|
Dec. 1.
Jamaica. |
409. General Heywood, Commander in Chief of Jamaica,
to the Council of Trade and Plantations. Refers to letter of 14th
Nov. and enclosure. Continues:—I likewise send the copy of the
Journal of the Councill. But I could not get the Journall of the
Assembly nor the Acts that passed fairly transcribed but hope
to have them ready to send by the next ships that sayle etc.
The Country in general has been and still continues very sickly
more especially Kingston and abundance of people of all ages
have dyed, etc. Signed, Peter Heywood. Endorsed, Recd. 25th
March, Read 3rd April, 1717. 2 pp. Enclosed, |
|
409. i. Governor of the Havana to H.E. Peter Heywood.
Havana, 8th Nov. (N.S.), 1716. Acknowledges letter of
16th Aug. and expresses satisfaction that Mr. Heywood
intends to proceed against those who daily commit
hostilities, very many vessels belonging to that Island
being taken and sundry robberies committed by pirate
sloops in the most defenceless places, etc, Continues:—I have duly considered what I had the honour to be
acquainted with by your Excellency of what has been
done in Trinidado in the time of the Marquess of Cassa
Torres, in relation to some vessells by them declared and
adjudged as prizes there. I shall give the most
speedy orders that they remit me all papers etc.,
whereby I may be certify'd of their proceedings etc.,
and shall use the best means I can to redress the same
etc. By the annexed testimony your Excellency will
perceive that I have comanded that under no pretext
whatsoever, they should fitt out or arm out of Trinidado
or Cuba vessells to go privateering etc. Signed, Dn.
Vicente de Baxa. Same endorsement. Copy. 1¾ pp.
[C.O. 137, 12. Nos. 40, 40 i.; and (without enclosure)
138, 15. pp. 200–203.] |
Dec. 1.
Jamaica. |
410. General Heywood to Mr. Secretary Stanhope. Duplicate of preceding letter, and enclosure. [C.O. 137, 46. Nos. 21,
21 i.] |
Dec. 3.
Jamaica. |
411. General Heywood, Commander in Chief of Jamaica, to
the Council of Trade and Plantations. On the first of the last
month I writ to your Lordships by the Kent gally Capt. Thoms.
Lawton, who in his intended voyage to the Windward passage
was taken by the pirates, and robbed of what they thought
fitt and turned loose, he came to Port Royall, and now sails with
two other ships the George Capt. Patterson and the Brocham
Joseph Jewell under convoy of H.M.S. Adventure, who returned
from her last voyage the 18th Dec. the Capt. very much out
of order, but as he tells me his whole company in a very good state
of health, but complains much of the refractoriness of his officers,
he is now pretty well recovered, and writes me he should be ready
to sail with the aforementioned ships the fourth of this instant,
so that I continue my aforesaid packets on board the said ship.
Encloses Acts and Journals etc. On the 4th Dec. H.M.S. Swift
Capt. Durell arrived at Port Royal, I desired the Capt. to have
taken a cruize with the Adventure being a proper vessell for the
service drawing but little water, but he tells me he dair not stirr
without orders from home, besides that he has but six guns
(tho' capable to carry 18) and his complyment of men but 40,
which I must acknowledge too few to adventure on these pirates
by himself they generally going two and two, with seventy or
eighty desperate rogues, and 10 or 12 gunns in each sloop they
take more then half the ships and vessells that are bound either
to this Island or the French settlements on Hispaniola, and
Spaniards that comes in their cruize, as well as those that go
from hence taking something out of all they meet, and very often
burn their vessells, others they disable just leaving them sufficient
to bring them down, out of some they meet with rogues that
willingly desert, as lately a Guinea ship Capt. Evans out of whom
they took 40 choice men slaves and all their gold and what else
they thought fitt, and then dismist her, from which ship the master
reports 4 of his men deserted to the pirates, out of a ship from
New England they took what they thought for their purpose,
and then forced the Carpenter away with them, on the last of
December [sic] a poor turtler came before me and said they had
robbed him of his netts and what little he had on board, and then
turned into him three of their gang (and a little boy) that they
did not approve of, first whipping them inhumanely and burning
matches between their fingers ears and toes, they would not lett
the little boy who I take to be about 12 or 13 years of age, because
he desired to leave them go without a daudorus as they called it,
a good whipping, they give me an accompt of one they hanged
for an example for offering to leave them and another they beat
and abused so much that they beleived he could not live, and
then without any remorse thro' him overboard and drowned
him. To inumerate the villanys we have accompts some of
them commit would I fear be to tro'blesome to your Lordships,
but we have great reason to fear they have taken some vessells
and murdered all the people taking out what they wanted
and then burning the vessells. We have one particular reason
to believe the truth of this, for the pirates that lye the windermost, that we know have a very great plenty of Madera wines
and other liquors, but they would not let the master of the
Guinea man or any others they have taken know when or where
they gott them, there is of these pirates of all nations, those to
windward are generally Spaniards, and some few French, but
most mulattos, quarteroons and negroes, they lye from the
leward part of the Island of St. John de Porto Reco down along
the south side of Hispaniola, then on the other side Hispaniola,
from Cape Nicola down the north west, and west of Hispaniola,
and upon the south side to the Isle of Ash, then on the coast of
Cuba from the south estermost end down to the south key and
Trinidado lyes others, and from the Isle of Pines clear round to
the bay of Hondo, and so on to the Havana and bay of Matances,
and from thence to the Island Providence, how many is uncertain,
and make that Isle their chief rendezvous taking all nations
they meet with, one of those small rogues lately took a Spanish
ship of 22 gunns, and 22 pattareroes, a very rich ship from Cadiz,
as I am informed, in short these seas are full of these Rovers
which will in particular be a very great detriment to this Island,
hinder both vessells coming to us from H.M. Northern Plantations,
and putting a stop to the little trade our merchants have to the
Spanish coast, they give out they want but a good ship or two
fit for their purpose and then they design farther off in particular
to the coast of Brazil. I am inclined to beleive some of them may
go for they generally take all the good instruements they meet
with etc. H.M. two Companys of foot want a great many recruits
to fill them up, the last list I see of Lord Archibald Hamilton's
Company had but 61 seargeants, corporalls, drummers, private
men, etc. and they very ragged, having had no clothing these
six years past, and their arm's hardly fitt for use, having been
here as I think full 14 years, and now have more then seven
months pay due to them, but Coll. Delawna's Company which is
barrackt at the Fort on Port Royall is much fuller of men, but
I beleive in the same circumstances for clothes and arms and the
fortifications at that place is very much out of repair, and wants
an ingeneer to rectifye and new model the same. Refers to
enclosed deposition of Joseph Eels, taken before myself and
Council to whom we gave an assurance that he should be secured
of his life by a noli prosequi provided he made a full discovery
of what he knew of the late piracys committed in the Bay of
Hondo, upon this information and deposition we ordered Daniel
Axtell and Jasper Ashworth to be apprehended, and committed
by a warrant from the Chief Justice as correspondents with and
accessorys to pirates and piracys. Upon taking up of these
persons a great many are fled, that a warrant was issued to
apprehend both as principles and accessarys, and what to do
with these men, we know not as yett, not having a Commission
under the Broad Seal of England as the statute of the 11th of
King William directs, nor Admiral Vice Admiral a deputy to
whom to direct a Commission pursuant to the statute of the
28th of Hen. VIII. We are likewise necessitated to keep under
confinement the said Joseph Eels for want of sufficient security
designing to make use of him as evidence for the King in this behalf which he has promised upon being secured himself to become.
I farther advise you that the said sloop Mary which was commanded by the said Leigh Ashworth was condemned as the goods
of pirates in the Court of Admiralty here, she being concerned in
the piracys committed on the French ship in the Bay of Hondo
at which time the said Eels was quartermaster on board her
under the command of the said Leigh Ashworth etc. Signed,
Peter Heywood. Endorsed, Recd. 1st, Read 3rd April, 1717.
2 pp. Enclosed. |
|
411. i. Copy of deposition of Joseph Eels of Port Royall,
Carpenter, Dec. 20, 1716. Deponent last March sett
sail on board the Mary sloop, Capt. Leigh Ashworth
commander, and soon after arrived at blewfields,
where they found Capt. Jennings, Capt. Carnigee and
Capt. Liddal, and from thence sail'd in company with
them designing for the wrecks. About six leagues from
Baya Honda they spyed a sloop with two periaguas
putting from her, and found her to be Capt. Young's,
who told Capt. Ashworth they were two maroon
periaguas, and had obliged him to tow them over from
the bay of Honduras, etc. Describes boarding and capture
of a French ship in the Bay of Hondo, by abovenamed.
A periagua commanded by a Spaniard informed them
that there was in Porto Mariel a French ship a trading,
whereupon Carnigee went to seek her, but next morning
the periagua which had followed him reported that
Hornigold had taken the French ship, whereupon
Jennings and Ashworth weighed anchor to go after
them, but not being able to overtake them stood
in again to the Bay, and came to an anchor, the ship
being in the offing, one of the periaguas being on board
ship and several of her men halled her alongside and threw
the money being about 28,500 odd peices of eight into
the periagua and immediately went away with it.
Soon afterwards the ship came in again and acquainted
Jennings and Ashworth the money was gone, and then
by order of Jennings one of the periaguas was cut to
peices and Young's sloop burnt. Next morning
Carnigie halled aboard the ship and hoisted out of his
sloope into the ship all his guns ammunition provitions
and stores, and going on board with his men took the
command of her without controul. Jennings, Ashworth
and Carnigie weighing anchor in order to go to Providence, and coming out of the harbour Carnigee gave the
Frenchmen that were left on board the ship his sloop,
and then all three sail'd for Providence where arriving
they shared the goods in three parts one for the owner of
the three sloops, and the other two for the men. The
owner's share of the goods were put on board the sloop
Dolphin, and then wrote to Mr. Daniel Axtell and to his
brother Jasper Ashworth. Deponent saw part of the
letter, importing they had taken a ship, and that the
sloop was coming with the goods taken out of the ship.
Deponent, with James Spatcher, Commander of the
Dolphin, delivered the above letters to Daniel Axtell,
who ordered the sloop to go from Cowboy to Pigeon
Island, and thence to Manatee Bay, whence deponent
and others brought dry goods in a canoe from the
Dolphin to Port Royal, Mr. Axtell receiving them
himself into his storehouse at night. After which the
sloop being seized by Fernando in Manatee Bay was
sent into Port Royal Harbour, etc., etc. Signed, Joseph
Eels. Endorsed as preceding. 1½ pp. [C.O. 137, 12.
Nos. 41, 41 i.; and (without enclosures) 138, 15. pp.
204–212.] |
Dec. 3.
Boston. |
412. Instructions from the Government of the Massachusetts
Bay to Mr. Agent Dummer. Whereas application hath been or
may be made to the Crown for procuring a Patent for all that
tract of land lying between St. de Croix on the North East,
Sagadehock and Kennebeck River on the South West. Upon that
occasion, you are to represent, that from the said Sagadehock and
Kennebeck River to Penobscot so call'd (which may amount to
near a third part of the whole tract above mention'd) was more than
60 years since bona fide purchas'd by numbers of English Gentlemen and People of and from the natives or Indian Proprietors
by and with the consent of the King's Governors and Government
from time to time, and the greatest part of it lying within and
deriv'd from the great and original grants or paten[ts] of the
Council of Plymouth yet to be seen. That pursuant to such
fair and legal purchases and confirmations, the said purchasers,
their Agents and people expended great sums of mony, made very
considerable improvemts., had sevl. settlements and plantations
untill they were wholly broke up and ruin'd by the French
and Indians in the late war to the unspeakable loss of lives and
estates. You are therefore to take care that there be a particular
and express saving and exception to the lesser tract beforemention'd, vizt: from Penobscot to Sagadehock and Kennebeck
River, purchas'd confirm'd and settled as aforesd. by the
respective Proprietors thereof. Signed, Saml. Shute, by and
with the advice and consent of the Council and Assembly, Jos.
Maison, D. Secry. Endorsed, Communicated by Mr. Dummer.
Recd. Read 24th May, 1717. 2 pp. [C.O. 5, 866. No. 116.] |
| Dec. 5. |
413. Joseph Boone and Richard Beresford, Agents for the
Commons House of Assembly in South Carolina, to the Council of
Trade and Plantations. We are so unfortunate as to find that
although the affaires of South Carolina are in so ill a posture,
there is an Address sent home from the Governour and Council of
Virginia etc., that they had not been wanting to strengthen
H.M. hands by taking measures to prevent a divertion of his
forces agt. the heathens abroad, etc., having sent such timely
and sufficient succours to his distressed subjects in Carolina
as had effectually helped them to recover their province out
of the hands of the barbarous Indians, and had rendred that
assistance needless which H.M. had been pressed to send from
Europe, etc. We are very sorry that we are oblidged to represent
that it plainly appeares that the greatest part of their callamities
hath proceeded and doth proceed from the Indian Traders of
Virginia, and we beg your Lordships' assistance in redressing of
these greivances. Upon the first attack of the Indians the
Governour and Councill of Carolina were necessitated to send
Agents to Virginia and other parts to sollicite releife, and did
expect that so powerfull a province as Virginia and who were
so neare neighbours and fellow subjects would at their own
expence (as South Carolina did formerly for North Carolina upon
the like occasion) have supplyed them with a good reinforcemt.
but so farr from it they insisted upon the hardest conditions
imaginable before they would consent to send a man, which
their absolute necessities oblidged the Agent to promise (only
that they would endeavour the country should com [?ply] with).
The agreemt. was 30s. pr. mo. pr. man, besides a negro woman
to be sent to Virginia in lieu of each man sent to Carolina to work
till their returne. Upon these conditions Carolina had at their
own expence about 130 men, the far greater part of whom were
poor ragged fellows, raw servants, transported to them most of
them just landed from England and Ireland whose masters considering the profitt would be greater by this agree[?ment] then
keeping them to work at home, let them have them, who comming
to Carolina unseasoned to America many of them fell sick, and
were intirely unserviceable and unexperienced in armes; nor
were they in any action, and did not stay above eight months
before remanded and sent home. Upon the meeting of the
Assembly of Carolina the agreemt. for them was taken into
consideration, they being desirous to comply with the Agent's
promisses, although not sent by their authority or authorized
to make such an agreemt. and finding it unpracticable to send
negro women in their roomes by reason of the discontent such
usage would have given their husbands, wch. might have
occasioned a revolt also of the slaves; they allowed the Virginians
£4 pr. mo. pr. man, Carolina money, which was paid them; but
it's so farr from satisfying the Virginians, that they make it a
pretence of quarrell, and tell them, for the future they shall
perish before they shall have any assistance from them, and their
Agents sent thither since to accomodate the matter were told by
the Governour he would doe them all the disservice he could, and
accordingly has made the aforesaid Representations in his
Address to H.M. in order to prevent their obtaining supplies.
We must attribute this behaviour of the Governour's in some
measure to a complyance with the ill disposition the Assembly
of Virginia hath to Carolina, for as the Governour at first promoted
a supply being sent them, so afterwards call[ing] an Assembly,
and promoting more forces being sent, they not only refused it,
but seemed dissatisfyed with the going of the former which they
were not consulted in. Refer to enclosures from the Commander
in Cheife of the Carolina forces agt. the Indians, and people
of the best authority in the country of the informations they have
had of the Virginians encourageing the Indians to make warr
upon them, and supplying them with guns, ammunition and
other traffick. Which makes appeare the grand reason of all
their inhumanity to continue the lucre of their trade with the
Indians, for which end and purpose they have passed an Act for
carrying it on in a Company, that if that Act receives the Royall
assent that may have by H.M. authority power to devest them
of it which in Carolina they would not much matter could they
without trading wth. the Indians be secured from their attacks,
but there lyes their misfortune, for if they omitt trading with
them they will goe to the Virginians who if permitted to trade
without limitation can sell cheaper then Carolina, which will
carry the trade from them, and the Indians being thus independant of yt. province will continually insult them whilst they can
be supplyed from Virginia, and never be brought to peace, nor
will the Virginians ever desire they should so long as they doe
and can trade with them. The Indians are naturally proud,
revengefull and bloody, lovers of warr and mischeife, and are
no longer to be kept in subjection then necessity or interest oblidges
them which may be accomplished by prudent methods and
precautions, the cheife of which is making them dependant for
necessaries of all kinds, and in these keepg. them bare and
unstored. But if the Virginians are permitted to trade with
them Carolina can't prevent their having magazines of armes and
ammunition, the Virginians selling cheape the Indians are inabled
to purchase greater quantities. It is certaine the Virginians
have at the beginning of the warr, and very lately sent here to
buy great quantities of such armes as formerly the Carolinians
used to sell the Indians, there being a particuler sort that those
Indians like, and whilst the Carolinians traded with the Indians
Virginia never made use of but they have now lately (as may be
seen by the Custom—house books) imported great quantities of
deer skins, which must be bought of the Indians that are at
warr with Carolina; their trade with their neighbour Indians never
having produced such quantities, and can be no other then the
stores the Indians plundered from the Carolina Traders and sold
to them. Thus my Lords appeare the difficulties that Carolina
struggels with on every side, and how unlikely it is to restore
peace whilst the Virginians are permitted to trade with the
Indians living within the limitts of Carolina, without paying the
same duties and being under the same rules and limmitations in
trade as the traders of Carolina. Nor is it possible for Carolina
to inforce laws necessary to regulate that trade in order to keep
the Indians in subjection, and have a good correspondence with
them whilst the Virginians trade wth. them not being lyable to
the same laws and restrictions in trade but will pervert what
Carolina restrains them in for the sake of peace, to their own
profitt, and the undoing Carolina. We hope your Lordships
will seriously consider this their unfortunate and deplorable
condition in respect to the Virginians trading with the Indians
living within the limitts of Carolina, and now at warr with
them, or with foreigne Indians as the Virginians truly call
them in the preamble of their Act, so that an Order may be
obtained to limitt the trade of each province to their own Indians;
or if permitted to trade with Indians inhabiting within the limitts
of another province, they shall strictly be injoined and made
lyable to all the laws and customes imposed upon the traders of
that province they trade in. We are likewise instructed and beg
leave most earnestly to represent to your Lordships the behaviour
of the King of Spaine's Garrison at St. Augustine towards
Carolina: The Yamasees of all the Indians were ye first that
began the warr attack'd the English and murthered them in cold
blood, and they have ever since been sheltered by the sd. Garrison
from whence by reason of their nearness to South Carolina they
not only prevent the resettling of many deserted plantatns.,
but are and will be continually murthering and enslaving the
inhabitants of the sd. province and robbing them of their slaves
cattell etc. which they carry to St. Augustine and are there
openly bought by the Spaniards; and the Yamasees are by them
plentifully provided with armes ammunition and provisions
which they could not procure anywhere else, which is we humbly
apprehend a breach of the first Article of the late Treaty between
the Crownes of Great Britaine and Spaine. H.M. subjects in
slavery amongst those Indians and others detained by the
Spaniards with the slaves cattell etc. so taken have been
demanded of the Spaniards by a propper Agent sent by the
Govermt. of Carolina for that purpose: But the redelivery thereof
refused, under a pretence (after many evasive answers) that they
had wrote to the Court of Spaine for directions therein: and as
to Yamasee Indians the Governour told the Agent they were
subjects of Spaine and upon that account he could not but receive
and use them kindly, and also protect them against us; of these
perticuler and severall other hardships put upon Carolina by the
Spaniards we beg leave to lay accounts and affidavitts before
you, and we humbly beg your Lordships will represent them to
H.M. in order to procure such necessary powers and instruction
to be sent to the Governmt. of Carolina as may effectually authorize
them to attack their enemies the Yamasees, or other Indians at
warr with Carolina wheresoever they shall find them, although
they should be in the King of Spaine's jurisdiction, without
which permission it will be impossible for H.M. subjects of
Carolina (their enemies being so protected) ever to suppress
them, but they must always be spoyled and ruin'd by them.
And we also humbly request and hope that restitution of the
effects of H.M. subjects so detained by the Spaniards will be
redemanded by H.M., and the Spaniards breach of Treaty
remedyed. We returne your Lordships thanks for your readiness
from time to time in receiving their requests, and promoting
answers thereto. But as what has been hitherto done is not
effectual to their releife, the warr and consequently the expence
still continuing, the people still decreasing both by death and
desertion, they not being at first above 1400 English fitt to beare
armes against many thousand Indians, that disables them to
pay so great a debt contracted, and continue the expence, and in
a short time must reduce them to ruin, or to abandon the province.
Your Lopps. will be pleased further to represent these their
necessities and requests to H.M. and the parliamt. in order to the
obtaining effectuall releife. Signed, Joseph Boone, Richd.
Beresford. Endorsed, Recd. Read 5th Dec., 1716. 3 pp.
Enclosed, |
|
413. i. Committee of the Assembly of Carolina to Messrs.
Boone and Beresford. Aug. 6, 1716. Our House of
Commons had resolved that a Committee from their
House shou'd have drawn these letters before the[y]
broke up, that they might have had the approbation
of the whole House, and have been sign'd by the
Speaker, but a hurry of business prevented them and
they only gave us the heads they would have us insist
upon and farther order'd us, that we shou'd send home
some Acts of our Assembly and other papers, enclosed.
Since our last to you we have received several letters
from you and are glad to hear that we are like to have
assistance of men from Engld. There is already one
vessel arrived from Leverpool with eighty odd of the
rebells, whom we hope will prove serviceable to this
country, we being still in great want of men to help
defend us from the incursions of our barbarous enemies
who are still very numerous threatning to invade us
in a short time wth. an army of 4 or 5000 men to be
rais'd amongst the Creeks, Tallabosees, Obecaes,
Albamees, Choctaws, Euchees, Apalaches, Yammasees,
Savanna's and other Nations of Indians in amity with
the French at Moville, and Spaniards at Pansecola and
St. Augustine; They have already began to make
incursions amongst us, in small parties, having by that
means destroy'd several of our inhabitants very lately.
Last week in perticuler Major Henry Quintyne, and
several others were kill'd near Port-Royal, by ye Yammasees who unless removed from St. Augustine will be
a continual plague to this province, more than any other
Indians being so near us, and plentifully provided wth.
armes, ammunition and provisions from ye King of
Spain's Garrison in that place; of this divers merchts.
and masters of vessels trading to that Port have been
eye witnesses; but the fullest information we have had
in that affair is from one Hugh Brian son to Joseph
Brian, who was made a prisoner by ye Yammasees in
ye beginning of this war and was a slave amongst above
a year; at length his Master being call'd the Woospan
King having under his command about 15 men, sent
him in to us, to desire a peace with us, wch. we would
have willingly granted (understanding by Brian that
he has all along been a friend to the English, saving
his life when a great many others were cruelly put to
death by ye Indians in cold bloud). The Woospan
King desired if we would make a peace with him, that
we would send to him privately at St. Augustine, wch.
we did but he was not to be met with there. So we
concluded that ye Spaniards had some notice of it,
and that they had sent him out of ye way on purpose;
This Brian has heard the Indians telling one another
oftentimes that the Spaniards perswaded them what
they could, to kill the English, provided they did not let
them see it done, and he has all along been an eyewitness to the Spaniards furnishing ye Yamasees wth.
whatever they wanted to carry on the war against us;
His Master once carried him amongst the Creeks where
he continued some time; while he was there divers
parties of Indians came in with ammunition from
Moville and Pansecola who also encourage the Indians
all they can to destroy us, etc. Unless we can find some
way or other to prevent the Indians from being supplied
with arms and ammunition, we may expect a long and
bloudy war wch. in all humane probability will end in
the ruin of this once flourishing Colony; the best method
that can be proposed to strengthen this province, is
to get a good number of people from other parts to
come and settle in it, and one Act of our Assembly
(copy enclosed) gives great encouragemt. to any
persons that are willing to come and settle on ye
Yammasee lands, being ye best part of this province;
But we cannot expect that any person will come to
settle there till the Yammasees be removed from
Augustine, wch. we hope may be effected by means of
ye Governmt. at home, therefore desire you will use
your utmost dilligence in that affair. It is some time
since our Governmt. sent to the Governr. of Augustine
a letter to demand his observance of the first articles
of ye late Treaty of Peace concluded between the Crowns
of Great Brittain and Spain, whereby neither Nation
is to give any aid to ye enemies of the other; to which
he return'd answer, that he look't upon ye Yammasees
as the subjects of Spain who a long time ago revolted
from that Crown but were now return'd again to their
former allegiance, and that upon that acct. he could
not chase but receive and use them kindly and also to
protect them against us: Now if ye subjects of Spain
in time of Peace are allow'd to destroy ye subjects of
Great Brittain and not only allow'd but encouraged
and assisted to do ye same, by ye King of Spain's officers,
we think it is the greatest violation of ye said Treaty
imaginable and we hope it will be resented at home
accordingly; This is directly the case of ye Yammases
who have neither ammunition nor provision but what
they receive immediately from ye King of Spain's
Garrison at Augustine, though now shortly they will
[have] corn enough of their own having planted a great
deal near that place. Since the comencemt. of this war
we have had abundance of slaves taken from us by the
Yammasees and carried to Augustine and many more
run away to that place of wch. having certain information, we sent Major James Cochran in quality of
Agent for this province to demand the said slaves, and
other goods which the Indians had got from us, but to
no purpose, for they would not deliver them up, notwithstandg. several negro slaves belonging to our said
Agent came flocking about him intreating that they
might have liberty to go home wth. their Master.
Their refusing to deliver up those slaves has encouraged
a great many more lately to run away to that place,
and what still is more barbarous in ye Spaniards is,
that they suffer ye Yamasees to keep divers of our
white women and children as slaves amongst them of
wch. we have certain intelligence by Hugh Brian
confirm'd by ye master of a New York sloop, who
actually saw some of them at Augustine but when our
Agent was there, he saw none but two children whom ye
Spaniards have got, in order to make good Christians
as they call their proselytes. We are inform'd by some
masters of vessels that the Governr. of Augustine says
all Carolina belongs to the King of Spain and that he
hopes in a short time to see it united again to his
Dominions; and so great an eye sore are we to the
Spaniards that when some time since it was reported
at ye Havanna that we were all taken or kill'd they
express'd their satisfaction thereat by ringing of bells,
bonfires and other demonstracons of joy from all
which we conclude the Spaniards will still encourage
and insist our enemies all they can to kill and destroy
us. This is but a bad return of ye civilities they have
always received from us for when some of our neighbouring Indians in ye late war, used to take ye Spaniards
even from ye walls of Augustine whom they would
cruelly put to death, we as soon as we knew it prevented
it, by paying five pounds for every Spaniard they
would bring alive to us. (You will find how much
money we paid on that acct. in ye abstract of ye publick
charge of ye Province, exclusive of the present Indian
War, herewith sent) after wch. they killed none but
brought all alive to us and we sent them home to
Augustine, and since ye Peace was concluded we have
entirely prevented them from doing the Spaniards any
manner of mischeif whatsoever. As for the Charakees
they have so often promised that they would fall upon
our enemies to ye Southward (vizt.) the Creeks, Euchees,
etc. and so often disappointed us that we can but little
depend on them in that affair; However they have
done us a signal peice of service, in compelling ye
Cattawbaws, and those other small Nations about them
to make Peace wth. us, whom otherwise they threatned
to destroy; They have engaged to deliver up Wateree
Jack, who is thought to be ye author of most of ye
mischief they have done us, and all ye white men's
slaves goods and horses they have amongst them. The
Wascaws refused to make peace with us which obliged
the Cattawbaws to fall them. They have kill'd ye
major part of them the rest are fled to ye Sarraws:
also ye Waccamaws, and those other Nations bordering
on ye sea shore, to ye Northward (the Sarraws excepted)
have made peace with us fearing the Cherakees. The
conditions of ye peace agreed upon wth. them is, that
they shall deliver up all belonging to ye white people
and that they shall use their endeavours to destroy
the Sarraws; They are now marched with their whole
strength to put it in execution. We knowing that it
was impossible the Waccamaws should be supplied
with ammunition from ye Spaniard asked them how
they came by it since this war; they answer'd that
what little they had they got from ye Sarraws who
constantly used to carry slaves skinns and other goods
taken from us (of wch. they had a large share) to
Virginia, in lieu of wch. they return'd home wth.
ammunition and what elce they wanted; This being a
great abuse, we hope you will represent it as such, for
by this means they have been, and still are enabled to
hold out against us, etc. Refer to enclosures. P.S.
The charge we have been at during this present Indian
war amounts to £95,000 and accordingly there's an
Act pass'd by ye General Assembly, wch. makes
provision for levying ye said sum upon ye estates of
ye inhabitants of this Province, wch. will be an heavy
burthen upon them. Aug. 13, 1716. Signed, B.
Godin, Ra. Izard, Edwd. Hyrne. 2¾ pp. |
|
413. ii. Extracts of letters from South Carolina. (a) Aug.30,
1715. Refers to negotiations with Virginia. They advise
us yt. our Northern enemies have coartid them for a
trade with them: and yt. they have lay'd them under
a promise of a cessation of arms against us: and have
order'd them to return with a certain number of ye
Great Men: ye which are to consist of all our Northern
Enemies: with whom ye Coll.Spotswood writs us yt.
he thinks if hee brings all of them to a nutralitie, it will
be very much to our advantage. And I beleive he
designs no more, because Capt. Evans whom he sent
hither as Commander in Cheif of all his forces; declares
that his Instructions are, that he shall not fight against
our Northern enemies: wherefore I beleive Evans will
return for Virginia. Now Sr. knowing how they treated
ye people of No.Carolina when they were at war: with
ye Tuskaroras: together with the fund of money layd
out (and by whom) for ye carrying on of ye Indians trayd,
I must judge they are willing to have us in a continual
war with our Southern Indians that they may have the
whole trade with the Northern: Because it's certain
as long as our war continues with any one party we
cannot trade with the other. Butt a far greater
mischeif attends any of our enemies being brought to,
or allowed to be nuters, because under that covert
they will both supply and assist our enimies: then
the sweat and blood of our people, will center in ye
coffers of the Indian Trading company of Virginia (thee
which I think they hope for). You will find in our
Address to ye King we pray him to command yt. a war
be proclaimed in Virginia with all our enemies and I
hope you will with all earnestness press it ye which
being granted we have reason to judge would soon end
the war: But if the contrary and any of our enemies
stand nuter the charge will ruin us and we must leave
this our hopeful place. |
|
(b) April, 21, 1716. I find by an Address of thanks
from many merchts. and others of London to Collo.
Spotswood he is esteem'd to be our only support and
deliverer out of the hands of our enemies now it must
be confest that upon the arrival of Mr.Middleton
who was sent to desire his assistance our Messenger
was received and treated at first sight with great civillity
and large promisses of assistance. But when the terms
came to be stipulated he was forced to promise that for
every man they suffer'd to come we should return an
able negro woman in his stead wch. should continue
there and make good all the time each man shou'd
be absent and that the transportation of both white
and black to and from the place should be at our cost,
and every man so sent should have 30s. pr.month and
that we should pay what debts they ow'd in Virginia
as far as that 30s. pr. month would reach, the number
of men sent was —. But their officers and about 10
more excepted they were the most ignorant creeping
naked people yt. ever was seen for such a number
together and I verily beleive many of them did not
know how to load a gun some of them did confess they
never did fire one. The armes that were sent with them
were like themselves, and so broke and out of order yt.
above three quarters of them were sent to the smiths to
be mended, and Mr.Middleton told us that the
Governour had several hundreds of choise arms which
he desired part of for those men, the Govr. answer'd
they were the King's and he could not spare them. He
also supplied us with some powder and shot, but set
such price on it in buckskins that we could buy powder
cheaper in our town. When Mr.Middleton let us
know his negotiations we were amazed at ye sending
of ye negroes and could not think it by any means
practicable but in lieu thereof offer'd the men 50s. pr.
month with which they were content so yt. they had
£4 pr.month: The which we thought generous. Now
the Governr. of Virginia taxes us with breach of
contract and has upbraidingly writt to us on this
foot the whole story is too long to recite: and I suppose
you are thoroly tyred with the potaige you have had
etc. Wherefore know my resolution is to propose
that ye whole stepulation and other passages that have
happen'd be truly copied and put in print in London
that the world may see how Collo. Spotswood has dealt
with us and then they may judge whether his regard were
not paid to our buckskins and whether his ignorant
mortals here defended us for we have sent back all that
were willing to go and are glad to be eased of the charge
altho' we should be glad of a number of good men that
our Planters might return to their homes. 21/8 pp. |
|
413. iii. Extracts of letters from South Carolina. (a) 15th
May, 1715. The Sarraws give out amongst the Wincaws
and Norward Indians that they are order'd by the
Virginia Traders to destroy this country and do their
utmost endeavours to draw those Indians with the
Waccmans to their party they offer them plunder and
threaten they will destroy all that will not side with
them. |
|
(b) 19th June, 1715. We have an account pr.some
Indians that are lately taken that the Virginia Traders
encouraged our Indians to do what they have done
and promised to supply them at a much easier rate
than our Indians Traders did and that they would
give them much better treatment. We have the
names of some of them who encouraged them to
committ this barbarous act, etc. |
|
(c) 5th April, 1716. I perceive in the accounts of our
affairs in England that the Lords Comnrs. of Trade are
inform'd by Mr.Byrd several things which he knows
but little off. But in one perticular he is right, which
is our Traders trusting so largely their goods to the
Indians. But as to everything else it is false notions
of the management of Indians who are naturally proud
and only want good stores of our goods to set them on
mischeif. And if they were to have a good supply of
goods at Virginia rates they would soon be our masters.
No people keeps their Indians in so much subjection
as the Spaniards and only by keeping them poor. Mr.
Bird makes mention of their Tributaries in how great
order they keep them which altogether are but very
few and compounded of at least 18 or 20 different
Nations and the largest of them not above 80 men,
and some but 10 men. I heartily wish Virginia had all
our Indians so we were but secured from them. That
they may try whether their cheap selling them goods
and kind usage would avail anything to such a number.
There's another false assertion from a New England
merchant that we used to set our Friendly Indians
together to war on each other for the advantage of
slaves which you know to be falce and that it was
always our care to keep them at peace which we dearly
pay for now. I desire you will also take notice of the
false representation of the Virginians in England when
Sr.Nathaniel Johnson was our Governour, wherein is
asserted that the Cattabas are in their Government
which to your knowledge is not and I have taken the
latitude of the most northern towns of those Indian
Settlements which I found to be to the northward of
Charles town but 89 miles. |
|
(d) 6th Aug., 1716. We knowing that it was
impossible that the Waccamans shou'd be supplied
with ammunition from the Spaniards ask'd them how
they came by it since this war; they answer'd that
what little they had they got from the Sarraws who
constantly used to carry slaves, skins and other goods
taken from us (of which they had a large share) to Virginia
in lieu of which they return'd home with ammunition
and what elce they wanted. This being a great abuse,
we hope you will represent it as such for by this means
they have been and still are enabled to hold out against
us. Endorsed, Recd. Read 5th Dec., 1716. 31/8 pp. |
|
413. iv. Certificate by Robert Daniel, Deputy Governor of
South Carolina, 13th Aug., 1716. (a) Having several
complaints and informations given unto me that the
Spanish Government at St.Augustine did intise stir
up and incourage the Yamasees and other Nations of
Indians to make continual deprecations on H.M.
subjects of this province comitting frequent murders on
their persons and robbing them of their slaves goods
and their cattle and conveying them to St. Augustine
and there disposing of them to the Spaniards who openly
bought them of the said Indians, I the Govr. aforesd.
did by the advice of the Generall Assembly in June,
1716, commission Major James Cochran then one of
the Assembly etc. to be Agent for this Governmt. to
St.Augustine to demand the prisoners slaves and other
effects belonging to H.M. subjects which were in
possession of the Spaniards who bought them of the
said Yamassee Indians. Major James Cochran at his
return deposeth that he did there see several of his own
slaves in possession of the Spaniards as also several
other slaves who told him they belong'd to H.M.
subjects of this province and were carried and sold
to the Spaniards by the sd. Indians, begging him to
redeem them. He also saw several perriagos there
which he was informed belonged to H.M. subjects, etc.,
and having made a demand of the sd. effects of the
Spanish Governmt., after several evasive answers
they told him that they had writt to the King of Spain
for directions how to dispose of them and that they
could not part with them till they had an answer.
He was inform'd that the Yamassees had a constant
supply of ammunition from the Spanish Governmt.
Signed, Ja. Cochran. |
|
(b) Deposition of George Duckett, shipwright, living
now at Charles Town, but lately at Port Royall. Deponent has made several voyages to St.Augustine since the
beginning of this Indian rebellion. He saw several
slaves belonging to his neighbours at Port Royal in
possession of the Spaniards and bought by them of the
Yamasee Indians who robbed the sd. slaves of Major
Cochran, James Patterson, Collo. Barnwell, Mrs.Ford,
Mr.Dicks, Mr.Graham, Mr.Adams and one slave
belonging to himself. The Yamasee Indians assured
him that the Spaniards supplied them with as much
gunpowder and ball as they demanded, and bought all
such goods of them which they plundred. from H.M.
subjects of this province. Signed, George Duckett.
The whole signed, Robt.Daniell. Endorsed, Recd.
Read 5th Dec., 1716. Copy. 1 p. |
|
413. v. An account of the charges the inhabitants of South
Carolina have been att for the defence of the said
Province, 1701–1716, over and above the expences of
the present Indian Warr, etc. Total, £84, 035 (including
£8495 for the Expedition agst. St.Augustine). Endorsed as preceding. 1 p. [C.O. 5, 1265. Nos. 44, 44
i.–v.; and (without enclosures) 5, 1293. pp. 42–52.] |
Dec. 6.
St.James's. |
414. Order of H.R.H. the Prince of Wales, Guardian of the
Kingdom, in Council. Approving appointment of Robert
Johnson as Deputy Governor of Carolina, provided he qualifys
himself and gives security as Nov. 22. Signed, Edward Southwell.
Endorsed, Recd. 10th Dec., 1716, Read 2nd Jan., 1716/17. 1¼ pp.
[C.O. 5, 1265. No. 46; and 5, 1293. pp. 56, 57.] |
Dec. 6.
St.James's. |
415. Order of H.R.H. the Prince of Wales, Guardian of the
Kingdom, in Council. Approving report of the Council of Trade
and Plantations, Nov. 22nd, upon the petition of Lord Archibald
Hamilton, and ordering that instructions be prepared for the
Governor now going over to Jamaica, to recommend the said
publick debts to the Assembly for procuring the payment thereof
accordingly. Signed, Edward Southwell. Endorsed, Recd. 31st
Jan., Read 16th Aug., 1717. 2 pp. [C.O. 137, 12. No. 58; and
138, 15. pp. 285–287.] |
Dec. 6.
Annapolis Royall. |
416. James Campbell to Mr. Secretary Stanhope. Having
served for 26 years begs to remit in his son's favour and to be
provided for in Chelsea as a half pay Captain, etc. Signed,
James Campbell. Addressed. 1 p. [C.O. 217, 38. No. 1.] |
| Dec. 6. |
417. Order of H.R.H. the Prince of Wales, Guardian of the
Kingdom etc., in Council. Confirming Acts of Nevis obliging all
persons to give in a list of their slaves upon oath; and for making
fortifications. Signed, Edward Southwell. Endorsed, Recd. 8th,
Read 16th Jan., 1716/17. 1¾ pp. [C.O. 152, 11. No. 40; and 153,
12. pp. 483, 484.] |
Dec. 6.
Whitehall. |
418. Council of Trade and Plantations to Mr.Secretary
Methuen. In reply to Nov. 30, refer to their own letters of Sept.
13th, March 24th, 1716, and Representation of Dec. 14, 1715.
Continue:— As to the dislodging of the pirates, we conceive the
Lords of the Admiralty are the best judges, what force may be
necessary etc. However, we take leave to observe, that unless
proper measures be taken for securing and settling those Islands,
as soon as the pirates shall be dislodg'd, this service will not have
its full effect. For when the ships of war shall be retir'd, this
Island will always be a receptacle for such pirates, or liable to be
seiz'd by other Nations to the great prejudice of our commerce
in those parts. Autograph signatures. 2 pp. [C.O. 23, 12.
No. 73; and 138, 15. pp. 57, 58.] |
Dec. 11.
Jamaica. |
419. General Heywood, C. in C. of Jamaica, to Mr.Secretary
Stanhope. On the 3rd of this instant I sent on board the George
a pacquet directed for H.M. service to your Honor. which
contained the Journal of the Councill and Assembly with the
Acts I had passed, but the ship sprang a leak etc. I now send
H.M. pacquets on board the Sarah, etc. On the 4th instant H.M.
sloop Swift Capt. Thomas Durell Commander arrived from
Newfoundland to whom I ordered my Secry. to write and desire
he would take a cruize up with this ship as far as the Narrows
where if she gets well I hope she may be clear of any danger of
pyrates, etc. v. Jan. 3rd, 1717. Signed, Peter Heywood. 1 p.
[C.O. 137, 46. No. 22.] |
| Dec. 12. |
420. A.Broughton to the Council of Trade and Plantations.
Offers to be security for Lt.Govr. Johnson, etc. Signed, A.
Broughton. Endorsed, Recd. 13th Dec., 1716, Read 2nd Jan.,
1716/17. Addressed. ½ p. [C.O. 5, 1265. No. 47.] |
Dec. 12.
Whitehall. |
421. Mr.Popple to Archibald Cumings. In reply to letter of
Aug. 22nd (i.e. 2nd. Ed.) encloses copy of Attorney General's
opinion, Nov. 22, q.v. [C.O. 5, 915. p. 21.] |
| Dec. 12. |
422. Mr.Attorney General to the Council of Trade and
Plantations. I have considered the several Acts following past in
Antigua (v. 2nd Nov.). As to the Act for establishing a Court of
King's Bench, Common Pleas and Errors etc., tho' there are several
things therein contained proper for regulating the proceedings
in those Courts, yet for the reasons hereafter mentioned, I am of
opinion that the same is not fit to receive H.M. Royal approbation.
(i) It directs that those Courts are to hear try and determine
matters therein according to such laws and statutes of England
made before the settlement of that Colony, as should be allowed
by the Judges there, to be in force in that Island, which thereby
leaves an arbitrary power in the Judges to accept of the Laws of
England in such cases only as they shall think fit, and it has not
yet been thought proper to transferr the Laws of Great Britain
to the Plantations generally. (ii) It carries all the Laws of
England into the Plantations in criminal matters, which has
never yet been thought proper for the Plantations. (iii) It
ascertains the times for declaring and pleading in actions in those
Courts, which will be inconvenient, there not being a power to
give to those Courts to alter the time, in cases that shall require it.
(iv) It subjects the inhabitants of Great Britain, and of other
H.M. Dominions to be sued, and judgment to be obtained against
them by fixing a summons upon the door of the place where
those Courts are held, which is unreasonable. (v) It allows the
certificate of a publick Notary to be evidence of the execution
of a deed, which is unreasonable, because a publick notary cannot
administer an oath. And it also allows the probates of wills in
Great Britain, or other H.M. Dominions to be good evidence
of the execution of such wills, which is unreasonable, the probate
not proving the validity of the will, as to the title of lands. (vi)
It disables any person after suit in law or equity commenced
against him to dispose of any of his lands or goods, which is also
unreasonable. (vii) There are also in it several regulations of
appeals and writs of error to H.M. in Council, which I think proper
only to be regulated by H.M. in his Instructions to his Governor.
And as to the Act for constituting a Court of Chancery in this Island,
this Act provides that the Court of Chancery shall be held before
the Governor and Council, and not before the Governor only, as
it was before held by H.M. Instructions. And I have no objection
against this Act, but that what is done by this Act, might have
been done by H.M. directions in his Commission to the Governor,
if the same be not already done thereby. And as to the Act to
indempnifie Anthony Brown and John Elliot from a certain bond
etc., it takes notice of a former law whereby the vestries of the
several parishes in that Island are empowered to raise money
upon the inhabitants for the erection of Churches, and that
Brown and Elliot when Churchwardens of the parish of St.
Philip at the request of the Vestry, had agreed with George Pullen
to build their Church there, and by bond and covenant had
obliged themselves to pay him £1100 for the same, but that the
Vestry refused to lay a tax on the inhabitants for the raising it,
therefore the Act makes the parishioners chargeable with the
money, and to indempnifie Brown and Elliot; and directs the
Vestry to raise the same by taxes on the parishioners, and if
they shall refuse so to do, appoints assessors to rate the same,
which I think reasonable and proper to receive H.M. Royal
confirmation. Signed, Edw. Northey. Endorsed, Recd. 15th
Dec., 1716, Read 8th July, 1717. 2¾ pp. [C.O. 152, 12. No.
4; and 153, 13. pp. 52–56.] |
Dec. 13.
From Mr.Barbers in Stafford Street, Pickadily. |
423. William Bonner to the Council of Trade and Plantations. Offers to be security for Lt.Gvr.Johnson, etc. Signed,
Wm. Bonner. Endorsed, Recd. 13th Dec., 1716, Read 2nd Jan.,
1716/17. Addressed. ½ p. [C.O. 5, 1265. No. 48.] |
Dec. 14.
Whitehall. |
424. Council of Trade and Plantations to H.R.H.George
Prince of Wales, Guardian of the Kingdom etc. Reply to 19th
July. Before we offer our opinion upon the Ordnance Stores
wanted in the Leewards Islands, we humbly take leave to lay
before your Royal Highness a state of the duty of 4½ p.c.in
Barbadoes and the Leeward Islands etc. That duty was for divers
considerations given by Acts of the respective Assemblies of
Barbadoes and the Leeward Islands pass'd in 1663 and 1668.
And by Act of Parliament 9th and 10th K.William III., for
granting a further subsidy etc., the same duty was taken from
those Islands and apply'd to the use of the Civil List here. After
the expiration of that Act by the death of King William the
House of Commons on the 23rd March, 170½, addressed her late
Majesty that this duty might be apply'd for the repairing and
erecting such fortifications and other publick uses for ye safety
of the said Islands as H.M. should direct, and that an annual
acct. how the said duty should be expended might be laid
before the House of Commons which Address being referr'd to
the then Board of Trade on the 17th and 29th April, 1702, they
offer'd their opinion for applying the said duty towards the
performance of those services accordingly, and H.M. approving
thereof, the consideration of putting the same in execution was
referr'd to the then Lord High Treasurer and Master General of
the Ordnance. By an Act pass'd in the 1st year of her late
Majesty for the better support of H.M. Household etc., and by
another Act of the 1st of his present Majesty the said duty of 4½
p.c. was excepted out of the Revenues appropriated for the
service of the Household etc. By an account receiv'd from the
Custom House it appears that since 1702 the amount of the 4½
p.c. from Barbadoes and the Leeward Islands is £78,528 2s. 5¼d.
By accts. from the Ordnance the Leeward Islands have been
furnish'd with stores of war during the said term to the value of
£15,241 4s. 10d. So there remains £63,286 17s. 7¼d. How
much of this remaining sum has been apply'd to the defraying
the charge of Ordnance stores for Barbadoes or other services for
that or the Leeward Islands, what those services are and how far
the Ordnance have been paid for the stores they have already
furnish'd, we humbly conceive is properly before the Lods.
Commrs. of H.M. Treasury. Considering 'tis now a time of
Peace and that improvements may be hop'd for from the setling
of the late French part of St.Xtophers this Revenue must in
all probability increase. We take it for granted that if the Leeward Islands did formerly, supply themselves with stores of war
at their own expence as the Board of Ordnance represent it must
have been when the 4½ p.c. was at their own disposal. We do
not know but that the stores sent since 1702 for the defence of
those Islands might have been sufficient had not three of the
four Islands vizt.Nevis St. Christophers and Montserrat been
ravag'd and plunder'd by the French, their arms slaves and
everything else that was valuable taken away. The Instructions
to the Govr. for keeping an acct. of arms and ordnance stores sent
thither, for transmitting hither particular accts. of the state of
them what remains, what have been expended or lost and in
what manner, and for setling fit storehouses in the said Islands
for keeping such stores are so express and particular that we
doubt not but the present Gover. will take care to answer that
part of the Board of Ordnance's proposal whereof we shall not be
wanting to remind him which we hope may be a means to prevent
such great demands for the future. Upon the whole we most
humbly represent that we are still of the same opinion we laid
before H.M. the 22nd of June last that it will be for H.M. service
the said Islands be speedily supply'd with the several particulars
wanting, according to the acct. annex'd to our said report wch.
acct. we look upon to be very distinct as to the number and
species both of the stores remaining and of those that are wanting.
[C.O. 153, 12. pp. 470–474.] |
Dec. 14.
Antigua. |
425. Governor Hamilton to the Council of Trade and
Plantations. Repeats Oct. 3, q.v. Continues:—Since the foregoing I have an account from the Governour of Spanish Town of
several pirates that are about Cuba and Hispaniola. Refers to
enclosures. The enclosed list of inhabitants of Spanish Town and
Beef Island falls much short of the account Mr.Walton gave your
Lordships of those poor Islands. Your Lordships will perceive
how few they are in number, scatter'd up and down in those small
islands, were they removed and had they small tracts of land
allotted them in the former French part of St.Christophers I
am well assur'd it would increase the Revenue of the Crown, and
prove vastly for H.M. service, there are lately severall's gone off
of these Islands (particularly from Mountserratt) which are
making a settlement upon an other small Island called Tortola,
where there was formerly a small Colony settled, but were soon
disturbed by the Spaniards, all of them taken of, and their
settlements destroyed. Consequently so many subjects lost to
the Crown, I therefore beg your Lordships' directions in this
particular. Encloses two affidavits, whereby your Lordships will
perceive that those seas are pester'd with that vermine of pirates,
and still no man of war arrived, by which I am not only confined,
but the trading vessells to and from these Islands much endanger'd.
Upon the hearing and taking the first affidavit, I hired a small
sloop and sent her immediately with a letter to the Governour of
Barbadoes to give him notice and to desire him to let the man of
war of that station cruize for some time off of the Island Desirado
that being the place most likely for them to cruize, it being now
the time of the year for our provision ships to come in, who
generally fall in with that Island first, and this day I have an
account that the two pirates mentioned in the affidavits are
come up to Windward and have taken two French sloops under
our neighbouring Island of Guardeloupe which is in sight of
this Island. I now send your Lordships a Book containing the
General Acts of all the Islands, and the particular Acts for the
Island of Nevis; I have not as yet got those for the other Islands
but the Secretary assures me that they are about doing of them.
I received this day duplicates of your Lordships' letters of 30th
May and 15th June, and have already given orders pursuant to
your Lordships' directions. Signed, W.Hamilton. Endorsed,
Recd. 13th, Read 18th Feb., 1716/17. 3 pp. Enclosed, |
|
425. i. Deposition of John Kenney, Commander of the sloop
Anne and Josiah Carver, mate. Antigua, 10th Dec.,
1716. On 9th Nov. they were chased by a sloop and threw
their cargo and provisions overboard, fearing if she was a
Spanish vessell that they would seize her for the same.
The sloop came so near, that deponents gave them three
chears in English in hopes to discover by their voice
what country they were of, to which they made no
answer, but continued to give them chase, but the
brize springing up they got clear etc. Signed, John
Kenney, Josiah Carver. Copy. 1 p. |
|
425. ii. Deposition of John Kenney. At Martinique at the
letter end of November he heard of two pirates that
chased a French sloop into St. Thomas. These two
sloops with another ship anchored at St. Cruix where
were 5 other vessels etc. Signed, John Kenney.
Endorsed as covering letter. Copy. ¾ p. |
|
425. iii. Deposition of Abijah Savage, Commander of the sloop
Bonetta of Antigua. Antigua, 30th Nov., 1716. On 9th
Nov. between St. Thomas and St. Cruix he was overhauled and plundered by two pirate sloops, who also
took a French ship and six sail of small vessels, keeping
the French ship etc. One, called the Mary Anne,
was commanded by Samuel Bellamy who declared
himself to be an Englishman born in London, and the
other, the Postillion, by Louis de Boure a Frenchman,
who had his sloop chiefly navigated with men of that
Nation. Each sloop was mounted with 8 guns, and had
betwixt 80 or 90 men. The Mary Anne was chiefly
navigated with Englishmen. Deponent was detained
at St. Cruix. The pirates only wanted provisions and a
ship to make a voyage. Gives names of some of the
pirates etc. Signed, Habbjah Savage. Same endorsement. Copy. 2 pp. |
|
425. iv. List of dutiable inhabitants of Spanish Town; men,
42, women, 40, children, 139; negroes, 105. Beef
Island, 2 men, 2 women, 2 children, 3 negroes. None
on any of the other (Virgin) Islands but on Guana Island
one famely (Patrick Conner). Same endorsement. 1 p. |
|
425. v. Lt. Governor Hornbe to Governor Hamilton. Spanish
Towne, 15th Nov., 1716. Encloses preceding list etc.
Concludes:—There lys off Cuba one large ship and 6 or 7
sloopes piratts who take all vessells they meet with etc.
Signed, Tho. Hornbe. Same endorsement. Addressed.
1 p. |
|
425. vi. List of Gentlemen recommended to fill vacancies in
the Councils of the several Islands. Nevis:—James
Symmonds, James Brown, Roger Pemberton, George
Webbe, James Biskitt, John Dasent. Antigua:—John Gamble, Thomas Williams, John Gunthorpe,
Daniel McKinnen, Ashton Warner, Robert Pearne.
St. Christophers:—William Woodrope, John Garnett,
William McDowall, Drewry Ottley, Peter Soulegre,
Charles Rowland. Mountserratt:—Thomas Lee, William
Irish, Richard Cooke, William Frye jr., John Cockran,
Cleophas Baker. Same endorsement. 1 p. [C.O. 152,
11. Nos. 45, 45 i.–vi.; and (without enclosures) 153, 12.
pp. 493–497.] |
| [Dec. 15.] |
426. Copy of grant by Governor Christopher Codrington of
a plantation in the late French part of St. Christophers to Capt.
Andrew Thauvett, Nov. 17, 1698. Endorsed, Recd. (from Mr.
Duport) 15th, Read 20th Dec., 1716. 3½ pp. [C.O. 152, 11.
No. 33.] |
| [Dec. 15.] |
427. Abstract of letters from Capt. Andrew Thauvet, St.
Christophers, 1715, relating to his grant of a plantation etc.
Endorsed as preceding. French. 2 pp. [C.O. 152, 11. No.
34.] |
