|
| March 21. | Stafford to Burghley. |
|---|
| I have written to Mr. Secretary at large of all things, and I
know it will be shown to your lordship, save only this of which
I send you a copy, "because those things that concern that
place he often keepeth to himself, being abused with very
false advertisements of proceedings in that place. I would they
were as well as I wish them . . . but yet it is reason that
her Majesty should know the truth of all things, and in time,
that she may not be abused, but help to redress their faults."
But I pray you take knowledge only of what he shows you. |
|---|
| I beseech your lordship that I may have answer to what I
sent you set down about letters of 'mark,' which the ambassador says he is still delayed in. They make this an excuse
for their delay in the merchants' causes, and say I have promised
them that within a month they shall have answer; 'for they
now desire but reason, that if there be anything in it misliked,
[that] you would send them word what you do mislike, why you
mislike it and how you would have it."—Paris, 21 March, 1587. |
|---|
| Holograph. Add. Endd. by Burghley (in reference to Walsingham's letter enclosed.) Death of the Prince of Condé." 1 p.
[Ibid. 41.] |
|---|
| Enclosing:— |
|---|
| Copy of letter to Sir Francis Walsingham, calendared above
under date March 17. Endd. by Burghley. 4 closely written
pps. [Ibid. 41a.] |
|---|
| March 21. | Stafford to Walsingham. |
|---|
| Even as I was going to the King about-merchants' causes
this Thursday morning, Mr. Haklytt arrived. I had then no
leisure to read her Majesty's letter, and so I told the King,
"who presently meaneth to speak with me apart, and then desireth that I would ask an open audience . . . and that there
I may declare as much as the King and I together shall think
good to be known or kept. I hope all this will be within few
days. There is news come here to-day out of Picardy that the
Duke d'Aumale retireth his forces. The Cardinal Bourbon hath
sent to him to retire all, and to the Duke of Guise to procure
it, or else protesteth to forsake their party and give them over. |
|---|
| "Monsieur Bellievre and la Guische was looked for here tonight, and to have come away without doing anything, but at
the end of my audience it was told me that there was one
come from them that did bring word they were gone back to
Nancy, and that the Duke of Guise, de Mayne and Lorraine
should all meet there. If it be true, Queen Mother hath sent
them a lesson of hers. You shall know by the next. |
|---|
| "Your man Dous (fn. 1) is here, my horses returned and he sent
back with a sleeveless errand to stay for him (fn. 2) at Essone till
the next day. There are six next days past, and no news
of him . . . . I was not deceived in the man at the first sight,
though for so small a matter I would not have him want," I
think you may judge by his dealing with you "that if it be
not some cozening trick of himself, he was sent over at this
time by some device from hence, to put, by some counterfeit advertisements, some bees in her Majesty's head at this time.
I have sent you his letter he writ to me when he sent the
horses back. His date is out a good while agone."—Paris,
21 March, 1587. |
|---|
| Postscript. Stating that he has had "this extract" [wanting]
from his old place, "whose friend is fain to write . . . as one
affected unto Spain, because letters of his have been taken and
seen." |
|---|
| Holograph. Add. Endd. 1. p. [France XVIII. 42.] |
|---|
| March 21. | Stafford to Walsingham. |
|---|
| "The King hath been extremely put in fear by Queen Mother
of the approaching of the Prince of Parma's forces in the
Low Countries to the frontier of France, and all that was only
to divert his humour of going into Picardy, for it was propounded unto him that if he went, the carrying of forces with
him, as he must needs if he go, would give a colour to the
Prince of Parma to attempt somewhat, or to fortify them of
the League the more under the colour that he is afraid of the
King coming thither to attempt somewhat against the King of
Spain or those countries, and that if he should do so with the
great forces that he hath, what a shame it would be to the King
to retire himself, and not to have forces competent upon this
sudden to withstand any attempt either the Prince of Parma
alone or the Prince of Parma joined with the League might
attempt, he being there. |
|---|
| "Besides, the Queen Mother offereth herself to go to Duke
of Guise and into Picardy, to employ herself to pacify all
things; and rather to go again to the King of Navarre herself,
though she were little set by when she was there last, and
to take all the pains she can to bring all things to better
agreement, than to see this realm turned topsy turvy as it is.
But all this is done but to abuse this prince, and to turn
him from that voyage, which in truth I think would be their
ruin, if he went thither himself, for there is no town, if they
saw him, but would receive him or any garrison he would put
into them, and if that were, they were all undone in Picardy,
whereas if he go not, I think there is never a town that will
receive garrison, and they are there still held in fear of them. |
|---|
| "The King considering all these things, was fully resolved to
go thither, and for that purpose had appointed a Council to be
held of his own Council, of the Court of Parliament of this
city, and of the clergy, to declare unto them the causes that
moved him. But Queen Mother hath impeached all this, with
these fears and her offer, so that this is surceased for a time,
and M. Bellievre's and la Guische's return expected, who are
looked for within these two days; and upon that, as occasion
serveth, she is to take her journey. |
|---|
| "I will not say it, but it is thought here of a great many
that the Queen Mother if she go will rather do harm than good,
and, if they have committed any faults, rather tell them how to
mend them than otherwise. The King and she hath been divers
times within this sennight at very hot words about these matters;
but in the end, she maketh so many difficulties to be propounded,
so many fears to be advertised and so many false things to be given
out, as she amazeth the King and getteth the [upper] hand at the
length, and without doubt, the greatest cunning 'oone' of them
she hath now, is to make them great bugs to keep the King in
awe and afraid of their forces. |
|---|
| "Another thing that she feareth him withal is her Majesty's
treaty in the Low Countries, and the assuring him it is a thing
underhand already concluded. I do what I can to have that
opinion removed, and make that which you sent me of her
answer to the States to serve me [in] it; but keep them in
awe still that it is likely it will be done, for that it is likely
the King of Spain will agree to any reasonable thing to be at
quiet there, to have the better opportunity to look into other
whooles that be opened to him in divers places in Christendom
now, and more here than anywhere else. And yet withal have
let them see that which you sent me of Pigot's confession of
the forces of the Low Countries, that they may not be terrified
with such great numbers as the Queen Mother goeth about to terrify the King withal, and they that are favourers of the League here. |
|---|
| "Monsieur d'Epernon hath been at his house hereby not very
well; partly with his old disease, partly with melancholy. It
is given out here he goeth in decrefing, but most men think it
is but a fraud. I am yet truly of that opinion too, I cannot
tell what causes that be yet unknown and time may alter in me.
He is greatly grieved and offended with this death of the Prince
of Conde's; both, some think, for some good opinion and hope
of friendship of him, but specially for the manner of his death
(as all the certainty goeth) by his wife, for Epernon's wife
and his were cousin germans and both brought up together
with [i.e. by] the old Constable's wife. But in truth this is
accounted far different in disposition and manners, and very
virtuous. The King also in secret hath showed greatly to lament
him, and I promise you I do yet believe it is in very earnest. |
|---|
| "I do easily believe that you writ to me of the cause you
heard of Madame Chateauneuf's so hasty coming away now
upon this sudden; for I dare assure you many are fed with
that hope: and Bandini, when he was now at Rome last, sent
by the King in Christmas, was laughed at [by] all the Cardinals
and great personages in Rome when he laughed at the King
of Spain's over-running of England, which they assured; and
would needs assure him that afore he came back again into
France, he should find it done, and England quite destroyed . . .
But thanks be to God, England standeth yet, and I hope shall
stand to hear Rome be sunk for their sins in the bottom of
Tiber."—Paris, 21 March, 1587. |
|---|
| Holograph. Add. Endd. 2½ pp. [France XVIII. 43.] |
|---|
| March 21. | Stafford to Walsingham. |
|---|
| [On the King's promised expedition into Picardy, and the
Queen Mother's action in the matter, shortly.] |
|---|
| "They grow here very angry with our treaty with Spain, and
say that the accord is concluded, and that all in the end will
fall upon France. |
|---|
| "The League doth stir in all places, and do arm as much as
ever they did, but they are not so strong as the King is made
understand, for every man is made twenty to him, and they
terrify him much with the Duke of Parma's forces. |
|---|
| "There is no certain news come of the manner of the Prince
of Condé's death, but it is certain that it was by poison, for
(as they say) there was as much found in his side, that had
not made his [i.e. its] operation, as would have poisoned forty
men. The Cardinal of Vendosme, his brother . . . sent word
that a varlet de chambre that was taken did confess that it
was his wife's doing. She is prisoner at St. Jehan d'Angely,
where as the captain of his guard and other gentlemen of his
train have made themselves party against her. M. de Tremouille, hearing of the Prince's death, came thither with great
show to lament it. Being come into the town, his sister desired
to speak with him, which he refused to do but in the presence
of the Prince's chief men. Being together, she lamented her
hard fortune, that having lost so good a husband, by whom she
received so great honour, she was now accused of so foul a
crime as to have conspired his death. He answered her that
if she were innocent he would spend all he had to justify
her, but if she were guilty, he would be the first that should
set fire to the stake to burn her, and so he departed, and
would never after speak with her. There is nothing come from
the King of Navarre about it. |
|---|
| "There is one come out of Germany hither that was one of the
Prince's stewards and a very old servant of his. He was with
the army and there taken prisoner. I have furnished him
with horse and money and have gotten him a passport to go
into Poictou, by whom I shall understand all the circumstances
of the Prince's death. All men here do generally lament it.
Even his enemies and they of the League do pity it, except
it be some few worse affected than the rest, that say she
hath done a good deed, and that it was for the Catholic faith;
but they are hated of all men and thought bad minded men. |
|---|
| "The King of Navarre, hearing of this accident, came presently
to St. Jehan d'Angely with twelve horse; at which time it is
given out that Laverdin did take Marans, which the King of
Navarre hearing of, went presently with 2000 shot of Rochelle
to succour it, which they say he could not do. Others say that
he hath relieved it; of all which we have yet no certainty. |
|---|
| "In Germany the princes arm apace, but most men think
that it is for Bonn. I did yesterday speak with a messenger
that came out of those parts, who says that the Bishops do
likewise arm to oppose themselves against this levy of the
princes, so as there is likelihood to be as great stirs there as
in other places, if God be not the more merciful. |
|---|
| "There is nothing done yet at Sedan. The Duke of Guise's
forces are thereabouts, but they neither besiege the town nor
attempt anything else. The Duke of Montpensier, who hath
most interest in it, lies here sick of the gout, and doth nothing;
neither do I think he will do much, both because he is so slow
in his own causes and for that he suffers himself to be governed by bad counsellors. |
|---|
| "They give out here, and say they have it out of Spain,
that the King hath been sick there fourteen days of a continual
fever, and that he hath been so often let blood as it hath impaired his senses. I know not whether this report be true,
or that they give it out for some other purpose. |
|---|
| "The Assembly that was appointed to be at Ste. Foy, the 24th
of this month, I think will be now deferred by this accident of
the Prince of Condé's death. |
|---|
| "I can write to your honour but as it was written to me and
to many other in this town from Geneva, touching the three
cantons of Swisses, wherein they were deceived, for by the
last despatch they have written quite contrary and worse; which
is that all the Catholic cantons except Soleure are quitting
the alliance of France and taking that of Spain; and whereas
they sent for ministers to Geneva, it was not to be instructed,
as they thought, but for that there was an Abbot among them
who offered to bring forth certain Jesuits to dispute with them. |
|---|
| "I was very glad of the news your honour sent me of Scotland, for here they give out the quite contrary, and one [torn]
uncle to the Master of Gray, who came thence within these thirty
days, says that the Earl of Huntley and the other lords were
at Liecothe [Linlithgow] and had resolved to have the Chancellor
[Sir John Maitland] put out, and that the Hamilton was with
them, and that the Earls of 'Anguishe' and Marre and the rest
that were affected to the Queen do now lie still and favour no
party. He says also that the Lord 'Harris' [Herries] is gone
back and hath taken arms, and that her Majesty hath sent forces
into Scotland to aid them against the King; but I assure them
of the contrary, upon that which I received from your Honour." |
|---|
| I was yesterday with M. Pinart about the ships of Nantes your
honour writ to me of, and some other merchants' causes, who
promises justice, but complained that they had no answer touching the letters of mart. I said I thought you found something
unreasonable in it, or it would have been sent ere this. He
then told me that their ambassador complained that he was
put off with delays; desiring me to be a means that brief
justice might be done on both sides. I promised that within
a month they shall have it, and pray you to send it for saving of my credit.—Paris, 21 March, 1587. |
|---|
| Postscript. Even now is arrived a Maître d'Hotel of M. de
la 'Trimouilles' with letters from the princes[s] to the Cardinal
of 'Vandosme' Bourbon, princes of Condé, Villeroy and Epernon,
"wherein she complaineth of the hard usage is used to her,
their laying to her her husband's death; and desireth the princes
in her letter to speak to the Queen, according as such favour
is accustomed to be used in such cases, to send her her mo[u]rning clothes of her hand. The princes and the Cardinals both
brought out words from the Queens that they would send her a
rope in a paper to hang her withal; and openly in the Queen's
antichamber used the hardest speeches to him of her afore all
the world that could be. |
|---|
| "He was asked by a friend of his that was expressly sent to
him to that purpose by my means, the order of all things. |
|---|
| "He told him that at the first they did but look unto her,
but not kept her; but that as soon as the valet de chambre
was taken and had confessed (what, nobody knows, for the
examiners took all oath to reveal nothing to no living creature
till the King of Navarre and the Count Soissons were come);
that presently after his examination taken, she had fifty shot
of his guard lodged under her, above her, or each side of her;
so as she cannot look out to nobody, nor nobody at her. And
that these letters that she writ was by leave and in the presence
of them all. That there was never so pitiful a thing seen as
the exclamation of the people and country; that at the first
hearing of it, at the burial of the bowels, they did not tarry,
a man, women nor a child that could go alone in their houses;
but so howled, cried, tore their hairs, beat their breasts, and
so took on that it was the pitifullest thing to see that ever
was; and that all the gentlemen of the country came thither to
wail and lament. That they keep the body in the house, with
all the honour and service still as he was wont and more then
[when] he was alive; that they will never let it go out of that
town, but keep it there with all honour and respect as long
as a man of them was alive. That the King of Navarre presently
came thitherward; that four hundred gentlemen of the Religion
and two hundred Catholics met him at 'Taylborg', all in mourning down to the ground, and began all to speak together, and
were suddenly struck with that sobbing and weeping and howling, as he said that they could not say anything. That one
among the rest only desired that their tears might speak for
them, and that the King of Navarre and Count Soissons neither
could answer word. But half an hour after, one in the name
of them all told him that they were come to him to demand
justice and revenge; that if they had it not directly and speedily
at his hands, they would come to the King here, their sovereign
to demand it at his hands though they were sure aforehand of
the severity of the edicts; that if they had it not at his hands,
they would ask it at God's hands, and do that which he should
put into their minds. That they had lost that which they should
never recover, that they would keep, honour and serve the
body as long as any man was alive of them and seek the revenge of it to the last of them. |
|---|
| "As they were in this, the news came of Lavardin's besieging of Marans, whereupon they all with the King went to
Rochelle the same instant, the King of Navarre assuring [them]
that it did touch him nearer than any and that they should
see the proofs of it. |
|---|
| "He [the messenger] saith she is with child four months gone.
He saith the Rochellers are ready to run mad for it. He was
beloved greatly; so did he deserve it." |
|---|
| Signed. Add. Endd. Seal of arms. Postscript holograph.
3¼ pp. [France XVIII. 44.] |
|---|
| March 21/31. | David Cabreth to Walsingham. |
|---|
| This present Friday, (fn. 3) there arrived a ship of Dieppe, laden
with sugars and other commodities from Viana in Portugal, who
report the Spanish fleet ready to depart eight days after they
left, on the 14th, and judges them to be at sea. |
|---|
| "The preparation here in all parts of Picardy for men in a
readiness is great, as also in Artois. Victuals beginneth in
Gascony to be very dear, as also in Spain. . . . |
|---|
| "It is supposed the Prince de Condy to be poisoned by his
lackey, yet partly doubted of to be so, which God grant. |
|---|
| I have sent you letters by Robert Hilles, Mr. Scofeld's servant
and Mr. Goore Lord Cobham's servants, with other letters that
came from your servant, John Dowse; as also by Pappo, Lord
Cobham's post, but doubt whether they came to your hands, as
Robert Hilles has returned that sent by him. |
|---|
| There are certain here who have obtained licence to transport
beefs, muttons, wheat, oats, malt, beer and other victuals, "under
a colour for the Lords [Commissioners']. provision," which are
being passed over for the Prince of Parma, and there are now
great provisions of such things shipped from Margate, Ramsgate, Sandwich and Dover, "whither to be transported God knoweth, . . . The enemy will be glad of victual, and will [sic]
stand in as great need as before, if they were not so plentifully
every day resorted unto.—Calles, the last of March, 1588." |
|---|
| Add. Endd. by one of Walsingham's clerks "31 March, stilo
novo. From Cabreth." French, 1 p. [France XVIII. 45.] |
|---|
| March 22./April 1. | De l'Aubespine Chasteauneuf to Burghley. |
|---|
| Regretting his lordship's indisposition, both on private and
public grounds. Last Sunday, after audience of her Majesty,
he spoke with the Admiral and Mr. Walsingham of the many
complaints received. Particularly wishes to speak to his Lordship concerning a piracy committed by a young man named
Chas Hauvart [Howard], brought up by you as a page, and who
commands one of her Majesty's ships, called the Osprey (?),
who has taken from a French merchant fifty-five bales of cloth.
Knows that he is of a good house and young, therefore has not
wished to make a public complaint before speaking to his lordship, in order not to injure him, although his having done
this wrong when in one of her Majesty's ships, he is the
more punishable.—London, 1 April, 1588. |
|---|
| Signed. Add. Endd. French. ¾ p. [France XVIII. 46.] |
|---|
March 22./April 1.
[last date.] | Collection of abstracts of letters sent by Duke Casimir to
her Majesty; the headline stating that they are a further instalment of letters sent out of Italy, by which daily are more and
more confirmed the insidious and hostile schemes carried on by
the Pope, Spaniard, and their confederates against the Queen
of England. Sent to a prince of Germany very warmly affected
to her Majesty. |
|---|
| 4 September. It is confirmed on good authority that the
King of Scotland has secretly sent envoys to the King of Spain,
and it is added that he is one of those who have sworn the
Queen's destruction. |
|---|
| Letters from Rome say that the Pope is wholly engaged in
consultations on English affairs, and almost daily holds secret
conversations with Alan, the English Cardinal. There is a great
hope that matters will come to a successful issue, since the
Englishwoman ("Angla") seems to have reached such a pass
that nothing will avail her, no matter where she turns, or in
whom she trusts, or from whom she seeks assistance; for the
daily increasing factions of her nobles, and the hidden treasons
which are soon to burst into activity, are working her ruin.
As soon as she is out of the way, and the navigation to the
Indies is restored, Belgium (fn. 4) recovered, and France (which might
make some resistance to the subsequent efforts of the Spaniards)
reduced to naught, then those same Spaniards will repay the
heretics with interest; and in their turn take over the management of German affairs. |
|---|
| Florence reports that the Spaniard is at this very time considering some plan against Ireland or England. |
|---|
| 12 September. The Pope having once conceived the hope
of shortly restoring England, Scotland and Belgium to the
obedience of the Apostolic See, and of then reducing the rest
of the heretics to order, is far from laying it aside. In fact,
every day seems to bring forth something to increase it, unless the
courage of those who are to make the attempt should fail. |
|---|
| 16 October, 1587. The King of Spain is at one and the same
time preparing his forces for the overthrow of the Queen of
England, and pretending to a desire for peace with her. He
is making the King of Denmark a sort of arbiter of the question;
hoping to keep him and the other northern heretics occupied with
such questions, and thus to detach them from the Englishwoman
more and more every day. Although it is certain that he has
with his own hand written letters to the Queen, professing a
great desire for peace, in the common interest, nevertheless
those who appear to have the best knowledge of him and of
Spanish affairs maintain that he is planning nothing else than
war and the Queen's destruction. |
|---|
| 31 October. Plans are being considered by certain persons
which call for the vigilance of all princes, Italians as well as
others. Indeed, at this very time the Pope and the Spaniard
and their confederates are said to be in council on the subject
of a notable expedition, the leader of which, according to the
best and, highest authority, is to be the Duke of Savoy. Although
no names are mentioned, far-sighted persons conjecture that
the object of it will be the Queen of England. |
|---|
| In the same letters it is said that the Spaniard is seriously
considering an attack with all his forces upon the Englishwoman:
and especially an invasion of Ireland. I hear that this is written publickly from Spain, Portuguese letters tell the same
tale, as well as letters of 20 December [sic. quere recte October.]
From Madrid (Madrillio). |
|---|
| 6 November. Confirmation continues to be received of what
was last written about the Spanish preparations. It seems that
they are all directed against the Englishwoman, either because
she appears so pre-eminently deserving of attack, or else because
the Spaniards are inflamed with a desire for revenge or plunder,
and will hardly tolerate any delays in attacking her; promising
themselves all sorts of victories and triumphs against the rest
of their enemies, when once she is out of the way. |
|---|
| 13 November. Of the many reasons which are thought to
be prompting the King of Spain to concentrate all his power
and forces on the overthrow of the Queen of England, the
following are considered to be the chief; viz.: (1) a fear that
he may be forestalled by death; (2) a fear lest the Turks, having
made peace with the Persians, may turn aside to make war on
him: and (3) a fear lest the princes of Christendom, more especially those in the north, may wake up and join forces to withstand the peril to them all which is threatened by those who
wish to have universal dominion. |
|---|
| As to the Spanish preparations, there are many almost incredible reports. It is said that no greater fleet has been seen
in Spain for ages, and that the soldiery is the pick and flower
of Spain and Portugal. |
|---|
| Some people suspect that all these tales are exaggerated and
that the great show of further preparations which is being
made is designed solely to terrify the Englishwoman, so that
she may prefer to have peace, even on better conditions for
the Spaniard, rather than experience the formidable power of
such a well-equipped fleet. |
|---|
| 20 November. Although everything was expected (and that
very soon) of the Spanish fleet, the general opinion is that as
winter is now coming on, it is hardly likely to make a move
towards an important expedition, this year at least, unless (as
I have often stated) the removal of the Queen of England out
of the way should happen soon, answerably to the expectations
of many. Certain it is that the Spaniard, if his life be spared
a little longer, will do his part to secure her distruction. Meanwhile, he devotes his attention to widening the breach between
her and the northern heretics, whom he has already drawn
away, and making even those who seem to be less estranged
from her into her enemies. |
|---|
| 27 November. Confirmation comes from Spain of the very
great and almost incredible preparations of the Spaniard. It
is still the common opinion that he will, as soon as possible,
employ all his forces for the overthrow of the Queen of England and the recovery of Belgium, fearing lest he may be forestalled by death, and leave to his heirs an empire encumbered
with such difficulties and exposed to such perils that they will
be unable to overcome them, in which case the enemies of the
Spanish name will seize the opportunity to overthrow the Empire
utterly. |
|---|
| 11 December. There is much talk here of the expedition
against England, as a result of letters of 16 November from
Madrid. As to the report which some people are spreading
abroad that the Marquis of Santa Cruz has already sailed with
his fleet for Ireland, it is not confirmed on any good authority,
nor is it believed. It is certain however, that many well-known
persons have been induced by their friends' letters to go to
Belgium from Italy, in the hope of such an event. |
|---|
| It is stated that the King of France has promised the Papal
Legate that he will do nothing to hinder the expedition. Many
persons hold to their original opinion, namely, that unless some
notable treason promises an almost certain and ready-made
victory to the Spaniards, they will not lightly make an attempt
on England, considering the great power of her fleet, the difficulty of access to her shores and the great army of very warlike men by whom she is defended. |
|---|
| 18 December. [re frightening Elizabeth into accepting harder
conditions of peace, as in letter of Nov. 13, above.] Others
consider that the Spaniard has been brought by the promises of
certain traitors to such a pitch of hope that he persuades himself that he is able to compass her destruction. |
|---|
| Those who have certain knowledge maintain that she will
die this [next] year, and that the kingdom of England will be
brought back to the allegiance and power of the Pope and the
Spanish King. |
|---|
| 24 December. Advice has already been given of the great
preparations of the Spanish fleet. The marvellous thing is that
these preparations should have been set on foot in the hope of
treasons in England and Belgium; unless indeed something has
actually happened to show the Spaniards that such a hope is
reasonable. Letters from Rome show clearly how great a hope
the Roman court has conceived of the speedy restoration of
Belgium and England to the Apostolic See. |
|---|
| 1 January, 1588. The Roman letters are full of joy and
triumph at the collapse of the great army of Swiss and German
reiters in France brought utterly to naught by their own act.
It is hoped that, terrified by so unhappy an event, the heretic
German princes and the Swiss cities will put the blame upon
the King of Navarre and desert his cause, even though it is
their own, and that, fearing a repetition of the disaster, they
will leave the Queen of England in the lurch, in the midst of
her enemies. She will then, it is confidently expected, be quite
unable to avoid the destruction which is hanging over her head,
and when she is once out of the way, the confederates flatter
themselves that their hope of an universal victory over the
heretics will be easily and quickly realized. |
|---|
| Some persons of credit have written from Rome that the
Spanish fleet sailed from Lisbon on the 1st of December, for
Ireland or England, but the report of so momentous an event
is not believed without confirmation from other quarters. |
|---|
| 15 January. By letters from Rome of this date it is confirmed that the Spanish fleet has been prevented by storms
from daring to go further. It is said that not only is it the
Spanish policy to overthrow the Queen of England at the earliest
possible moment, but their zeal and longing for this are so
great and enthusiastic that many persons are resorting to all
sorts of auguries for a prosperous and happy issue of the
undertaking, in order to keep up their spirits. On the other
hand, the Portuaguese are so extravagant and persistent in
their subordination of everything to their love for Antonio of
Portugal that there is nothing they seem to desire less than a
war with England, since Antonio lives in England and is sustained in his hope of sooner or later recovering Portugal by
the resources of the English Queen. The strongest expectations
are being entertained of removing the Queen out of the way,
and shortly restoring England, Scotland and the whole of Belgium to the Church of Rome. |
|---|
| 22 January, 1588. I see from your letters that in your parts
also there is repeated confirmation of the great preparations
which are being made in Spain, Portugal and Belgium against
the Queen of England, and of the hope and sure expectation of
victory which is entertained. Some people have no hesitation in
promising themselves things which our people dare not hope for. |
|---|
| The forty English pirate ships at Cape St. Vincent were sent
out, as some think, not so much in hope of doing anything great,
but rather through desperation, or at least in the vain hope that
the King of Spain will be more ready to make peace with the
Queen of England when he finds that she is as well equipped
in spirit as in power. So the Spaniards write. Others call
attention to the prevalent sickness among the Spanish soldiery
(which is the common talk of the whole fleet) and the great and
almost daily captures of booty by the English; and maintain that
there are other obstacles besides, so many and great, that the
fleet, far from sailing in January, will hardly be able to make an
attempt upon England at any time, unless it be induced to do
so by treasons or some notable success in Belgium, more especially since it is now seen that the Queen, not waiting at home
to be attacked by the enemy, is adopting the policy of sending
a great part of her fleet against Portugal, and even, as some
think, against Spain; a policy which is likely to cause the maximum of trouble. It is said that this nervousness has had such
an effect that the Spaniard is making a new fleet of a hundred
ships as quickly as possible in the Bay of Biscay (ad Oceanum
Cantabricum.) |
|---|
| 29 January. Letters from Rome add that the Pope has conceived so great a hope of shortly recovering England, Scotland
and the whole of Belgium, that it is generally thought that
he is relying upon treason, by means of which things otherwise
incredible are apt suddenly to come to pass. |
|---|
| Trustworthy letters from Spain report that the fleet is so
badly equipped that it will not dare to do anything against England unless some sure hope of victory presents itself, to dispel
its hesitation and waft it forward as it were, on a favouring
breeze. |
|---|
| 5 February. Not only are the glowing reports as to the
Spanish fleet at a stand-still, but weighty authorities maintain
that all the preparations of the Spaniards against the Englishwoman are now progressing so slowly that there is a danger that
before they make any attempt, at least openly, the English
will again make an attack on Spain and Portugal. If the
Northerners were to make common cause with the Englishwoman,
nobody doubts that they could inflict a mortal blow on the
Spanish Empire. |
|---|
| 12 February. How greatly those who favour the sacred confederacy are boasting of the recent slaughter of German heretics
has been noticed at various times. They think that by this one
victory a way has been opened for the longed-for universal
victory over the heretics, since it has inspired such fear in them
that their distrust in themselves is beginning to be as great
as their self-confidence used to be; and they no sooner think
of making a trial of arms than they seem to feel the closing of
bonds and chains round them. The Confederates confess that
the only person who has so far foiled their attempts is the
Englishwoman, who with great spirit and wisdom has decided
not to wait at home for the enemy any more, but to go abroad
and fight him. But she cannot last long, they say, since she is
deserted by all and cannot alone sustain so great a burden or
escape the toils of all the ambushes which have been laid for her. |
|---|
| 20 February. The Spaniards say that the more slowly their
preparations against the Queen of England go on, the greater
and deadlier they will be; especially as the recent discovery
of a treason in Portugal has practically removed the Englishwoman's means of stirring up tumults in that kingdom in order
to detain the King of Spain's forces. As to the peace which
is to be arranged with the Englishwoman in Belgium; it is
said that this is only intended to enable the Spaniards to make
better preparations; and meanwhile to escape or delay any
attempts by the Englishwoman. They are also said to be hoping
that in the meantime, some-one will come forward who can be
induced by great rewards and promises to do away with her
after the fashion of the Prince of Orange, as she is not so
cautious, or so carefully and honestly guarded as to preclude
the possibility of her being reached by steel or poison. |
|---|
| 26 February. Trustworthy persons say that the Spaniard
has entrusted to the Duke of Parma the task of doing his utmost
to conclude peace with the Englishwoman. It is thought that
this policy has been initiated because he has lost all hope of
taking—by means of the Guises—a port in France suitable for
the expedition against England, or of arranging any practicable
treasons in England, Scotland or Belgium; and because he sees
his own fleet reduced almost to nothing; and realizes that the
Englishwoman, by virtue of her fleet and that of the Belgians
[i.e. the Dutch] is so powerful that if her spirit and audacity
should be equal to her strength, she might do great harm to the
Spanish fortresses before Spain could make all the necessary
preparations for defence. |
|---|
| 18 March. The Pope thinks that nothing could be more
glorious for him than to restore England, France and
Belgium [Holland] to the Catholic church and faith. As for the
Englishwoman, the business would indeed be difficult and almost
desperate were it not for the one hope that remains that some
treason out of the many that are being attempted may prove
practicable, and that everything else will then happen naturally
as he desires it. |
|---|
| The Portuguese conspiracy is turning out to have a most
bitter and mournful issue for the Portuguese. Even now, many
men (and those not the meanest) are being condemned to captivity and chains; and there will soon follow executions, and
the destruction and ruin of many families which a short time
ago enjoyed all the good gifts of fortune. Among other nobles
of high rank who have suffered is a matron born of the famous
family of Sylvii, who has been thrown into prison. This lady,
under cover of social courtesy, used to visit her friends at their
homes, and urge them with more than a man's spirit to devote
their means and strength solely to freeing their country from
the yoke of Spanish slavery. |
|---|
| 25 March. As to the common report that the Turk has been
urgently requested by the Queen of England to send out his
fleet, and that she has promised him 300,000 pounds [aurei]
for the use thereof, some people think it too hateful to be possible, or else that it has been invented and spread abroad in the
hope that it will alienate from the Queen even those who are
in the same boat with her and defend the same cause, on the
ground that she has associated her impious arms with the enemy
of Christendom. There are however some persons, i.e. Italians,
who are not afraid to assert that they would do the same in her
place. For, say they, nature teaches all men to preserve their
own lives by any means, even the most abhorrent, against persons whom they see to be making every sort of preparation, in
every sort of way, for their destruction. Indeed the Spaniards
themselves, by their own example, are advising the Englishwoman to secure help from everybody and anybody; for they
are hiring heretics to attack her, and they consider heretics far
more detestable than Turks, and worthy of all kinds of torture.
And what is more, the Turk needs no such inducements, for
on his own account he has sufficiently strong reasons for attempting to reduce to order the man who is going to do battle
with him for the empire of the whole world—a man who rests
his hope of universal empire and rule in open violence and arms
and in nothing else. Nor is the Turk so innocent of affairs
as not to notice the daily greater progress which this man is
making throughout the whole of Europe. For how can he fail
to know that by this man's means the kingdom of France, which
was once the chief bulwark against the Spanish power, is so
reduced that it is full of civil wars, and distracted by an infinite
number of factions, and seems likely to fall under the Spanish
power, either wholly or to a great extent. Or how can he fail
to see that Germany, once free and the mistress of those same
Spaniards, is voluntarilly submitting herself to them, and fostering their endless ambition with her own blood, to the ruin
of herself and others. Nay, more, he cannot fail to realize that
the Kings of the extreme north are evidently serving the Spaniard,
and that he is so egregiously abusing their simplicity and credibility that not only do they fail to see that it is their liberty, as
well as others that is to be defended, but they actually restrain
and impede the attempts which others are preparing for the
diminution of the power of Spain. And, lastly, Italy is, in the
eyes of the Turk, so plainly given up and surrendered for the
greater part to the will of the Spaniard that he cannot remain
ignorant of her real condition, however much he might wish
to do so. And the conclusion is, that knowing and seeing all
this, he needs no further inducements to take action against the
Spaniard, unless indeed he be the laziest of mankind, and utterly
devoid of reason and common-sense. It is through fear of him
(the same persons add) that the Spaniards are pretending a
desire for peace with the Englishwoman, although, however
successful such a peace might be for a time, they would never
remain quiet, but would always be causing trouble to one or
another of those whom they could most conveniently injure. |
|---|
| As to what is written from Spain on supposedly good authority,
namely that the King of Spain is striving to pacify Belgium [i.e.
Holland] with the sole object of turning his arms against France,
recovering Cambrai and usurping for himself, by the help of
the Guise party, whole provinces of France, it does not seem a
likely report; for such a policy would probably result in uniting
a now disunited France; and the French King would without
doubt throw all religious scruples aside, and stir up Turks and
heretics promiscuously to attack the Spaniard. So it is thought
that this rumour is a pretence, designed to secure that the
King of France, for fear of such an event, shall renew the war
against the Huguenots and desert the Englishwoman, (even if
he will not openly fight her) leaving her a sure prey to the
Spaniards. |
|---|
| Some prominent Italians who were amongst those sent to
besiege Bonn, have written to their friends here, that if peace
with the Englishwoman is obtained, the war will be transferred
to parts not far distant from where they now are. From this,
some persons conjecture Cambrai; others (with more likelihood)
suggest the principality of the Duke of Bouillon; since the
Spaniards (on what pretext I know not) maintain that it belongs
to the Duchy of Luxembourg. The same Italians boast that the
Spaniard, after recovering Bonn and occupying certain other
places, will shortly make himself far more absolute a master
of the Rhine than he has ever been hitherto. |
|---|
| 1 April. The Cardinal of Joyeuse was the first to bring news
to the Pope of the death by poison of the Prince of Condé at
St. [Jean d'] Angeli. The Pope was so pleased at the
news that he shed tears of joy, and burst out into these cruel
words of prayer: "May all the enemies of the Apostolic See so
perish." It is said that he will proclaim what they call Jubilee
throughout Christendom, with prayers that the counsels and
attempts of those who are leagued with the sacred confederacy
against the heretics may have a happy issue. When the heads
of some heretics have been cut short (as the saying goes) by a
short hand, then (they say) everything else will be easy. For
the death of the Englishwoman alone will result in the return of
Belgium and the whole of England and Scotland to the allegiance and power of the Apostolic See, while the rest of the
heretics will pay the penalty to a man. It is said indeed that the
sole object of the Spaniard in pretending to be eager for a
peace with the Englishwoman is that she and her allies may
thereby be induced to let slip their present chances of accomplishing something, and also take less care to guard against
the snares that are being prepared for them. No one with any
knowledge of affairs has any doubt that were the heretics to
join forces with the Englishwoman, they could bring the Apostolic See and the Spanish Empire into extreme peril. |
|---|
| Endd. by Burghley as copies of letters sent from divers places
to Duke Casimir, 1588. Latin, 12 closely written pp. [Germany,
States V. 71.] |
|---|
March 23
[? 25. (fn. 5) ] | Stafford to Walsingham. |
|---|
| The bearer has tarried almost his fortnight for that honest
man, and as he returns not (as I am sure he never meant to
do), I have advised him to return to your honour and leave it to
him to tell you all that has passed here. |
|---|
| I wonder much at what you say of having seen a letter from
Rochelle that I had had secret conference with the King, for
the time I spake with him was but one day before I despatched
Tupper, and from that day to the day that you dispatched Mr.
Hakluyt, "you shall find it not possible that it should be sent
from hence to Rochelle and from Rochelle come again into England," and besides, I am sure the King would never discover
it, for I never saw any so fearful to have it known, or discovered
by her Majesty. But I have found whence it comes. On my
audience with the King and my conference with Pinard, I dealt
very plainly on that point; and one of the King of Navarre's
men here coming to me, I told him what I had said to them;
who yesterday confessed to me that he had since spoken of it
in company where the Abbot d'Albene was, who fumed at it
"and said it was the greatest evil service that ever was done to
the King of Navarre, and that since he had written it to the
King of Navarre's court; and added withal that I have had this
conference secret with the King, and gave it out upon this man's
word that I had told it to . . . and withal, to aggravate the matter,
had written it thither that I had used these speeches out of
mine own head without commandment; whereupon this man
hearing of it, and that he [the Abbot] made him the author of
a lie, which was of a secret conference, they have fallen out
about it, and [he] came to me to excuse himself, thinking I
might have heard of it and that I would have been offended
with him. I told him that I would never be offended with a
truth, for I did not tell it him to have it hid from the King of
Navarre, for I was contented he should know anything I did.
That I had indeed used those speeches, upon occasion offered,
of mine own head, without any instruction; and that that I
had done I would avow; which should no way hurt the King of
Navarre if he meant to remain constant in his religion, but
rather 'let' him of being too much importuned about the matter
by the King. But if he had said that I had had secret conferences, when indeed I told him, as truth was, that it was at a
public audience, and with Pinard after . . . he had done himself wrong ; to say that I had said to him that which was not, and
which I never thought of. |
|---|
| "He protested unto me he never uttered any such word, but
that he did hear that the Abbot—being glad of anything to write
that he might make the King of Navarre continue still in an
evil conceit of me, that he may not see his knavery—had added
that to make the King of Navarre to enter into some suspicion of
the matter. And from thence, Sir, upon my word, this must
needs come; and as I hear he hath written the same into England, to Buzenval, your honour, having seen the letter, may the
better judge of it. The gentleman doth still continue his honest
dealing towards me, and all to blind the King of Navarre from
seeing into his knavery, and from sending or having intelligence
at all with me; which he hath wrought to his will, for since that
time I never heard any word from the King of Navarre; nor
any that have come from him (which have been divers) have
come to me but some one or two honest men that be religeous,
that belong to him, that remain in this town. I have so much
labour and charge saved, and seeing he doth like of it, truly I am
not sorry for it. . . |
|---|
| "I have not yet spoken with the King, for Bellievre and la
Guische arrived yesterday from the Duke of Guise, and they
have been busy. What they have done I cannot yet send you,
but by the next I will.—Paris, Monday, March 23 [sic] 1587. |
|---|
| Holograph. Add. Endd. 2½ pp. [France XVIII, 47.] |
|---|
| March 25. | Note of ships preparing at Hamburg to go into Spain, to be
met by another fleet going from Lubeck. Also four double
flyboats with 100 men apiece, ready to go for Dunkirk. |
|---|
| Endd. April, 88 (probably date of receipt). p. [Hamburg
and Hanse Towns III, 2.] |
|---|