|
| Jan. 4. | Certificate by Duke John Casimir that he has seen the
original of the agreement made in England by the Sieur Junius,
his ambassador, above written, and that he has and does approve
and ratify the same, promising to follow and accomplish it,
so far as the accidents of the time shall make possible. In
testimony whereof he has signed and sealed the above at Heidelberg this 4th of January, 1588. |
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| Holograph. French. ½ p. [German States V. 64.] |
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| Jan. [4]. | Further certificate by Duke John Casimir, Count Palatine of
the Rhine, etc. etc. that he has received from John Calendrini a promise made and signed by him on behalf of Lodovico
Perez and Co. for the sum of 40,000 florins, at 15 bats the
florin of current money of Frankfort, payable to himself or his
commissioner at the next Easter fair; in virtue of a letter from
Sir Horatio Palavicino to the said Perez of 11 November last
by order of her Majesty the Queen of England, in satisfaction
of her promise to the Sieur Junius in her reply given to him
on the 6th of the said month. In confirmation whereof he has
signed and sealed this present certificate at Heidelberg the [4th]
of January, 1588. |
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| [This document and the following have not been executed.]
Copy. French, ½ p. [German States V. 65.] |
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| Jan. [4]. | Declaration by the above Duke John Casimir that John Calendrini having given him his promise for the sum of 40,000 florins
[details as above];—if it should happen that her Majesty or
M. Palavicino should not avow the said promise and contract,
then he, the said Duke John Casimir shall discharge the said
Calandrini and Perez from their promise, and it shall remain
null and void.—Heidelberg, [4th] January, 1588. |
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| Copy. French. ½ p. [German States V. 66.] |
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| Jan. 5/15. | The town of Rochelle to Walsingham. |
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| His honour's good will and holy zeal for God's church, as
shown to themselves, embolden them to pray his favour for
the Sieur Antoine Stanlac, merchant of London, that he may
obtain permission from her Majesty to bring from England
corn, butter, powder, saltpetre, arms and other victuals and
munitions of war needed by them for opposing the efforts of the
enemies of the said church of God.—La Rochelle, 15 January,
1588. |
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| Add. Endd. French. 1 p. [France XVIII. 1.] |
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| Jan. 5/15. | The King of Navarre to the Same. |
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| On the same subject as the preceding, but the request
made for Jehan Morel and Michel d'Eman, and the quantity
of each article desired, specified.—Montauban, 15 January, 1588.
Signed "Vre byen afectyonne and mylleur amy, Henry." |
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| Add. Endd. French, ¾ p. [Ibid. XVIII. 2.]
[Printed in Lettres Missives, t. 8, p. 329. A like letter to
Burghley, of the same date, is in the Lansdowne Collection at
the British Museum.] |
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| Jan. 5. | Francis Hod to Walsingham. |
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| I think myself bound to advertise your honour of "this party"
whom I have caused to be sent over to you by [one] Thomas
Wallop, mariner of Heye [qy. Hythe]; and of his proceedings in
Picardy. He came from Do[ver?] to Calais and so to this town
on Dec. 5, and lodged with a widow, one Madam Becklyn for
three or four days, and then departed with his guide, a Frenchman of this town, who left him at the university or college at
Eu, where he was received with great joy. He thence sent
back letters to be conveyed to Calais and delivered at the Golden
Balances to one Ingrayme Thownge [sic], to be sent into England with all speed. He has a cloak of a "plownckeyt" colour
[like] a serving man, but "hath confessed [unto] divers that no
man shall never know his name, if he should die. . . . I this
morning chanced to meet him . . . [and] he blushed as red as
though all the blood [of his] body were in his face. I asked what
country man he was. He said that he was one of 'Dowraym,'
in the North country. . . . I hearing of him before, what
he was, would not enter into any talk with him, lest he should
mistrust somewhat, but walked with him, showing him the
passage boat that would go by the first, whereunto he thanked
me, and showed me after that he was come unto one to get
certain money which is owing unto him. |
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| "I asked of him with what language he could pass this country,
he having but his English tongue. He said that he having
his latin tongue helped him among priests and said they were
good fellows, for he could want nothing [at] their hands, and
began to discourse with me [on] the overthrow of the Reiters
in France . . . telling me that he hath the note how many
there was of them, being 44000, which the King was fain to
give them a piece of [torn] to depart his country, and after
that [torn] out of the country, Monsieur Degyes [de Guise]
did [de]feat them and so slayed most of them, and this was the
effect of his talk unto me." I had no leisure to hear more as
I have a matter to have judgment this day, so could not discourse further with him. I have written to the Mayor of Heye
that he would take all his letters from him. |
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| Postscript. "The state of this country stands very ill, I mean
Picardy. They have victualled this town of 'Bowllen' [Boulogne]
for two years and 500 good soldiers and 500 more comes to keep
the low town of Boulogne within these two days. They be
for M. 'Pernoton' [? Epernon] who is [torn] with the King.
The people here wish h[im] and their King hanged and do
honour [?] the Duke of Guise as a god because of th[e] popery
by him is maintained; which if [he?] were once dead this
country of P[icardy] would be soon in peace. But surely they
must be plagued more, for that God sees it good. We look
and expect some great matters ere it be long, as some great
[diso]rder or overthrow of the Guise. God for his mercy's sake
[turn?] all to the best . . . |
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| "The Castle of Harlow [Hardelow] within three miles of this
town was taken 2 days past and is holden by the Guises; 400
of his men came unto the Mount not twelve days past, to get
over to come to sack the low town of Boulogne, but they were
descried and stayed not, but spoils this country very much." |
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| Further postscript. "I crave pardon of you if my style or
direction is not as un[to so] honourable a person ought to be,
in that I never took upon me the like afore."—Boulogne, 5
January [1587–8.] |
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| Add. Endd. "January [year date torn off]. From A.B. from
Calles" [sic]. 4 pp. very eccentric spelling. Torn. [France,
XVIII., 3.] |
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| Jan. 6/16. | Stephen Powle to Walsingham. |
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| His last letter was dated on the 9th instant. |
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| Rome, 10 January. News from Barcelona of an enterprise by
Gianettino Spinola, nephew of Prince Doria, who was near
Cartagena with eighteen Genoese galleys, ready to conduct the
Spanish footmen into Italy, against the corsairs in the island of
Cuizza. [Details of the fight]. Owing to the roughness of the
sea neither party gained a victory; and some of the galleys were
thrown upon the rocks of the island and broken up; but the
people managed to reach the land, where they continued to
fight with much valour; and the rest of the galleys arriving gave
them the victory. The fight was very sanguinary, eight hundred being killed on the two sides; but many Christian slaves
were liberated and a hundred and fifty Turks made prisoners,
amongst whom were Arnaut Mamy 'Rays' [Reis] (fn. 1) ; Amuratto
'Rays,' a French renegade, and Amuratto 'Rays,' a captain of
Algiers (who, in past years, captured the Pope's galleys); three
of the chief corsairs of Barbary; another 'Rays' being killed.
There were 150 janissaries in each Turkish galley, who had
gone out to plunder two Genoese gallies which have lately arrived in Italy with three hundred thousand crowns. |
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| The Cardinal of Joyeuse has sent his house-steward into France,
nominally to take order as to his household effects upon the
death of the Duke his brother, but also carrying dispatches from
the French ambassador here to the King, believed to relate to
some secret business treated of in this court. |
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| On Thursday the Cardinal Chamberlain, with the other twelve
officers of the chamber, repaired to the Castle of St. Angelo,
to deposit there 400,000 crowns, gathered from the income of
the Apostolic See; which brings the amount up to the third
million of gold. |
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| The sumptuous tomb which his Holiness has had made for
Pope Pio Quinto in his chapel in Santa Maria Maggiore being
now finished, the body of the said Pope has this day been
carried with solemn pomp from the church of St. Peter (where
it was deposited) to the said chapel; the procession, at which
all the clergy assisted, having cost twenty thousand crowns. |
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| Prague, by the last [advices]. |
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| King Maximilian was still on the borders of Silesia, resolving to attempt with all his might the enterprize of Poland and
raising troops in divers places. There are arrived in his camp
1500 German soldiers and 2000 Hungarians, led by the Sieur
Prepostuari; he being encamped with these forces hard by the
river Vistula; and the Signor Giordano Spidech [or Spideck] on
the other side of Cracovia, into which it is reported, the Swede
entered on the 6th, in order to be crowned on the Feast of
the Epiphany, accompanied by ten thousand persons, with many
other lords; and was received by the Grand Chancellor and
Cardinal Battori in the great church, where the Te deum laudamus was sung; after which, going to the gate called Tussania,
he was escorted by the magistrates of the city under a canopy
to the Capello, where being received by the Archbishop and
other prelates on entering the church of this chapel (entrando
nella chiesa di essa capella) the same praises were sung until
three o'clock at night. |
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| Also (it is reported) that on the 20th [? of December] there
arrived in Cracovia, in favour of the Swede, Baltazar Battori,
brother of the Cardinal, with 2600 armed men, horse and foot,
sent and enlisted by the Vaivode of Transylvania. |
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| Lisbon, 21 December. It was written from thence to Venice
that ten ships with merchandise being arrived there, they were
ordered, by letters from their patroni to return to Seville, and
on the way two were taken, as another ship laden with wine
for the fleet had already been, by the English pirates. |
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| Although our Spaniards here give out that the Armada is
ready, yet letters from Lisbon of Dec. 21 say that it cannot
be in order for six months, partly because the soldiers and
mariners are not recovered of their last voyage; partly because
the ships are so sea-beaten that they must be new-rigged and
repaired. Moreover the scarcity about Lisbon, from having so
many thousands to feed, has caused many to die for want of
victuals, and most of the remnant of the poor Greeks to be
sick of "pining diseases," so that all the hospitals etc. are
full of them. It is said all this misery has arisen "by reason
of the Fleet putting to sea for the enterprise of England about
the beginning of December last, when by the unseasonable time
and wonderful storms they were driven back to the coast of
Portugal . . . But it is not thought here to be true that they
ever stirred abroad since their return. from the Indies; but
only supposed to be some forged device to excuse their long
delay of that enterprise." |
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| We hear from Antwerp that you continue the treaties of
peace. I have already given you the opinions held here thereof
in my letters of 25 December and 2 January. |
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| We live here in no small danger by reason of new laws
against giving intelligences of matters of state, and strangers
who have no colourable cause of staying in Venice are daily
constrained to depart. I myself cannot get more than fifteen
days at the renewing of my bolletino. I am now the only one of
all our English gentlemen here, for Mr. Wroth is removed to
Padua. I pray you to procure me warrant for my security
or else to command my service in some other place, for I
cannot justify my letters unless I have commandment either
from her Majesty or the Lords of the Council to show the
officers appointed to examine such causes. "In this sort is the
Duke of Saxony's agent in security, who lieth here in that private
manner as I do, to give his Master weekly intelligence." My
servant, Daniel Sympson, will attend your command. |
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| Letters from Constantinople of Dec. 9 confirm the news that
the Turk being absolute master of the city of Tauris [i.e. Tabriz]
and those parts of Persia occupied by him, and made safe by
fortresses and rocks, is resolved to take the opportunity to
open the way to the navigation of the river Tanais, with design
to go to the Indies and thus facilitate the enterprise against
the Persians and Georgians; as also against the Muscovites and
other enemies of his empire.—Venice, 16 January, stilo novo,
1588. |
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| [The "occurences" mostly in Italian, the rest in English.
[Newsletters LXXXI., 5a:] |
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| Enclosing: |
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| Copy of a letter from Theodorus "the Muscovite" to the
Archduke Maximilian. |
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| Expressing his joy on hearing of the Duke's election to the
throne of Poland, and exhorting him to go as soon as possible
into that kingdom, to take upon him the government. Is forthwith sending legates to treat with him of important matters,
that the Christian Commonwealth may be preserved in peace
and tranquillity. |
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| Has also heard that certain persons have illegally elected the
son of the King of Sweden to be King of Poland, but hopes
they will draw back from this decision, otherwise he must ever
be hostile to the Ordines of Poland and Lithuania, and make
incessant incursions into the latter, devastating everything with
fire and sword. |
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| But he will faithfully aid his well beloved brother, make league
with him and take his part, to the best of his power, against
all foes, lest the Turkish power prevail against the Christians. |
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| Assures him of his unalterable good will and determination
to do his best to prevent the effusion of Christian blood. Written
from his court at Moscow, year of the world 7096, 7th indiction
of September. |
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| The original was signed with his own hand. Latin. 1¼ pp.
[Newsletters LXXXI., 5a.] |
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| Jan. 7/17. | Madame de Rohan to Walsingham. |
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| Takes this opportunity of recalling herself to his memory and
inquiring after his health, having heard by M. Grevil that
he had been ill, and away from the court. |
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| For news, she can tell him of nothing save the calamity and
miseries wherewith they are threatened, being made to feel this—
both by severe edicts and the making ready of new forces—more
bitterly than they had done since the retreat of their German
succours, so that most know not what will become of them.
May God aid them. Assures him of her continued friendship.—
La Rochelle, 17 January, 1588. Signed Catherine de Parthenay. |
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| Add. Endd. French, 1 p. [France XVIII. 4.] |
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| Jan. 8. | Stafford to Burghley. |
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| "After most humble thanks to your lordship for your favourable
letter unto me by John Wells, I will begin to answer (first in
the beginning of mine) the end of your lordship's, and rejoice
with all my heart that things between the King of Scots and
us might come to that good intelligence as your lordship by your
apostile seemeth to hope; for I would then certainly believe
that (in despite of them that be set upon our ruin) God would
preserve us. Scotland must be the bridge that must pass them
that shall do it, and if Scotland and we might have so good
intelligence together that we might agree for common defence
against any that would attempt to invade any part of the island,
I do not think that any would or durst enterprise against any
part of it; but the disposition of the people (who ever hath
been and I think ever will be) light, unconstant and faithless,
maketh me to fear that what fair promises soever they make,
there is no trust[ing] to them, and less now than ever, if God,
of his omnipotent mercy do not work a wonder . . . |
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| "For the communication with some here of the Religion, truly,
my Lord, here is none left, for these times have driven them
all away, I mean such as are men of judgment; for those are
known men, and those that are known dare not tarry; and of
the King of Navarre's folks' there is none here but one, who
is a good, honest man, but neither age nor practice maketh him
capable to judge of the depth of this matter; yet seeing (at
the first hearing of this reddition) that neither England nor
Germany would or could resolve upon the ways for their remedy,
till first their request were heard from themselves, and their
means . . . laid open by themselves, I wished him (and so
he hath done) to write to the King of Navarre to take good
deliberation, and to send some sufficient man to that purpose,
either directly over to her Majesty or to me, and I would make
it known unto her what I received from them. And since I received your lordship's letters, I did again communicate this
with him and he told me he could not say anything to it till
he had heard from the King of Navarre, to whom (according to
my direction) he had presently written, but said that he did know
them (for these were his very words) so well, that as with a
victory they were puffed up, and thought every body should
worship them, so with an evil fortune they are so far cast down
that they will be a month or six weeks, their arms across,
lamenting, before they put on any resolution. So that I must
needs stay till some body come from the King of Navarre to
have that conference your lordship writeth to me of; and when
that will be I know not yet, but if they were as diligent in
their own cases (wherein God's cause and the public 'welthe'
standeth upon making and marring) as they are in their own
particular ambitious follies, we should have heard of them by
this time. But, my Lord, as your Lordship writeth, it is a thing
most certain that religion is but a colour, and worldly pride
and ambition the bottom of their hearts, which God knoweth
well enough, and therefore hath plagued them with this unlooked
for ruin. And as he gave them a victory over M. Joyeuse,
(which there was neither reason nor likelihood that they should
have looked for), so, seeing they were puffed up with it, and
acknowledged it not to come from him, he took away their
senses to take the fruits of it . . . and withal put such a
desolation and such a sudden fear among these huge companies
of strangers . . . that he hath made them know that he can
set up and pull down whom it pleaseth him and when it pleaseth him; whereas if it had pleased them to have acknowledged
their good fortune to come from him . . . and to have gotten
the service of God restored, and the liberty of conscience with
reasonable sureties and have showed that when they were strongest they desired but reason, both they might have had the King
(who could not indeed open his mouth to offer anything without
he were asked) to have granted them (by necessity) to have
come in statu quo prius and better . . . and besides, had taken
away the advantages that these Leaguers take against the King,
when he goeth about to do anything for them, when that the
world should see that he did it by constraint, to save his
realm from utter destruction, which he had done and would
have done . . . if they had tarried and first ruined Lorraine,
then Champagne and a part of Picardy and the best of those
things that they had in their hands, and by that means still
have kept themselves upon the frontiers, from whence they
might have been ever easily succoured, or have retired themselves upon a necessity, to have received either succour of men
or money whensoever it were sent them, which indeed was the
thing the King looked for at their hands. |
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| "Or else, if that would not have been done . . . to have
come straight and passed the river of Loire without stay, where
they had had towns at their devotion that might have furnished
them victuals, shoes, cloth or anything that they had needed;
or else if the King of Navarre had advanced of the one side
and they of the other, presently after his victory, there is
never a town upon the river (but Orleans) but would have yielded
to them; and then, having a passage and leaving a strong garrison in it, the King of Navarre might boldly come and go
whither he would; whereas, without a town or a bridge . . .
the least inconvenience in the world had brought him into as
miserable a case as they have been; and if that had happened,
and he on this side with the Prince of Condé and the forces of
the Religion, the wars had been ended all in a day . . . |
|---|
| "All the Frenchmen that were with them owe the King their
lives . . . for the Reiters would have delivered them all into
his hands and the King would not grant it them, and when
they saw that would not be, they demanded to carry them
prisoners into Germany to answer for their pay, and he would
not grant that neither. But I have advertisements every day
and I find out by the King of Navarre's own people that are
here, and by speech of some of them that came out of the
army itself, that (what show soever the King of Navarre made)
he never meant to join with them, but to make the damage
they did and the terror of it serve to have made the Carte
blanche to have been offered him, thinking that coming near
Paris was the way to do that, which indeed was their undoing." |
|---|
| "I have been somewhat long, but the discerning of these things
may give light in the future, to find fit remedies, and prevent
their running anew into old faults. For I think it as impossible to further God's cause when it serves but for a colour
to their ambitions, as to heal a hot disease with a cold remedy.
And without his helping hand it will go hard, for as the bearer
can tell you, an agent from Denmark who is here yesterday
sent me word "that the King his master, as soon as he heard
of this evil government of the army (for he had not yet heard
of the full ruin) sent for his money back again that he had
sent for the support of it, so that it is to be doubted whether
upon this the contributions will perform their promise . . .
Next, whether they will come without French, and French (for
my part) I see not how they can have, for I see no man
disposed to return; and if all this were or might be . . . they
must needs fall into the same inconvenients of wants as before
or rather worse; for towns they have none to back them nor
are like to have none, and victuals are quite eaten and none
to be had . . ." Also I fear God's anger against them, and
especially because, in conference with the few here now belonging to the King of Navarre, and sounding them whether
necessity would not constrain him to obey the King's edicts and
become a Catholic, "they told me plainly that the cause why he
would never do that was jealousy of the Prince of Condé; and
the cause why the Prince would not do it (though they held
themselves more assured of his steadfastness in religion than
of the other's) was the jealousy of the Vicomte of Turenne's
greatness, if they left him to be head and chief of them of the
Religion; and if it were not for that, no doubt but the King
of Navarre (if the King would give him any colour by a truce
and assembly of Estates . . .) would do it; but that jealousy
to leave one of them behind him, the chief of a party that
yet he is the head of, and not to be assured (having changed)
to be head of a Catholic party neither, that, they thought, he
would never be brought unto; but that they doubted not but
upon the first colour he could have presented (if it were not
for that) he would do anything." Thus I fear that they dallying
with God, he will not suffer them to prosper. I think they
should be pressed to deal plainly with her Majesty "whether they
sought religion indeed, or whether they sought to preserve themselves and their right only," for in the one case, both for God's
cause and her own interest, she must lend a helping hand, but
if their consciences do not move them, "there are other remedies,
with less charge and less difficulties and more assuredness in
the judgment of the world, that may help them to that, . . .
if God for their punishment do not hinder it, and that I think
her Majesty (though she may not nor will not, I am sure, persuade them to it) may help them to attain it, and get herself
a great deal of good-will of the King here, and in requital
of that, a great deal of favour for them; for I can assure
you the King desireth nothing more than (if the colour of religion were taken away, wherewith these Leaguers cut his throat,
both towards the Pope and towards all the chief towns of
France) to have means in advancing them somewhat (though
he will never advance them too much) to pull down the League
throughly and ruin them for ever, and upon that durst I lay
my life, and that there is nothing that he hateth so much as
the Duke of Guise and the League, nor whose throats he would
cut so soon. And this I the rather boldly write because I am
afraid that when her Majesty hath done all that she can, and
been at all the charges she can (which truly I have ever
hitherto moved her not to spare, because I did hope that being
done for his glory, God would bless the action . . .) that in
the end they will be brought to it without her, and she lose
her expences and her friends both . . . . |
|---|
| "I speak not this without cause, for I have sounded into the
bottom of them, and have found that they have no respect to
her, so they serve their own turns; and the conduction of this
army confirmeth me the more in it. They have not been ashamed
(the King of Navarre's ministers, I mean; himself I think is too
wise to think it) to procure me to let the King and the Queen
break; and especially when the matter of the Queen of Scots
was, and these general arrests, they would have had me to have
taken subject [sic] then, without seeing of what importance the
contrary was for her Majesty, and were so indiscreet (and foolish,
I may say) to tell me, if that were, the Queen would help them
more . . . And though I made them see their folly and their
small judgment in not conceiving that if the Queen did break
with France—being broken with Spain already—she should have
so much to do for herself as she should be fain to keep all
to herself and all too little—yet after one had been refused,
another came to me again to attempt the same. This maketh
me to declare that which I would else have kept, that her Majesty
may the better move them to deal plainly . . . for I see her
out with Spain, and I think no intent in him ever to agree
with her. I see her stand tickle with France, and a great many
pushers to set them quite out, and few standing against it. I
see she hath helped the parties against both the Kings, and
her money cast away as though it were water into the sea, and
yet she nor they be any whit nearer the end. So that what is
best for her to do I am not wise enough to judge and there
fore do write things as I find them and leave the consideration
of it to her Majesty and your honours, for what will become
of our old course, I dare no more put her Majesty in hope;
for I am sure I shall never have cause of greater hope than
this last help brought us . . . How glad everybody is to see
her Majesty spend, and specially they that be Spanishly affected, that I hear myself; and am advertised from divers places
how others triumph at this great expence at this instant. I
would to God that there were some good course taken that we
might neither fear them too much nor too little, and that we
might be friends, and be sure of the assistance of one of the
two. If that with Spain might be gotten and assured, I do
think it might stand her Majesty in most stead and with least
charge; but surely I cannot anyway find that he meaneth it, or
that there is a possibility in it. Therefore if we might have
by any means assurance of this King, it would the better ease
us to maintain ourselves against the other . . . and I think the
more to be hoped for; first for the nature of the two Kings;
of the which the one's ambition is insatiable; the other's desire
of quiet and peace is unremoveable; besides that the other
we have openly offended, and have, to the knowledge of the
world, holds and forts of his, which cannot be rendered without
great sums, which he can hardly part withal . . . This King,
if we have offended, it is but in trifles; we have nothing to
ask of him, and therefore may the sooner agree. Besides . . .
we be both in one predicament with the other, for he attempteth
equally, by sowing seditions in both, to prepare a way for his
ambitious intent upon both . . . and hath in this realm so
begun already that I know the King is strucken at the heart
with it . . . |
|---|
| "This, my lord, I find and see directly, and so write plainly,
and though it be somewhat tediously, yet I hope your lordship
will rather bear with my tediousness than if, in being short,
I omitted anything. For the possibility of them to hold out this
summer, that, I dare assure your lordship upon my life you need
not to mistrust, if they will [it] themselves, and a great deal
longer; for in those parts where the King of Navarre is, they
be in better state than ever they were and stronger, save only
that their reputation is diminished by the defeat of this army. |
|---|
| And if the King go not himself, no doubt but they will be
able to hold out summer and winter and a good while longer.
And for his going, I durst warrant that, whatsoever he saith,
very constraint must carry him to stop the outcries of these
cormorants, but if he do go in person, and will annoy them,
we doubt he will easily, if he list (while he is marring of
their harvest) take away some principal town from them, and
put the rest in a great hazard, when they shall see the country
spoiled round about and that the other towns shall be left
quite unprovided . . . but I think he will go into those parts as
late as he can," and that ways might be found with the King
to impeach it, and turn these harms from them another way,
and breed quiet both to them and us. "All that I fear is de
fiance on both sides and especially on this side; how this King
(his estate standing so fickle as it doth) will dare open himself
to her Majesty . . ."—Paris, 8 January, 1587. |
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| Postscript. "I send your lordship the title and dedication
of a book printed in Spain, whereas [sic] they storm greatly
here. There is but one in this town, and that is [in] Villeroy's
hands." |
|---|
| Signed. Add. Endd. 6 pp. of very close writing. [France
XVIII. 5.] |
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| Jan. 8. | Stafford to Burghley. |
|---|
| "Here is a complaint come to me and every day cometh;
but this day one afresh of a French ship that was going into
Barbary, that the Merchant Riall hath spoiled extremely, and
used besides very hardly. Truly, my lord, these continual sores
upon sores will mar all in the end and make that they are
almost careless how to satisfy us in anything, thinking that
we desire to have quarrels with them. I have sent the complaint
to Mr. Secretary. |
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| "There is an agent of the King of Denmark here that saith
that as soon as his master heard of this evil conduct of this
army he sent for his money back again that was upon the way
and said he would save so much. I pray God the rest, hearing
of the general envy do not the like too. There are that are
greatly afraid of it."—Paris, 8 January, 1587. |
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| This bearer desired this packet that he might tell you something which he thinks will be very profitable to our realm.
"The poor man hath a great zeal and goodwill to the good
of his country." |
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| Holograph. Add. Endd. ¾ p. [France XVIII. 6.] |
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| Jan. 8. | Stafford to Burghley. |
|---|
| "I do not much marvel that you saw not the discourse that
I sent you the copy of, for it is a very common thing to have
but what pleaseth them of that cometh from me showed. It is
not the twentieth that hath been kept back, and letters that I
have sent to your lordship taken from them that carried them
and never delivered you; and among the rest one that I sent
you to desire you to make her Majesty acquainted with a very
bad dealing toward me for doing her Majesty's service truly,
and not consenting to have other men's ambitious follies to be
a cause to break between her Majesty and this King; and withal
I sent the copy of the letter verbatim unto Mr. Secretary, to
make her Majesty acquainted with it, writing unto him that I had
also written to your lordship to the same effect. He did not
only not communicate the letter unto her Majesty, but took
away your letter from him that carried it, saying he would
presently send all unto the court; which contrariwise he did and
stayed all, never delivered any unto your lordship; never com
municated anything to her Majesty, but dispatched a post
presently unto me, requiring me, as I loved him, and
as I had any confidence in him, I would keep the matter,
and never make it known to nobody. That for certain
considerations he had kept your letter, though he knew you to
be my honourable friend . . . which I consented unto upon his
promise to make me have reason done; and at his request I
never spake of it till now, and promised never to speak of it,
or at the least that it should never be heard of; which I know
I shall keep my promise in, because I know your lordship upon
this my request . . will never speak of it, nor be aknown
of knowing any such thing, and throw this letter in the fire
when you have read it. The cause of the choler of this letter
was, among the rest, two things; the one that I would not
deliver them the money for the Count Soyssons when they would;
knowing that it was unprofitable and that he could do nothing
and that Montpensier would do nothing; and that I told them I
was sorry they had had so much as they had; the other was
that which I writ to you in my other letter; that I could not
be persuaded to let the Queen and the King break, though first
the Abbot of Albene, the King of Navarre's factotum, pressed
me to it; then, after, sent young Reaux to me for the same
effect; and that I was angry with them that I was advertised
that they gave out as evil and worse censure than any other of
the Queen of Scots putting to death and did anything they could
for to set the King irrevocably out with her. Whereupon the
said Abbot writ a letter to Buzenvall which I have the original
of, (fn. 2) all written with his own hand, whereof I send you a few
extracts, for the letter is of three whole sides of paper written
very near. |
|---|
| "The beginning of it is this, whereby you may see that he
was egged by Buzenval to it: Postquam Romanus Anglus tua
fide fidus atque tutus tabellarius est, jam jam abunde reponant
ita ut exclames: De nebulone nostro vereor ne tibi nauzeam
moveat crambe toties recocta monstrum portentum est non homo,
mihi crede, natum Anglicœ Reipublicœ Francicœque malo. |
|---|
| "O callidum legatum et emunctœ naris hominem quem nos
emungere voluimus pecunia. |
|---|
| "Dominus tuus adquem nebulo iste super hoc multa scripserat
excusationum plena illum cane pejus et angue odit nec illum
responso ullo dignatus est imo tabellario dixit literas danti. Sua
opera (istius nebulonis scilicet) res omnes suas in Gallia et Anglia
turbatas susque deque versas. |
|---|
| "What wrong I have done me in it, and what requital of
ungratitude I have for a great deal of good will and many
a good office I have done them, your lordship knoweth as well
as any. . . . This was written the 19th of September (fn. 3) and I
had it on the 20th, and sent it away to Mr. Secretary the
the same day. . . ." (fn. 4) |
|---|
| But they are set on to do these things. I have found more
since, for within this fortnight, Gilbert Gifford is taken here
with a 'quene' abed, (fn. 5) and after he was gone, seeking his chamber,
letters have been found written to him by Mr. Secretary's commandment, as they write to him, to egg him to enquire of me
and to write of me, and hath confessed that being heartened
unto it, he hath written of me, of Lilly my man, of Grimston
my man so many things as both I and mine are in worse predicament than the confessed traitors that are on this side the
sea. I have some of the letters, both of the originals out of
England and his answers with his own hand. I hope to have
more. And upon these practices and such-like are come all the
good offices done with her Majesty of me and all mine." |
|---|
| I know this bearer is faithful, and will deliver this into your
own hands, but beseech you to burn it, and take knowledge of
nothing. One day you shall know and see all. I have sent
Mr. Secretary "all this matter of Gifford's and the copies of the
things (fn. 6) to see what he will say to it, and am contented to
swallow anything for the time, and therefore I beseech your
lordship once again to take no knowledge of nothing. |
|---|
| "My other letter your lordship may do what please you withal,
. . . for in writing a truth, I discharge my duty. But I know
Mr. Secretary will be sorry to have that written of their persuading me to let the King and the Queen break; for I writ
to him at the same time when it was done, but I saw he
had no mind to have it spoken of. . . . . Whatsoever Mr.
Secretary knows, Buzenval shall be made acquainted withal, and
if any come from the King of Navarre, they shall have their
mouths made and their lessons aforehand; whereas if they be
well handled, and made as though there were no great dislike
of it, if they come not out withal themselves that it is not
the King of Navarre's conscience keepeth him from obeying the
King's edict, never trust me. But for my part, whether my
other letter be seen or no, I care not, for I will never be so
afraid as I have been to write the truth in all things; but I
could be best contented if you think so good that none but
her Majesty and your lordship saw it. |
|---|
| "The King hath not been here this six or seven days, and
he that dealt with me could not deal with him since, but I
know he staggereth to open himself to me, as I writ to you
in my last, and I think in the end will speak French if he
do, and desire me I will take the colour I writ to you and
make a posting journey. It cannot be but her Majesty should
pick good out of it to know what he would say, and what he
hath [in] his mind. And to send any of his own he dare not,
for discovery; and the ambassador I know he will not trust with
that. |
|---|
| "I did ever take Mr. 'Palavesin' for my very good friend, but
your lordship's assurance of it will make me love him the more.
He hath also written to me how much I am bounden to your
lordship. . . . . [Line with date cut away.] |
|---|
| Postscript. "I have written to Mr. Secretary about the money
that doth remain in my hands, which, being given to them
is but a little . . . to prop up a whole house that is falling,
and be[tter] forgotten in my hands for a time till I have better
fortune . . . I have written to him that I would not write to
your lordship of it. I pray you therefore not to be 'aknowen'
of [it] without you hear of it otherways, and then to favour me
what you may. |
|---|
| Holograph. Add. Endd. "8 Jan. 1587 . . . Brought by
Mr. 'Hacclitt' [i.e. Hackluyt]." 3 pp. Under the address is
written "I beseech your lordship send me word whether you
have seen my dispatch upon my audience of the King; for I
sent it to Mr. Secretary at large by my last save one." [France
XVIII. 7.] |
|---|
| Jan. 9. | Françoys de Civille to Walsingham. |
|---|
| Is sorry the two proposals he has made to him have not
been as useful as he hoped, but thinks that the first may,
if the worst comes to the worst, be of some profit in time of
peace, and begs that both may be accepted as a testimony of
his desire to do his honour service. |
|---|
| Prays him to aid the poor plundered person whom he sends
with this to procure his speedy dispatch; being prevented by
sciatica from coming to solicit for him. If his honour had
been pleased to give him a packet from her Majesty, it would
have been a great help to him. |
|---|
| Begs his honour to remember him in the letter he will write
to "Monseigneur le Duc."—London, 9 January, 1588. |
|---|
| Add. Endd. French. ½ p. [France XVIII. 8.] |
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| Jan. 10. | Frederick II., King of Denmark, to the Queen. |
|---|
| At the departure of her ambassador, Dr. Rogers, a report was
spread abroad in divers places of hostilities late happened between the Kingdoms of England and Scotland; since then of an
inroad made by the Scots into the borders of England, and now
of preparations on both sides for further disturbances; wherefore he cannot, on account of his continual fraternal friendship
and goodwill towards her Majesty and singular and long continued friendship towards both kingdoms, omit to send his faithful, well-beloved and noble gentleman of court with letters to
her Majesty, and with others to the King of Scotland, without
delay; going in the first place to her, that he may understand
more certainly of this hostile preparation. If the report prove
false (as he most heartily desires), the said messenger is at once
to return to him, bringing back the Scottish letters; but if it
be true, he shall then hasten with them into Scotland. |
|---|
| Does not need to remind so wise a prince as herself of the
state of affairs throughout Europe:—the fury of the Pope against
the Princes of the Reformed Religion, leaving nothing undone to
tear them up by the roots. What then could be more shortsighted than for the Protestants to wear out their strength by
mutual butchery, seeing how much easier it will then be for the
Papists to attack and oppress them, and how much wiser it would
be for them if, when one thinks himself wronged by another,
he would forgive the injury, or at least postpone the punishment of the wrong-doer. |
|---|
| It is quite possible that the King of Scots may think he has
just cause for complaint, but, lest peril should arise by retaliation on either side, he is willing, if he finds that her Highness wishes it (and is sending a similar appeal to the King of
Scots) to show that he lacks nothing of the duty of a brother,
friend and neighbour. This his desire for peace has not always
brought about the desired object, yet he does not feel that he
ought to throw it aside, but rather to leave nothing undone
which is becoming to a Christian prince. |
|---|
| So, if hostilities are already proceeding, her highness will
inform him of her intentions and what she wishes him to do,
and will send on this court messenger with a safe-conduct to
Scotland. If not, he heartily rejoices that rumour was wrong,
and prays her to return his messenger at once, and to put
the best interpretation on what he has written. He might keep
both ears closed and hold off from all outside disputes; but she
in her wisdom will see that he is moved by piety, love, benevolence and desire for the safety of the Christian commonwealth.—
Kolding, 10 January, 1588. |
|---|
| Signed. Add. Endd. Latin, 3 pp. [Denmark I. 103.] |
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| Jan. 11. | Bond by Duke Casimir for the restitution of the money provided by the Queen of England for the service of the King of
Navarre, and received from M. Horatio Palavicino, in case that
the levy does not take place.—Heydelberg, 11 January, 1587. |
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| Signed. Endd. French. 1 p. [German States V. 67.] |
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