Elizabeth
October 1586, 11-20

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Institute of Historical Research

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Sophie Crawford Lomas and Allen B. Hinds (editors)

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1927

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189-205

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'Elizabeth: October 1586, 11-20', Calendar of State Papers Foreign, Elizabeth, Volume 21, Part 2: June 1586-March 1587 (1927), pp. 189-205. URL: http://www.british-history.ac.uk/report.aspx?compid=75299 Date accessed: 29 July 2014.


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October 1586, 11-20

Oct. 11. LEICESTER to THE QUEEN.
"My gracious lady, pardon and bear with me that I take in hand to seek to satisfy you in those points of your letter received by Killigrew which lie most grievous at my heart. The Lord doth know I am free from desert of any such opinion or that the least of any of these conceits should enter into your thought of me. I only crave suspence of your judgment till better examination be had of all my doings since I came first over into this service ; this unhappy service, I may say. Vouchsafe, I beseech your Majesty, for my long and true service sake, the reading of this my sudden and true answer, wishing rather so many shot had lit upon my body to have ended my life, than to have received so many discomfortable words under your own hand, of your hard conceit of me. God Almighty preserve you."
1. "That your Majesty doth marvel that with my authority and name I bear here, I have no better looked what these men here can afford touching their charge." Not only myself by all means have sought for the full knowledge thereof,...but have conferred with all the best financiers... and have always found by them, that, their affairs of the finances well used, far more benefit might grow to them for better advancement of their cause. I have dealt often with the Council of State for the "better addressment" of that office, and found divers persuaded that good and skilful officers might increase their revenues greatly. To this end divers were dealt with ; among which one Ringolt (whom Mr. Secretary knows and I suppose your Majesty also) made large offers to augment the revenue, without new impositions, at least five or six hundred thousand florins a year. With him I caused some of the chief of the Finances to treat, who gave "great allowance" of his offer, and took no exception in the world against the man. The matter being brought into Council, some exceptions were taken, one that he would not have credit enough to take up money beforehand ; another that he had served the Duke of Alva ; "but the greatest part and the best lovers of their country liked well of his offer if he would make it probable. He joined thus with them, that his head should pay for it if within three months after he was placed in the room of the Treasurer, he did not bring into the help of their present charges a hundred thousand florins." Hereupon, the authority being always confessed to be in me to place the Court of Finances, and finding the means both ordinary and extraordinary come very short, I made Ringout treasurer, putting two superintendents above him, of whom Harry Killigrew was one, and joined two councillors as commissioners with him, to see all well handled. All proceeded well till the States protested against Ringout, "and wrangled so as there was no good to be done, notwithstanding the offer of forfeiture of his life if he performed not his promise by his day, but never left prosecuting of him....till I must commit him to safe custody, where he yet is a prisoner, without any great matter laid to his charge." This point is the more enlarged for that I am thought negligent to know what the state of their ability is, and I doubt it is not well opened to your Majesty. Till this impeachment came, both I and divers of the Council expected full performance of the increase promised ; yet suddenly it fell out that I must either arrest him or seem to deny justice to the States. In the meanwhile, all his doings are overthrown, and we disappointed of the increase. The rest that they can afford is certainly known.
2. That no more people be called in than I were able to pay. Notwithstanding this great hindrance,....I will undertake that this army nor the last shall together cost so much as their own allowance to me....agreed upon in February, which was 400,000 florins, and let all the charges of strangers drawn in by me be reckoned also....
3. Why I have not sent some one of mine to see their payments as they do your Majesty's. If your Majesty means the general payments from the Finances, I have taken as good a way as can be devised, for there is no payment to captains or colonels but it is done by the privity of all or most part of the officers of the Finances, whereof your own councillor Mr. Killigrew is one. If you mean it for some one to see the payment of the soldiers, it was not possible for me to do so ; "for all payments hitherto, wherein both the States and your Majesty also doth lose greatly, I have found fault withal, but cannot help it, except you and they will so appoint your Treasurer as the soldier may be oftener paid and so oftener mustered" ; for so long as we have to pay money upon prest, there can neither be the service done which you look for, nor can the soldier know what case he is in ; which is most lamentable for him, as he runs up many scores with the victualler, captain and treasurer ; and great loss to you, for howsoever bands be decayed, the payments run on as for full ones. Both first in England and since I came over I have often urged that your people might be often paid and often mustered, "and I would I had no more toward my charges than your Majesty has lost for lack of this means." It would little avail to send or appoint one of mine unless the other order, for payment, were also appointed.
4. "Why I should sign any warrant for more than I am sure to be paid." This is answered by the former, for I must sign my warrants as the Muster Master sets down the rate and numbers, and I never make warrants to pay any captain or band until the Muster Master certifies that they are to have such a pay or imprest, except when you send your treasurer to make full pay to such a day. Then the warrants are made general to the treasurer to pay according to the Muster Master's note under his hand, deducting for checks and for the victualler. For those not at a certain rate, as your Majesty's are, I set down the number as near as I can, but though our whole army was never above nine thousand, yet for lack of money and a true muster roll, we may have to pay prest for ten or eleven thousand ; for "there will be whole bands demanded for half bands, and all the world cannot help it, do what men can."
[4a]. What an oversight it is both to your Majesty's peril and dishonour for me to send for so many more than I knew I could pay that your subjects must either run away for fear of famine or die for lack of meat. "Under humble pardon of your Majesty, I may first say that I think since I came into this country there was never man ran away or perished for lack of meat." If the States say that I have more than I knew how to pay, I desire the particular matter set down ; "in what numbers I have exceeded or of what nations. If they say of English.... they did desire at my hands to have Englishmen though it were ten or twelve thousand, yea and most desirous to convert the charges of many of their own Dutches into our English, and so had they reason. If they find fault with the Scots, your Majesty doth best know....how I dealt in that matter of the Master [of] Grays. It was commended from your Majesty to me, when I had written and discouraged [him] not to come," and when he offered his men, I wrote again, "liking well of his own stay and his men's also," yet only about six or seven hundred Scots have come over in all. For the Reiters and Almanis, I have ten (?) letters both of the States and Council of Estate that this was their own act, and because I withstood it all I could, they showed me forth a contract that was made the last year between the Count Meurs and them that he should levy such a company ; but seeing they forsook the king of Denmark's offer, I did mislike with this, yet they went forward, and yet with small success, but the act was theirs and not mine. And then for the rest I will answer all I brought or procured were within the compass of our allowance, and no more than I ever knew that the States were both able and should pay them.
5. What a metamorphosis is this, that I should receive so great contributions beforehand of the States and all consumed without order or cause &c. I have great cause to think the States much better friended than I am, that theirs or any such information should receive such credit before mine answer had to your Majesty. But if ever the States have prested beforehand half their ordinary money for soldiers' due, or any way they [i.e. the soldiers] have received for ten months three months' pay, let then my credit come in question ; or it the rest that was granted by them as extraordinary, to levy an army, which was 400,000 florins, not pounds, as I hear your Majesty taketh it, for it is but 40,000 pounds, and to be paid in March, April, May and June last, but all these four months had I not one florin of them ; now against this going to the field last, they have I think disbursed....200,000 florins, which is 20,000l. or a little above ; so that whatsoever was expended in provisions was of necessity, albeit they had had none other but their own people to have served them. Now the lack of my discretion is if I have so charged them with strange numbers as have consumed the rest of the money unprofitably or without cause. Your Majesty being once persuaded how necessary it was to have an army in the field....then is it to be considered whether it had been possible for me to have made an army sufficient without those numbers of English which I brought in, and do affirm still, by their [the States'] own consents and liking ; first, of their own forces they were noways able to bring 4,000 men to make a camp, as by our experience now twice did appear" ; for when in May and June I promised to go toward Grave with their forces I was promised 2,000 of their horse and five or six thousand footmen, yet they could send no more than a thousand horse and 1,200 foot. Of your Majesty's there was about 1,500 foot and 700 horse, and this was our whole camp (which was to have been, by their account ten thousand men), "a small number to make an army of to resist such an enemy as we had to deal withal," who had at Grave 12,000 foot and 4,000 horse. And when another army was to be made to relieve Venlo, the States were not able to bring 3,000 of their own men into the field, though they confess to pay above 25,000 in garrison. "Hereupon in all haste they desired to have more Englishmen and Scots, and also set a working the Count of Meurs for the Almayns. I sent then to have those Englishmen which it pleased you to licence. They could neither come in time for Venloe nor 'Newce' nor almost Berkes. How glad then these men were of their coming. I refer to the whole country's liking..... Albeit raw, new soldiers yet went I with them to the field for the safety of our men at Berkes, where there was a 1,000 English, but of the Dutch of this country I could never get together above 2,000 footmen, and [of] our English....there was but 4,500 ; in all we were under 7,000 footmen, which was a poor army for such an enterprise, yet made show and by bruits gave out that we were 13 or 14 thousand and gave warrant to the victualler for so many ; the very truth being that we never meant to approach Berkes, but by some means to cause the Prince to levy his siege, and that was to seek, as we did, to besiege some of these frontier towns, always before pretending to march to the Prince directly, as a matter more honourable, and also to abuse these places not to suspect our coming to them. Now hath your Majesty heard what reasons moved this course, as also how the people and charge were employed.... Of the success [of] what they have for their charge, I know all this country findeth it. I deliver the 40,000l. sterling a year for three months purchase by this service, which I hope will seem now to your Majesty a good metamorphosis, more than these are worthy of." Of the 400,000 florins, 120,000 remain not yet disbursed, "for all their informations."
6. That I do embrace more than I can wield if I look not better to these payments, and that if it had been well disbursed, it had been sufficient to have ended more than now it hath, but scorn to your foes and shame to yours &c. I can herein but humbly beseech your Majesty to hear the account how it hath been spent 'or' you conceive it be dishonourably spent, that either your foes may scorn at it or yourself ashamed of it. And for mine own part, if there be fault in me, I will desire no favour.... Hitherto your foes here have no cause neither to scorn nor to be proud.... I am sure he never received so many disgraces nor the countries so much profit this fifteen years as your Majesty's people hath given to both since they came. I pray God your money be never worse spent nor your Majesty's honour never more touched than by the service of your poor servants here....
7. "That I should not irritate the States, and grow too popular, for that they be wise men ; yet your Majesty doth will me to look they do their duties, and suffer no faction between them." I cannot imagine in what one point I have given them cause of irritation, nor what your Majesty's meaning is. If it be for P. Buys....I am a traitor to your Majesty if I was privy or knowing of his apprehension ; for I had sufficient and more than sufficient matter against him myself touching his lewd and factious dealing against your Majesty, if I would have made arrest of him, and I was fully purposed to have declared to the whole Council some part of his doings. If it be that matter, it may be one or two may be irritated, but what his love is amongst them let Mr. Davyson tell you, who was his best friend, and yet [he] dealt lewdly with him after he was gone. I should also think myself most unhappy that my credit should be so slender with your Majesty to think that I would mislike such a man as myself of all others made most account of till I found and was assured of his lewdness and his practice to the danger of this whole State ; but your Majesty's mislike of me for him and other things is very well known to him and his friends, and is cause of less account to be made [of me] than is fit for the place you have here placed me in. But your will be done ; if it be for your Majesty's better service, it shall well content me. Trusting so much in your great clemency and goodness that now I have spent to the hazard of my life and only credit that ever I have served for under your royal person, and for many years enjoyed equal with any of my fellow servants, that I may now be relieved of so long a perplexed and grievous time which I have sustained here, not knowing..that ever I have offended justly man, woman or child since I came hither. What the justice of Hemert may in nature work in some I know not, but justice did that, not I, for I hated not the man. As for faction, I know none for private causes among the States or councillors. I think Paul Buys hath some favourers, and such as work secretly to have his case pitied, wherein I did not meddle at all ; but what shall like your Majesty, that will I do. A lewd agent divers of the States and Councillors have told me he hath of Ortell, that is in London, and he made the States allow him 300l. a year and did not 3 shillings worth of service to them, but an advertiser of his of all news. As for to make them know their duties, I see nothing but all well and dutiful ; otherwise they know my authority and credit well enough, and how easily an ill tale may be heard against me. For popularity, I have detested it in all men.
[8]. That your Majesty is offended with my lord North's order taken at Utrecht, that he hath served humours at home &c. "I must truly inform your Majesty....that my lord was appointed at the earnest request of the Count Meurs and the magistrates of Utrecht," who desired me to appoint some nobleman to keep all quiet there by means of our English garrison, doubting some lewd practice of the papists, who had attempted to take arms twice or thrice, and that they must now needs put some of them forth and the rather for that the greatest of them were the worst. I had no nobleman nor other of credit about me but my Lord North, whom I did earnestly press to go thither ....and for any order he took or gave, let it light upon me, with your displeasure ; but only was present to see what course they took, which was that there was a hundred persons booked to be banished and indeed bad fellows ; yet did my Lord North qualify it that they were but forty or thereabout and here is all that my lord did. Whether there were cause to banish these men their own governors best know ; but I trust your Majesty doth not forget that I was willed to give the good magistrates warning to look to the papists and others that had intelligence with the enemy, as hath appeared indeed too many had..... I do assure your Majesty my lord North is an able and a valiant gentleman to serve you as any of his coat in England and hath done here as good service every way. It is pity such wrong informations dare be brought to your Majesty by any. For God's sake make proof of them, and punish either the offender or the informer.
[9]. That I must look well what commissions I give ; it doth not salve my negligence to excuse my warrants and commissions that they be mistaken, or I read them not. I trust in God neither myself have made any such excuse nor any for me....albeit perhaps a wiser man than I may be overtaken in signing of warrants ; but let not those who have my warrants abuse them and I will answer for the signing of them. There was once an error through the form of a warrant drawn by Atye, but I think no great matter can be of it. I pray God my warrants be not abused by those that you may trust better than I and yet lose more by them than either your Majesty hath done or I trust ever shall do by me or by my negligence.... ; though I will not say much for myself, that I have neither been a negligent or a careless servant to you....but I must appeal to your goodness,—finding my continual ill hap to be as it is, subject to all informations against me—good gracious Queen, to resolve that I may serve here no longer ; for I would see them all hanged and the country drowned rather than live in these conceits with your Majesty,....and therefore I crave but examination of all things ; and as I shall be found to deserve, so to enjoy your favour, which I hold above all earthly things.
[10]. That I have seemed to go carelessly or improvidently to the field, without due respect &c. "Good lady, condemn me not thus by report, nor suppose me, being brought up as I have been, and being of your own choice for this service, so simple and ignorant as I am made to you to be. I have been now twice in the field..... What error, I beseech you, is any man able to charge me with, whereby your service have been hindered ; or have wanted good government, whereby ill success hath come to us. Have we been beaten of the enemy through any lack of order among us? Have we lost anything but that which treason hath delivered? Have we given place to the enemy at any time when he hath sought us? Have we gone about anything to take by force but we have done it ; even before the enemy's face, having his whole army by us have we not set free whole provinces of all contributions, which was never done till now? Have not your men prospered in all their fights, either in field or by assaults against them? What carelessness or improvidency hath there been ; have we wanted meat or money ; though not of the one any great store, yet by my only providence three times have I holpen to supply their want.—I mean by money—and in such sort not only contented the soldiers thoroughly, but brought, as I will justify, the most ample furnished camp of victuals and all other provisions that ever was seen." Neither your treasurer nor the States were able to supply the requisite payments... I confess that I borrowed of your treasurer money that did greatly help us,....but I was fain to lay myself to gage in sundry places to satisfy this present turn ; and I was herein neither careless nor improvident, seeing I found the means to pay weekly such a company without mutiny or disorder at all, and to cause a plentiful camp of victual still to follow us ; whereby we neither cared [for] nor needed the victualling of the States ; which they would rather have wished, being most of them victuallers and merchants. And that I was not so negligent, the performance of the service doth show....and be it presumptuously spoken to your Majesty, I doubt whether the informer or the informer's friends would in my place have discharged this service more carefully than I have done....and albeit I was content to have the negligence and improvidency of these States to be known to them, for the better help against another time, yet did I know how to continue this enterprise we took in hand, notwithstanding their slackness, well enough. I am sure 'or' now, your deputy of Ireland hath taken journeys in hand when his proportion of your treasure was very scant ; but I see that is misliked in me that would be praised in another.
[11]. That your Majesty's treasure is still sent, and yet [you] hear that all want ; your chief garrisons unpaid and those in the field bare enough furnished ; that it is a sieve that spends as it receives to little purpose. "To this I must answer but for my self. If I bestowed your treasure by my appointment otherwise than in all reason and consequence shall be allowed of, let mine enemies be my judges, and I will suffer what punishment my fault shall deserve in your Majesty's own judgment. If your treasure has been otherwise bestowed or disposed than by me, I beseech you lay it not to me. And as I have written, so am I still persuaded that if your treasure had been so paid to your soldiers as my warrants appoint, it had not only stretched much further than it hath done, but the poor soldiers in far better case than hitherto they have been." The Muster master, a most sufficient man and careful to discharge his duty is best able to satisfy you herein, to whom I refer me.
[12]. Your Majesty doth wonder that the placcard so much cried out of, of all nations, yea of the Estates themselves and the people, so inconsiderately made, is not all this while revoked, no, nor the qualification published. That I never read it, as your Majesty doth think, or never understood it, for there was never so senseless a commandment ; that the Scots king, the French king be offended at it, yea the Estates never consented unto it. I may see, most gracious sovereign, that I have few friends about you, that such a matter as this is .... so plainly signified to your Majesty and your Council could not have been there satisfied..... For my part, it was so long ago past, as when I read your Majesty's letter, I could scarce know what placcard you meant. But since I call to mind that there was a placcard concerning a general prohibition of all nations whatsoever for carrying of any victual of goods to the enemy, brought in by the whole Council here, and preferred from the States. I have very good testimony of all the Council here that I only in Council stood against it, insomuch it lay a month almost by, for indeed I thought it unreasonable, and that it would give all princes just cause of offence toward this country ; and by all duty I bear to your Majesty I did refuse to let it pass. At length both States and Council renewed the matter again to me, and showed me precedents how the like had been done and what profit it would bring ; pressing me to give it some consideration in Council to be debated ; which I could not deny. Upon debate....not a man spake against it, yet.... I would give no consent till I had advertised your Majesty thereof, which they all liked well. And to tell your Majesty now who carried it I cannot remember, but most certain I am it was sent and an answer returned long after, such as did cause them here to proceed ; and after it was agreed and published, it was again by my means revoked and qualified, and the qualification published, as doth appear by record....from the general prohibition of all places only to Calais and Emden. And even at this day, both all the States and Council are daily in hand with me to trouble your Majesty with the disorder of this, and that all the merchants here now carry their victual to England and from thence to Calais, from whence the enemy hath all his relief ; and but for this pretence, under the colour of the liberty from England, which I think to be true, the enemy could not have the relief that now he hath thereby ; and, beside, the commodity of the impost which the victual, being carried to any place but England would yield [to the States] would help to defray a good part of their charges. And this was one cause that made them stand so fast against the agreement with Emden that there should nothing be transported thence but that all should pass under their licences here ; and Mr. D. Clerk is able to inform you, if he doth remember it. So..I hope your Majesty have no such cause to condemn me, for I do not see, if it were to begin again, how I could....have better discharged myself ; and yet I will better inform myself hereof, for your Majesty's more full satisfaction, for that it is five or six months ago at the least since it was done. But so far as I have here set down, I know right well to be true ; and for the States....they had the book a long while with themselves before it was engrossed ; at least twenty days, and by their own agreement passed. "These matters, my most dread and dear sovereign, have deeply pierced me, to find after so many displeasures procured toward me since my unfortunate arrival here, and yet having received sundry comfortable and gracious letters from you, that now in the latter end of my dangers and travails, suffered only for your service, that your Majesty will be so easily incensed against me, and to condemn me even in the worst degrees, as may appear by the words of your heavy writing here set down, not altogether so hard as they be under your own hand. God defend I should live justly to deserve it ; for the hope of my life hath been the favour of your Majesty ; but what worse conceit can be imagined than to be careless, negligent and improvident in so weighty a place and service as your Majesty hath placed me ; to cast away your people, and vainly to consume your treasure ; to condemn magistrates and seek popularity ; but my trust is, the Lord hath not quite cast me out of your grace, loving you, fearing you, and caring for you as much and as loyally as any subject, not in England alone but under heaven doth his prince. And therefore my prayer to God is to put in your heart to judge according to that he knoweth in my heart ; and your Majesty graciously, princely and indifferently to hear my cause and weigh it according to the fact of my deserts. And will crave pardon that I thus boldly have sought to satisfy you upon the grievous conceit I found in your letter of me ; lying more heavily at my heart than all the worldly griefs else could have done. And so in most humble and faithfullest manner kiss the feet of your sacred Majesty."—From the Camp, 11 October. Holograph. Without address, but the covering sheet has several small seals (the bear and ragged staff in garter) which have held bands of paper round the letter. 13½ closely written pages. [Holland X. 63.]
Oct. 11. WILKES to DAVISON.
Praying him to procure the sending up of his Instructions, which he fears will otherwise remain longer in Mr. Secretary's hands than her Majesty will be pleased that he himself shall delay his going over.—London, 11 October, 1586. Signed. Add. Endd. ½ p. [Ibid. X. 64.]
Oct. 11. THOS. DIGGES to WALSINGHAM.
Since my return from Ostend there has been no time to take a general muster of the army here, though I have urged it, both with the States and his Excellency. "The States answer that it will make a more dangerous mutiny in the camp than the other at Ostend to muster without money to pay ; and keep back their commissaries of purpose, as I think, that all might still rest in confusion, and his Excellency part hence without any due account ; which after his departure will hardly ever be attained ; such is the disobedience of captains now, and dalliance in the States, notwithstanding his presence yet here." I can but offer my service, and that of my deputies, leaving my poor estate at home to run to wrack ; hoping his Excellency will now (after this fortunate success of late) have better leisure to establish good orders in these matters. "Our army grows very weak, our soldiers falling sick by great numbers, besides some that run away, and therefore his Excellency meaneth very shortly to commit them to garrisons. Zutphen is so environed with towns at our devotion ; viz. Deventer, Deusborough, Lochem, Deuticum and our late gained sconces, that there is no possibility for it to hold out long. We hope also your honour shall shortly hear good news of Nimegen."—Camp before Zutphen, 11 October, 1586. Postscript. His Excellency made a commission to Dr. Clerk, Mr. Killigrew and myself to examine the Treasurer's accounts ; but Mr. Killigrew was sent to Deventer and myself to Ostend, and on my return I found Dr. Clerk at Utrecht, bound for England, so nothing is done. Add. Endd. 1 p. [Holland X. 65.]
Oct. 11. Schedule headed "A remain of moneys due to the Infantry 11 October, 1586. Mr. Huddilston's book." Giving moneys due, by warrant ; money paid, and money remaining. Twentyone companies. Total still due 5402l. 8s. 3d. 1 p. [Ibid. X. 66.]
Oct. 11. Schedule headed, and endorsed by Burghley, "A table declaring the payments to the companies of Infantry for six months, ended the 11th of October, 1586. With such remainders as is due unto them for the same time." A duplicate of the preceeding so far as that goes, but including 19 other companies to whom no pay is now due. 2 pp. [Ibid. X. 67.]
Payments made by her Majesty's Treasurer at Wars since his last account yielded in July, anno 1586. To 42 companies of Infantry as parcel of their entertainments for 4 months, ended 11 April, 1586, viz. 8874l. 19s. 11d. To 39 companies [sic 40 ; as above] for 6 months, ended 11 October, viz.—35293l. 16s. 11d. To 5 companies of Infantry at the pay of the States....for 4 months, ended 11 April, 1586, viz.—817l. 4s. 10d. Imprests to 11 companies at the pay of the States, viz :—3290l. Payments to the Cavalry [15 cornets] since the yielding of the said account, viz :—16045l. 15s. 5d. To principal officers, since the same, viz :—13125l. 4s. ob. To principal officers not contained in her Majesty's list, viz :— 529l. 6s. 8d. Payments extraordinary.—1402l. 6s. 8d. Sum total—79378l. 14s. 5½d. Endd. by B. 6 pp. [Holland X. 68.]
Oct. 11. Paper endorsed by Burghley, "Payments by Mr. Huddilston ab undec. Aprilis [over a mese Julii erased] 1586, ad 11 October, out of the sum of 45000l. paid in July." To 42 Companies of Infantry [as in previous paper]. 8874l. 19s. 11d. Noted by Burghley. "This was in full pay a 12 Dec. ad 12 April. Imprested to divers companies of Infantry out of the same 45000l. Total 14938l. 18s. 4d. Noted by Burghley "Imprests from 12 April to the 12 of October." Imprested to the Cavalry.....Total 10679l. 16s. 8d. Noted by Burghley "Imprest until the 12 of October." Imprests to the Officers. Total 5162l. 5s. 8d. "Imprests to divers companies at the pay of the Estates." Total 2660l. Noted by Burghley "Paid in England." Payments extraordinary. Total 2271l. 9s. 4d., of this 2000l. was "taken up by exchange of the merchants and imprested to certain Companies at Bergen op Zoom." Noted by Burghley "This was taken up before his account of July and charged as parcel of 45,000l." Sum total of above 44587l. 9s. 11d. A report of several payments made by her Majesty's Treasurer at Warres out of the 30,000l. brought over by Mr. Wilkes 20,000l. ; and received of the company of Merchants 10,000l., viz :—
To 39 companies of Infantry as parcel of their entertainment for 6 months, to Oct. 11, viz :— 21034l. 18s. 3d.
Payments to the Cavalry 4196l. 3s. 9d.
Payments to the Officers 8106l. 15s. 8½d.
To principal officers not contained in her Majesty's lists, viz :— 529l. 6s. 8d.
Payments extraordinary 1402l. 6s. 8d.
Sum total 35269l. 11s. ob.
Endd. 8 pp. [Ibid. X. 69.]
Oct. 15. LEICESTER to WALSINGHAM.
"Our camp is now to break up, and many captains and others, being to be dispersed into sundry places after a muster, which I have appointed to be for the whole camp tomorrow, will be in hand to understand somewhat of the estate of their reckonings, which is reason. But our treasurer and his books are absent, without which nothing can be done. I have called upon these accounts continually, but by one defect or another, nothing will be done. I have now sent also for him or his deputy with the books, but I doubt to little effect." I write this that if that be not done which is expected, you may see where the fault is.— Deventer, 15 October, 1586. Signed. Add. Endd. ½ p. [Holland X. 70.]
Oct. 16. Copy of part of a letter written from Lille, the 16th of the present. Having learned that the Earl of Leicester had sent thirty companies of English and Irish foot to meet and conduct fifteen hundred reiters coming to their aid, with fifteen pieces of artillery, His Highness on the 6th instant passed the Rhine with his forces to meet them before they should reach the said Earl's camp, which was laying siege to Zutphen. M. de 'Autepene' led the vanguard, with whom he made the attack, which being followed up by his Highness, after a very fierce fight on both sides the enemy was entirely defeated and hardly any escaped, either horse or foot. Of ours they speak of no one save the said Sieur de 'Autpenne,' who was said to be killed while fighting. His Highness was for several hours held for lost. The Count of 'Aigemonte' with some of his men was with him. It is said that the Count d' Aremberg was wounded. After which conflict his Highness carrying off the artillery and flags sent some companies of horse to Zutphen, ordering them to issue forth with the garrison upon the enemy at the same time that he made an attack upon it ; which was so well executed that the said camp was completely defeated, killed and lost ; where ours found a very great booty and provisions, having killed all the nobility of the enemy. The said Earl of Leicester took to flight. His Highness has sent after him, to catch him if possible. Immediately afterwards there surrendered to his Highness the place called 'Lochia' [Lochem] situated on a river which goes down to Zutphen. His Highness is following up his victory which I hope will bear great fruit in the gaining of places in those parts. Endd. "16 October, 1586." Italian, 1 p. [Ibid. X. 71.]
Oct. 16/26. J. LORDON to LEICESTER. (fn. 1)
Although since I left your Excellency's court, I have not had a word in reply to the many letters I have written to you, I must not fail to continue my service to you ; but I shall never be at ease until I hear from you. For news, the Prince [sic] of Parma is at present lodged near Wesel at a village called 'Rinberghen,' but he himself is at the chateau of the Duke of Cleves, and is very ill with a fever ; otherwise, I believe he would be at Brussels. Now that the Rhine (Rain) begins to rise, the ships of war might well get high enough to break the bridge ; for at the cloistre by Wesel there are no cannon, and at the fort by Bruicq only two field picees, so that, with a good wind the bridge might be attempted and the town of Berken revictualled, of which there is great need ; as also of powder, match and corn. Of other things they have no lack. The Prince of Parma is making afresh all possible provision of corn that he can find ; which I believe is in order to revictual Zutphen ; but there is no corn to be here got for money. Your Excellency and M. 'Valsingan' may now think whether what I entreated (fn. 2) her Majesty has not proved more than true. At present I beg you to give her warning to beware of the same person whom,—twelve months ago, when I was at her Court at 'Non parel' [i.e. Nonsuch] the said man coming with the wife of the French ambassador, M. de Chasteauneuf,—I showed to M. Valsingan's people, and [warned them] that her Majesty should be on her guard against such a man. At this time, a French man has told me that the same man is now in London secretly, on behalf of the Queen Mother of France. He is a Portuguese by nation but speaks good French. M. de Chasteauneuf knows very well that he is in London. He is from thirty-six to thirty-eight years of age, rather short-sighted, and only endeavours to bring about her Majesty's death. And whereas her Majesty and your Excellency, when I was at Nonparel, took no notice of my words, and what I too well knew, this is the cause why she must now take more care than ever of her person, and put no trust in the French ambassador and those of his suite, for the Queen Mother is not dead, nor is M. de Guise. Likewise, her Majesty must beware of the Italian doctor who is married in London, (fn. 3) and of a Frenchman named Augir de la Garde (if he does not change his name) who if not yet in London, will be there very shortly. I have forgotten his name [sic], but I know that when I left England I gave it to M. de Valsingan or his people.—26 October, new style. If it please you to send this to her Majesty, it will serve her for an alarm-clock (reveille-matin) and a more than true one. Add. French, very badly spelt. 3 pp. [Holland X. 72.]
Oct. 16. SIR PHILIP SIDNEY to JAN WYER, physician.
Mr. Weire, veni, veni, de vita periclitor et te cupio, jo nec vivus nec mortuus ero ingratus ; plura non possum sed obnixe oro ut festines. Vale. Arnemi. Tuus Ph. Sidney. Holograph.
[On the Same Sheet.]
Oct. 16/26 GISBERT ENERWIT to his uncle and brother-in-law, JAN. WYER, physician to the Duke of Cleves.
I have been besought this morning and the three several days preceding by Mr. Seidny, near kinsman of his Excellency, who came here to the house of Madame Gruithuissens wounded in the thick part of the leg, received about three weeks ago before Zutphen. He was in a fair way of healing but three days ago fever supervened and he has become weaker, wherefore he has earnestly besought me to write and ask you to come and tend him in his weakness. I have told the gentleman that you are laid up with an infirmity, that you are displeased with me and moreover overwhelmed with business. Nevertheless he feels confident you will come if you are not prevented by weakness. He has written the above lines in bed with his own hand and asked me to write also, which I could not refuse. I pray you to come, your trouble will not go unrewarded. The Colonel has directed the captain at the redoubt of Greeffe to see that the ships of war there convoy my uncle with yachts or skiffs, or if he prefers to take horse that the agent Schrick shall give him convoy. His Excellency has arrived this night and Mr. Chancellor Leoning would also have written but for fear of delaying the post. I have ordered Peter Buiss to buy all necessary provisions. If you wish to come to our house you shall have all you want. Arnheim, the 25th October, 1586. Add. : In the corner of the cover "Marten Schenck" is written. Dutch. 1¾ pp. [Holland X. 73, removed to Museum show case.]
Oct. 19. LEICESTER to WILKES.
Praying him to make all haste to bring the treasure, as the soldiers are in great extremity for want of money ; and to leave as much money at Middelburg as he thinks will be sufficient to satisfy the men in her Majesty's pay at Flushing, Brill and Ostend.—Utrecht, 19 October, 1586. Postscript. Again urging Wilkes to haste, as they have been in such ease these ten days for want of money as he "would not should continue for anything in the world." Signed. Add. Endd. ¾ p. [Ibid. X. 74.]
Oct. 20. "A list of the Infantry in her Majesty's pay from the 11th of April, 1586 to the 12th of October next following, there several entertainments .... being six months and three days, their imprests parcel of their entertainments and that which remaineth due to them and every of them, upon their said entertainments." 39 companies, the numbers being given as of full strength, and the total amounts in all cases higher than in the list of the above. A list of the cavalry with their several pays and imprests. 13 companies of lances, also at full strength. Endorsed by Burghley. "Mr. Harleston's book." 3 pp. [Ibid. X. 75.]
Oct. 20. ANDREA DE LOO to THE QUEEN.
Your Majesty having been graciously pleased, in May last, to give me licence to go beyond the sea, to discover the meaning of what had been written to me in divers letters from friends at Antwerp about entering into negotiation to compose the differences between your Majesty and the King of Spain :—and I being now returned, I pray you to look favourably upon my relation of the good disposition which I found in the Prince of Parma and with what conclusions I have come back. Arriving at the Prince's camp near Venloo in the month of June, I was very well received by himself, President Richardot and the Secretary Cosimo, who had been advised of my coming by Monsieur de Champagny, upon whose persuasion Signor Carlo Lanfranchi had solicited me to treat with the Lord Treasurer of the said business ; and after his Highness had heard me, touching the sending of a personage to your Majesty to treat of an accord (as I alleged had been promised) he said to me that as, before my arrival, he had already dispatched a private man with letters to your Majesty, he must in any case wait for the reply, and for some overture to be made from that side, showing, for the rest, in all his discourse, great desire for quiet, taking great pleasure in hearing news of your Majesty and assuring me of his desire to be able to do service. Upon which, seeing that for some time there was nothing to be done, I withdrew to Antwerp, and as soon as I heard of the return of the messenger, went again to the camp, which was then near Berck [Rheinberg] in the land of Gueldres, which having reached with great peril, I found the minds of the Prince, President and Secretary all greatly changed and alienated....And speaking with Bodnam, who was there, he told me that his Highness was very angry with Graffigna, and that by his means the business was entirely spoilt, as indeed it was, for the Prince would not speak with me of it, his Council being of opinion that it was not reasonable to be done. He thought I ought to go away, giving something in writing to the Prince to say that my business had nothing to do with that of Graffigna, I being employed by friends at Antwerp. He said expressly that it was of no use to think of treating any more, and when I prayed him some days later to do me the favour to enable me to speak with his Highness, he replied that it could not be done. Upon this, I let things slide for a while, and showing myself each day at the Palace without saying a word to anyone, one morning his Highness signed to me to come to him, and taking me into a little chamber where he slept, fastened the door, and we two spoke alone together for a long while, but no good came of it at that time, his Highness persisting in saying that there was nothing more to be done, since her Majesty, by her reply to him, had precluded him from treating further ; and I continuing to declare that I did not believe this to be your Majesty's intention. And he having made me read the letter sent to him, I represented to him at four different times, both by word of mouth and in writing that your Majesty had great cause to be angry with Graffigna's proceedings, as also not to speak with him who was sent, seeing you had been given to understand by Mr. Controller that it should be some important person ; saying to him further that as the reconciliation between the crown of Spain and your Majesty was much for the advantage of the king as well as for the general tranquillity, I prayed him not thus to abandon entirely so holy a cause before the had made himself better acquainted with your Majesty's mind, which he had persuaded himself was entirely alienated from what I had assured him at Venloo ; viz : that you were very well inclined towards a peace, provided that you might see it assured both in the Low Countries and in your own dominions. Also praying him to have some consideration for my poor self, seeing that with all readiness I had embraced the business, and had solicited the Lord Treasurer to treat of it with your Majesty and persuade you to a reconciliation ; with other like propositions, of which, if it please your Majesty, I can give you a particular relation. The last time we were together, after praying him to say absolutely what he meant to do, and whether he would really treat no further in the business, the Prince sitting down, no other person being present, in a little cabinet where he was used to work ; and the door being shut, said to me as follows :—What would you have us do, when they are not willing? I have done more than befits me, writing and sending, with little credit to the King my master, while the Queen would not speak to my envoy, and replied to me rather in a menacing manner than otherwise. This notwithstanding, to show how much he desires public tranquillity, I might say to the Queen—if she really wishes to treat with him—that he will not fail to send to her, and would have done so if, by the letter written to him, she had only said : If you will send someone to treat with me I will receive him : desiring always to please her, she being so noble a princess and queen, but also (he said) on the other hand, to serve the King my master, I am bound to shed my blood, and to make war with befitting courage. Yet I have always been most ready to embrace peace when it was possible, and not to do after the method of the Duke of Alva and others who were here before me, who were inclined to do all with harshness, while I on the contrary, seek to gain for the King what is his, if it may be, by another way. And (said the Prince), this shall be the conclusion (so that what happened to me over Graffigna may not occur another time) ; if it is shown to me certainly that the Queen is willing to treat, I will send one (without standing upon the point of who first began it) who should salute her Majesty on my part, as well as the Lord Treasurer and Comptroller. Upon which I said to him :—Most serene Prince I will do all I can that you may have some pledge of faith and of the mind of the Queen as soon as possible. Good (replied he) ; speak to the President, and I will tell him what he is to do. After this, several days passed, as the Camp was being raised to go to succour Doesburg. On Sunday, September 11 (this style), the Prince being at Buric, a property of the Duke of Cleves, in order to pass the Rhine, the President came to inform me what I was to say to your Majesty on behalf of his Highness ; viz : that he was sorry you had by what you wrote, excluded him from treating with your Majesty, which he was well-inclined to do ; but that notwithstanding, as he desired nothing more than quiet ; if he might know certainly that your Majesty had a mind to treat he would send, paying respect to you as a princess and queen, without further standing upon the point of credit,.... as to which satisfaction should be given her on behalf of the king. With which I came away from thence. This is a summary of what passed, although I could discourse of it much more at large. I pray your Majesty's grace and pardon where by ignorance I may have offended, it being a business too much beyond my feeble powers to deal adequately with a thing of so great weight ; your clemency not taking amiss what a poor worm, moved by zeal and compassion for the general misery, has tried his best to do.—London, — October, 1586. Add. Endd. by Burghley "20 October, 1586. Andrea de Loo to the Queen's Majesty....his negotiation with the Prince of Parma after that the Queen's Majesty had disavowed Graffini." Italian. 2¾ pp. [Flanders I. 97.]

Footnotes

1 The subscription has not the air of a genuine signature, and the writing is that of Combes. This letter is no doubt the one referred to by Leicester in writing to Davison on the 22nd, printed at page 205 below.
2 pedit, from Spanish or Portuguese pedir.
3 Dr. Joseph Michaeli. Cf. Bor, book xxi. f. 44.