement of that Colony, as should be allowed by the Judges there, to be in force in that Island, which thereby leaves an arbitrary power in the Judges to accept of the Laws of England in such cases only as they shall think fit, and it has not yet been thought proper to transferr the Laws of Great Britain to the Plantations generally. (ii) It carries all the Laws of England into the Plantations in criminal matters, which has never yet been thought proper for the Plantations. (iii) It ascertains the times for declaring and pleading in actions in those Courts, which will be inconvenient, there not being a power to give to those Courts to alter the time, in cases that shall require it. (iv) It subjects the inhabitants of Great Britain, and of other H.M. Dominions to be sued, and judgment to be obtained against them by fixing a summons upon the door of the place where those Courts are held, which is unreasonable. (v) It allows the certificate of a publick Notary to be evidence of the execution of a deed, which is unreasonable, because a publick notary cannot administer an oath. And it also allows the probates of wills in Great Britain, or other H.M. Dominions to be good evidence of the execution of such wills, which is unreasonable, the probate not proving the validity of the will, as to the title of lands. (vi) It disables any person after suit in law or equity commenced against him to dispose of any of his lands or goods, which is also unreasonable. (vii) There are also in it several regulations of appeals and writs of error to H.M. in Council, which I think proper only to be regulated by H.M. in his Instructions to his Governor. And as to the Act for constituting a Court of Chancery in this Island, this Act provides that the Court of Chancery shall be held before the Governor and Council, and not before the Governor only, as it was before held by H.M. Instructions. And I have no objection against this Act, but that what is done by this Act, might have been done by H.M. directions in his Commission to the Governor, if the same be not already done thereby. And as to the Act to indempnifie Anthony Brown and John Elliot from a certain bond etc., it takes notice of a former law whereby the vestries of the several parishes in that Island are empowered to raise money upon the inhabitants for the erection of Churches, and that Brown and Elliot when Churchwardens of the parish of St. Philip at the request of the Vestry, had agreed with George Pullen to build their Church there, and by bond and covenant had obliged themselves to pay him £1100 for the same, but that the Vestry refused to lay a tax on the inhabitants for the raising it, therefore the Act makes the parishioners chargeable with the money, and to indempnifie Brown and Elliot; and directs the Vestry to raise the same by taxes on the parishioners, and if they shall refuse so to do, appoints assessors to rate the same, which I think reasonable and proper to receive H.M. Royal confirmation. Signed, Edw. Northey. Endorsed, Recd. 15th Dec., 1716, Read 8th July, 1717. 2¾ pp. [C.O. 152, 12. No. 4; and 153, 13. pp. 52–56.]
Dec. 13.
From Mr.Barbers in Stafford Street, Pickadily.
423. William Bonner to the Council of Trade and Plantations. Offers to be security for Lt.Gvr.Johnson, etc. Signed, Wm. Bonner. Endorsed, Recd. 13th Dec., 1716, Read 2nd Jan., 1716/17. Addressed. ½ p. [C.O. 5, 1265. No. 48.]
Dec. 14.
Whitehall.
424. Council of Trade and Plantations to H.R.H.George Prince of Wales, Guardian of the Kingdom etc. Reply to 19th July. Before we offer our opinion upon the Ordnance Stores wanted in the Leewards Islands, we humbly take leave to lay before your Royal Highness a state of the duty of 4½ p.c.in Barbadoes and the Leeward Islands etc. That duty was for divers considerations given by Acts of the respective Assemblies of Barbadoes and the Leeward Islands pass'd in 1663 and 1668. And by Act of Parliament 9th and 10th K.William III., for granting a further subsidy etc., the same duty was taken from those Islands and apply'd to the use of the Civil List here. After the expiration of that Act by the death of King William the House of Commons on the 23rd March, 170½, addressed her late Majesty that this duty might be apply'd for the repairing and erecting such fortifications and other publick uses for ye safety of the said Islands as H.M. should direct, and that an annual acct. how the said duty should be expended might be laid before the House of Commons which Address being referr'd to the then Board of Trade on the 17th and 29th April, 1702, they offer'd their opinion for applying the said duty towards the performance of those services accordingly, and H.M. approving thereof, the consideration of putting the same in execution was referr'd to the then Lord High Treasurer and Master General of the Ordnance. By an Act pass'd in the 1st year of her late Majesty for the better support of H.M. Household etc., and by another Act of the 1st of his present Majesty the said duty of 4½ p.c. was excepted out of the Revenues appropriated for the service of the Household etc. By an account receiv'd from the Custom House it appears that since 1702 the amount of the 4½ p.c. from Barbadoes and the Leeward Islands is £78,528 2s. 5¼d. By accts. from the Ordnance the Leeward Islands have been furnish'd with stores of war during the said term to the value of £15,241 4s. 10d. So there remains £63,286 17s. 7¼d. How much of this remaining sum has been apply'd to the defraying the charge of Ordnance stores for Barbadoes or other services for that or the Leeward Islands, what those services are and how far the Ordnance have been paid for the stores they have already furnish'd, we humbly conceive is properly before the Lods. Commrs. of H.M. Treasury. Considering 'tis now a time of Peace and that improvements may be hop'd for from the setling of the late French part of St.Xtophers this Revenue must in all probability increase. We take it for granted that if the Leeward Islands did formerly, supply themselves with stores of war at their own expence as the Board of Ordnance represent it must have been when the 4½ p.c. was at their own disposal. We do not know but that the stores sent since 1702 for the defence of those Islands might have been sufficient had not three of the four Islands vizt.Nevis St. Christophers and Montserrat been ravag'd and plunder'd by the French, their arms slaves and everything else that was valuable taken away. The Instructions to the Govr. for keeping an acct. of arms and ordnance stores sent thither, for transmitting hither particular accts. of the state of them what remains, what have been expended or lost and in what manner, and for setling fit storehouses in the said Islands for keeping such stores are so express and particular that we doubt not but the present Gover. will take care to answer that part of the Board of Ordnance's proposal whereof we shall not be wanting to remind him which we hope may be a means to prevent such great demands for the future. Upon the whole we most humbly represent that we are still of the same opinion we laid before H.M. the 22nd of June last that it will be for H.M. service the said Islands be speedily supply'd with the several particulars wanting, according to the acct. annex'd to our said report wch. acct. we look upon to be very distinct as to the number and species both of the stores remaining and of those that are wanting. [C.O. 153, 12. pp. 470–474.]
Dec. 14.
Antigua.
425. Governor Hamilton to the Council of Trade and Plantations. Repeats Oct. 3, q.v. Continues:—Since the foregoing I have an account from the Governour of Spanish Town of several pirates that are about Cuba and Hispaniola. Refers to enclosures. The enclosed list of inhabitants of Spanish Town and Beef Island falls much short of the account Mr.Walton gave your Lordships of those poor Islands. Your Lordships will perceive how few they are in number, scatter'd up and down in those small islands, were they removed and had they small tracts of land allotted them in the former French part of St.Christophers I am well assur'd it would increase the Revenue of the Crown, and prove vastly for H.M. service, there are lately severall's gone off of these Islands (particularly from Mountserratt) which are making a settlement upon an other small Island called Tortola, where there was formerly a small Colony settled, but were soon disturbed by the Spaniards, all of them taken of, and their settlements destroyed. Consequently so many subjects lost to the Crown, I therefore beg your Lordships' directions in this particular. Encloses two affidavits, whereby your Lordships will perceive that those seas are pester'd with that vermine of pirates, and still no man of war arrived, by which I am not only confined, but the trading vessells to and from these Islands much endanger'd. Upon the hearing and taking the first affidavit, I hired a small sloop and sent her immediately with a letter to the Governour of Barbadoes to give him notice and to desire him to let the man of war of that station cruize for some time off of the Island Desirado that being the place most likely for them to cruize, it being now the time of the year for our provision ships to come in, who generally fall in with that Island first, and this day I have an account that the two pirates mentioned in the affidavits are come up to Windward and have taken two French sloops under our neighbouring Island of Guardeloupe which is in sight of this Island. I now send your Lordships a Book containing the General Acts of all the Islands, and the particular Acts for the Island of Nevis; I have not as yet got those for the other Islands but the Secretary assures me that they are about doing of them. I received this day duplicates of your Lordships' letters of 30th May and 15th June, and have already given orders pursuant to your Lordships' directions. Signed, W.Hamilton. Endorsed, Recd. 13th, Read 18th Feb., 1716/17. 3 pp. Enclosed,
425. i. Deposition of John Kenney, Commander of the sloop Anne and Josiah Carver, mate. Antigua, 10th Dec., 1716. On 9th Nov. they were chased by a sloop and threw their cargo and provisions overboard, fearing if she was a Spanish vessell that they would seize her for the same. The sloop came so near, that deponents gave them three chears in English in hopes to discover by their voice what country they were of, to which they made no answer, but continued to give them chase, but the brize springing up they got clear etc. Signed, John Kenney, Josiah Carver. Copy. 1 p.
425. ii. Deposition of John Kenney. At Martinique at the letter end of November he heard of two pirates that chased a French sloop into St. Thomas. These two sloops with another ship anchored at St. Cruix where were 5 other vessels etc. Signed, John Kenney. Endorsed as covering letter. Copy. ¾ p.
425. iii. Deposition of Abijah Savage, Commander of the sloop Bonetta of Antigua. Antigua, 30th Nov., 1716. On 9th Nov. between St. Thomas and St. Cruix he was overhauled and plundered by two pirate sloops, who also took a French ship and six sail of small vessels, keeping the French ship etc. One, called the Mary Anne, was commanded by Samuel Bellamy who declared himself to be an Englishman born in London, and the other, the Postillion, by Louis de Boure a Frenchman, who had his sloop chiefly navigated with men of that Nation. Each sloop was mounted with 8 guns, and had betwixt 80 or 90 men. The Mary Anne was chiefly navigated with Englishmen. Deponent was detained at St. Cruix. The pirates only wanted provisions and a ship to make a voyage. Gives names of some of the pirates etc. Signed, Habbjah Savage. Same endorsement. Copy. 2 pp.
425. iv. List of dutiable inhabitants of Spanish Town; men, 42, women, 40, children, 139; negroes, 105. Beef Island, 2 men, 2 women, 2 children, 3 negroes. None on any of the other (Virgin) Islands but on Guana Island one famely (Patrick Conner). Same endorsement. 1 p.
425. v. Lt. Governor Hornbe to Governor Hamilton. Spanish Towne, 15th Nov., 1716. Encloses preceding list etc. Concludes:—There lys off Cuba one large ship and 6 or 7 sloopes piratts who take all vessells they meet with etc. Signed, Tho. Hornbe. Same endorsement. Addressed. 1 p.
425. vi. List of Gentlemen recommended to fill vacancies in the Councils of the several Islands. Nevis:—James Symmonds, James Brown, Roger Pemberton, George Webbe, James Biskitt, John Dasent. Antigua:—John Gamble, Thomas Williams, John Gunthorpe, Daniel McKinnen, Ashton Warner, Robert Pearne. St. Christophers:—William Woodrope, John Garnett, William McDowall, Drewry Ottley, Peter Soulegre, Charles Rowland. Mountserratt:—Thomas Lee, William Irish, Richard Cooke, William Frye jr., John Cockran, Cleophas Baker. Same endorsement. 1 p. [C.O. 152, 11. Nos. 45, 45 i.–vi.; and (without enclosures) 153, 12. pp. 493–497.]
[Dec. 15.]426. Copy of grant by Governor Christopher Codrington of a plantation in the late French part of St. Christophers to Capt. Andrew Thauvett, Nov. 17, 1698. Endorsed, Recd. (from Mr. Duport) 15th, Read 20th Dec., 1716. 3½ pp. [C.O. 152, 11. No. 33.]
[Dec. 15.]427. Abstract of letters from Capt. Andrew Thauvet, St. Christophers, 1715, relating to his grant of a plantation etc. Endorsed as preceding. French. 2 pp. [C.O. 152, 11. No. 34.]