Elizabeth
August 1587, 26-31

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Institute of Historical Research

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Sophie Crawford Lomas and Allen B. Hinds (editors)

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1929

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272-294

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'Elizabeth: August 1587, 26-31', Calendar of State Papers Foreign, Elizabeth, Volume 21, Part 3: April-December 1587 (1929), pp. 272-294. URL: http://www.british-history.ac.uk/report.aspx?compid=75366 Date accessed: 19 April 2014. Add to my bookshelf


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August 1587, 26-31

Aug. 26. SIR WILLIAM RUSSELL to WALSINGHAM.
I received yours of the 7th at Dort, and according to your good advice, took leave of his lordship and came hither, "where I find the greater sort well affected toward her Majesty ; but what they will do when they shall hear of a peace I know not ; but it is to be thought they will the better like of it by reason of our great disagreement. "In my opinion, there is little hope of any good to be expected either from the Estates or Count Hollok ; but rather it is to be feared that they are won for the king, for they will hardly be brought to any conformity ; neither do I think that the lord General hath taken the best course in seeking of them so much ; but rather to have declared the cause of his coming to the towns, and withal to have signified unto them the good content her Majesty had to follow the wars, if they would join their forces with hers ; otherwise to have left them to themselves. "It is certain that the enemy hath some great enterprise in hand and that by sea, for that this five or six days he will not let any go out of Antwerp, and hath brought from Gaunt and divers other towns all the shipping he may, beside ; besides a fifteen or eighteen ships that he hath made of late. "This is the eighth month that I have been here and have never received penny pay, and most part of the garrison are behind for eleven months. What this may breed to in this dangerous time, I leave to your good judgment." I wish there might be a "settell" garrison appointed and paid as in times past. And that you would favour the party you wot of and me so much that we might come home, "for here is neither honour, profit nor pleasure, but a place of great practice and danger by reason of our evil neighbours." Flushing, 26 August. Holograph. Add. Endd. 2 pp. Seal of arms. [Holland XVII. f. 187.]
Aug. 26. ANDREA DE LOO to BURGHLEY.
I wrote to your lordship on the 14th from Gaunt and next day from Haelst (five leagues from here) sending a letter from the Sieur de Champagney and a list of the Duke's commissioners, for making out the passports desired from her Majesty. And since my arrival here, I have received yours of the 9th, with a note from Mr. Controller. I was glad to hear that her Majesty read my letters herself, but felt with shame how unworthy they were to be seen by so great a princess. I confess to the fault your lordship taxes me with ; but the essential point is this : That the Duke of Parma expects her Majesty's commissioners to come to the place and at the time which it pleases her to appoint ; when his own will go at once to meet them there, to treat together without any previous mention of a cessation ; to avoid suspicion of desiring further delay (of which, he says, there has been too much already) ; and to speak frankly, it is unlikely that the Duke will give up his preparations until he sees something more than words and to demand a cessation before beginning to treat is quite unreasonable. Her Majesty must therefore consider what will be best for her to do ; I am myself persuaded that she should rest satisfied with the good intentions of the Duke. The safe-conducts you have ; their commissioners are ready and we see what M. de Champagney writes. His Highness already, as the case stands, is out of the field, and his soldiers do not move, while he awaits the commissioners, who will settle amongst themselves what they think best. As soon as they reach Berghen the Earl [of Leicester] may at once send to the Duke to treat of the said suspension, and if the deputies should send for me at the house of Signor Carlo Lanfranchi at Antwerp, as my Lord Buckhurst did, the needful order might easily be given. I trust that your lordship was not displeased at my writing on the 29th ult. about the safe-conduct, the cessation of arms, and about going myself to treat with the Duke, as I only wished to write my simple opinion, for the greater benefit and despatch of the affair. The words of the safe-conduct to which her Majesty not unjustly objects were doubtless an inadvertence of the Secretary, without his Highness having given a thought to them ; and her Majesty may use a like form in her own safe-conduct. I was doubtful about the point as soon as I saw the safe-conduct and had time and place allowed, I should certainly have had it changed. The Duke has made no other mention of the receipt of the last letters, for it would have served to no good end because M. de Champagney has told me, since my arrival, I must do nothing further concerning the suspension of arms, it being clear that his Highness would never grant it openly until he saw the commissioners together. Meanwhile the suspension, seems sufficiently made (tacitly) as aforesaid. But if his Highness shall see within these next days that her Majesty does not think fit to send her commissioners so soon, it is to be doubted that he may take another course, and think of this no more. I have gathered this from M. de Champagney the President and Signor Cosimo ; and that it would avail nothing to labour with the Duke about the suspension. Her Majesty should be promptly advised of this, so I send the bearer (my own man) to you in all haste, praying that he may bring me a prompt answer of her Majesty's resolve. With this there goes a copy of my last, and also of the letter and note which M. de Champagny wrote to me, rather than the originals, the roads on this side being very unsafe. Nothing more is heard of the Earl of Leicester.—Brussels, 26 August, 1587. Postscript. It is said that the brother of the Duke of Florence is coming here ; going to see the world. Add. Endd. 2¾ pp. Italian. 2¾ pp. Seal. [Flanders I. f. 315.] A copy of the same, in de Loo's hand. Italian. 2¼ pp. [Ibid. f. 317.]
Aug. 27. "A brief memorial of the proceedings touching the succour of the town of Scluyse, as well before his Excellency's arrival . . . as after."
The town being besieged on June 13, new style, Counsellor Valcke, Martyn Drogue and Cornelius Claisson assembled at M. Ste. Aldegonde's lodging to confer of giving succour to it, when certain things were set down in writing, and given to M. Valcke to take to the Estates in Holland. In the meantime his Excellency arrived on July 6 at Middelburgh, and the 8th and 9th entered into the Council of State, earnestly declaring to them her Majesty's charge to procure the succour of Scluyse, and his desire to employ himself therein. Also, desired to know what help he might have of those countries in means and men ; the state of the grant of 200,000l. sterling extraordinary made by the Estates ; and a list of the companies in camp in Brabant under Count Hollock. The Council showed him the charge Valcke had to go to solicit for the necessary provisions, which his Excellency confirmed, joining the counsellor Bardese in commission with Valcke, who were then dispatched towards the States. Count Maurice in the mean time promised his Excellency to bring 3000 footmen. The commissioners went first to Gertrudenbergh to Count Hollock, and wrote thence to his Excellency that the Count would send 2500 foot and some horse ; they then went towards the Hague. To his Excellency's enquiries, the Council of State answered in writing on July 12 that they could say nothing of the extraordinary grant, as they could not accept it in his Excellency's absence ; nor could they satisfy him as to the troops with Count Hollock as that camp was a thing done without their knowledge and advice ; so that for both points the coming of the States General must be awaited. His Excellency then went to Dort, returning on July 19, when the deputies of the States also arrived. On the 20th his Excellency propounded his enquiries, to which they answered that they believed Count Hollock had not more in all than 4000 men, and that they had sent him powder, match, artillery and and store of victuals, of which they gave his Excellency hope to have some for Sluys. On the 21 and 22 of July, they conferred again, and after many debates, they agreed to furnish 10,000l. sterling in ready money (to be deducted from their extraordinary grant) together with as much provisions as could be got out of Holland and Zeeland. Conference was also had with the Council of the Admiralty, who promised to provide ships both of war and to carry men and provisions. In the mean time, his Excellency armed as many of his English companies as he could ; but though he had written from England to have the said armour ready (for payment) the matter was so handled that at his departure for Sluyse there were 18 companies unarmed. In the Council of war, the manner of the succour was often debated before Count Maurice, the Admiral Justinian, Martin Drogue and other sea captains ; and by the seamen was declared that it could not be done by sea or by the haven unless his Excellency first attempted it by land. And those who spake against this opinion were reproached and threatened. His Excellency hereupon began to debate how the enemy might be assailed by land. [The three ways discussed, as already reported on p. 258 above.] Meanwhile, his Excellency had demanded the promised aid from Count Hollock, which was refused, although the States General also sent deputies to him to ask for it. On July 25 his Excellency left to go himself to succour the town. [Further discussions concerning, and difficulties made by, the States against succour by sea.] There was brought in a mariner called Michell van Trappen, who, a few days before had gone into Sluys "swimming in amongst the enemy's boats" and returned with letters. He reported that the enemy had no bridge at the passage there, but only five ships at anchor ; no fort but at Terhofstead, so low that the enemy "lay very open in it," and on the other side, on the sands, but a little trench with one or two pieces of artillery. That at the old Castle there was no trench or fortification, and that those of Scluyse had made a fit place behind it to lay many ships and boats in safety. The greatest difficulty was where to cover the vessels from danger when they had passed. Martin Drogue declaring that in this point the mariner abused them ; that he knew the place and it was impossible to cover boats there in safety. His Excellency and the English councillors and captains maintained the contrary, believing the mariner's report who was known to be honest and skilful, and had seen it. His Excellency also caused a letter from Sir Roger Williams to be read, assuring him that there was a commodious place to save the boats ; and the same was advertised from the secretary of the town to the burger-master thereof, then at Flushing, which letter was read to M. Ste. Aldegonde in presence of Martin Drogue, who yet declared "that it was an abuse, and that there was no such place." And thus "because all the ships . . . that should pass were to be accounted as lost," Admiral Justinus brought five captains who offered to make ready flat-bottomed boats "with which they would pass alone or with the rest of the fleet, making no difficulty touching the fighting with the enemy at land." This was accorded by his Excellency, who gave the men 20l. sterling instead of 15l. only, which Justinus had demanded, appointing Col. Morgan with divers English captains and almost a thousand men to join with them. From day to day, the Estates were urged to give the necessary provisions and money, whereupon some provisions were sent to the fleet, but not in needful quantity ; for "Count Hollock would not depart with one grain of anything he had, neither was there sent one penny of the 10,000l. sterling . . . every man yet promising from day to day that they should be paid. [His Excellency's departure to Ostend and the march of his army to Blankenberg, as narrated in previous reports.] His Excellency had left order that some should be sent to Scluyse with news of the succour, wherein Michell van Trappen was employed "to pass in by swimming" ; who arrived the first night at the enemy's bridge, found the passage open as he had before declared, and returned incontinent . . . to advertise Count Maurice thereof, departing again the next day, and passing through to the town of Scluyse. His Excellency, on Monday, after the army was marched, coasted along the shore, to give aid to the army with his artillery if need were, and anchored before Blankenberg, where, seeing the strength of the fort and the forces of the enemy there, and especially that the passage between the fort and the sea was stopped up with a strong palisade ; having also certain intelligences that the Prince himself was to come the next day from Bruges with 2000 horse, and that 4000 footmen more were marching thither from the Prince's camp, sent Sir H. Goodyer aland to the Lord Marshal, where, upon conference "as well of the former reasons, as also for that they had nothing fit to assail the fort, it was by his Excellency's order appointed that the army should retire towards Ostend and embark with all speed to follow towards the fleet, which they did accordingly." On Tuesday, August 3, his Excellency arrived at the fleet "where thinking somewhat had been done by water, or was ready to be done, he found Count Maurice, with Colonel Morgan and the most part of the ships departed towards Zouterland, upon occasion (as they said, though indeed there was none) of foul weather the days before. The ships and soldiers being arrived at the fleet, his Excellency began to urge Count Maurice and the Admiral to attempt the succour by sea, "the wind and tide being so fit for it ; but they plainly said that except his Excellency first fought with the enemy by land, they were resolved not to pass by water," refusing even to allow the flat-bottomed boats to make the attempt. Whereunto his Excellency answered : Well, since there is no other means, give me fit vessels to disembark my forces in order ; we will land, and as I have always offered you to do, we will fight with the enemy. But there were no boats for the purpose, and they answered, they could not provide them ; it belonged to them of Zeeland. [Further vain attempts to persuade the Count and his adherents to do something.] His Excellency thereupon protested against their naughty dealing, saying that he would send for the Council of State and Estates' deputies at Middleburg, to show them how he was hindered, lacking all necessaries, and "especially, being matched with men that had no disposition to further the matter." The next day, Count Maurice sent from his ship to tell his Excellency that the sea captains prayed him to send some to hear their resolutions touching the attempt by sea. He sent Lord Willoughby, Sir William Russell and M. Burchgrave, who found the sea-captains in good number, but they only said as before that his Excellency must first assail the enemy by land. This much troubled his Excellency, "especially perceiving by the signs from the town that they could not hold out long, but there was no remedy since the sea men would do nothing." On the evening of the 5th the Estates arrived, to whom he made, by Mr. Beale, a large discourse of all that had passed, "receiving no answer of effect but that they thought it fit to stay till their reyters came, that so the joined forces might give the more effectual succour. "His Excellency replied that the town could not suffer that delay, and that therefore himself would cause somewhat to be attempted that night ; and indeed that day was the town accorded to be given up, those within having seen the army on sea, staying there eight or ten days without once essaying to pass, the wind and spring tide being most fit for them, and knowing that the town could not be succoured by any other means than by water. "Notwithstanding, his Excellency not knowing of the yielding up of the town commanded this evening a boat made of fireworks to be carried down, to break down the enemy's ships and forts ; but those that should go with it, being threatened and discouraged by other captains that should conduct them, passed not through." Next day, the 6th, news was brought that the town was yielded up, whereupon his Excellency departed to Flushing, sending all necessary provisions to Ostend and other places. Colonel Grunevelt, Sir Roger Williams, Capt. Wm. Henrick-sonne and all the other captains, with Michel van Trappen and the other mariners of the town, affirmed publicly in the Council of State, in the presence of Count Maurice, "that the succour by water had been feasible and without any great peril and that there was no other way of succour but that. . . They declared also that behind the Castle there was a place of safety for above 300 vessels, maintaining constantly that they were abandoned unluckily and without desert. And the same hath been testified and deposed by divers others who had been in the enemy's camp during the siege time. "William Henricksone further declareth that after the town was yielded, having been in talk . . . with the enemy's vice-admiral, called [blank] ; that he . . . confessed that he and all other seamen greatly marvelled that those of our fleet enterprised nothing by water, and that they had commandment from the Prince to retire their ships if our men had presented themselves . . . . "Sir Roger Williams declared also that the Prince of Parma himself told him that our men had done contrary to their promise if they had attempted anything by sea." Upon which declarations, Martin Drogue has been detained prisoner, and has confessed that when van Trappen the mariner after entering Scluyse by swimming, reported that the enemy's ships and stakes at the passage were as before, he told Justinus his Excellency ought to be told thereof, to which Justinus answered that it was not needful, as his Excellency had resolved to fight by land whilst they attempted by water ; "wherein it appeareth that Justinus, under colour of a former resolution (which indeed was no resolution but only an offer that we would land in any place where we might, which we always were ready to perform if it might possibly have been done) would not have his Excellency advertised how easy the passage was by water." Endd. "27 of August, 1587 . . . Sent from the Earl of Leicester." 9 closely written pp. [Holland XVII. f. 189.]
Aug. 27./Sept. 6. Copies of documents concerning the Earl of Leicester's connection with the quarrel between Count Hohenlo and Sir Edward Norrys.
I. Statement by Jehan Reynbouts Danckartssen, secretary to Sir John Norreys, denying that he ever thought or said his Excellency was the instigator of the cartel sent to the Count by Norreys or ever heard that H.E. took any part in that quarrel, except to try and make peace.—Dordrecht, 6 September, 1587, stilo novo. Signed, J. Reynbouts. Fr. ¾ p.
II. Letter from J. de Blandre, secretary of Count Hohenlo, to Danckaertsen. Report of his statement that the Excellency was the instigator of the cartel, so that his life might be in danger. Advises him to leave the service of the General, and go to the Count, in order to avoid danger.—The Hague, March 10, 1587 [n.s.]. French. 1½ pp.
March 3. III. Danckertissen's reply to the above. Astonished at the charge and advice but thanks him.—Utrecht, 3 March, 1587, old style. French. 1 p.
March 18. IV. Blandre to Dankaertssen.
Having shown your last letter to the Count, his lordship desires me to inform you that he reputes you as a liar, and expressly forbids me to receive or write henceforth any letters from or to you.—Delft, 18 March, 1587. French. ½ p.
V. Certificate of Pierre van Laere, public notary.
Testifies to meeting Danckaert at the Hague about 8 months ago with M. Adrien de Spiegel, surgeon ; Jerome Bel, secretary to Col. Pieron ; Henry Notchman and others, when Danckaert and Spiegel spoke about the quarrel between the Count Hohenlo and Sir Edward Norris, but never heard Danckaert say that his Excellency had been the instigator of the cartel or any such thing. He was present from beginning to end and heard all that was said concerning this business. And the said notary has made this public instrument at Dordrecht, in presence of Capt. Corneille Hoghendorp and Louys Bischop. Fr. 1¼ pp. General endorsement, by Burghley's Secretary. "6 Sept., 1587. Tankard's Declaration, touching the cartel sent to Count Hohenlo by Sir Edw. Norris [etc]." 5 pp. in all. Fr. [Ibid. XVII. f. 195.]
Aug. 27./Sept. 6. Declaration by the EARL OF LEICESTER.
Paper endorsed "Minute in English of the writing exhibited by his Excellency up to the States General, corrected according to the French copy which was delivered." Also, by Burghley "6 September, stil novo, at Dordrecht. A full declaration of all the Earl's proceedings from the beginning." Touches upon the granting of the government to him by the States themselves, the betrayal of Deventer and subsequent prejudice against himself ; the lack of aid to Sluys ; his own preference of the public to his now particular welfare, his hopes of a reconciliation, Count Hollock's refusal of his good offers and credence of the untrue reports against him ; their promise to provide for an offensive war for two months ; his communications with them after coming to Dordrecht especially the need for greater strength to resist the enemy ; the new calumnies uttered against him instead of any answer being sent to his remonstrances ; his fresh protests ; the reports by some that the cause of delay was the inability to maintain the wars and by others that it was due to the Queen's rumoured treaty with Parma for a peace ; his own declaration that if their means were sufficient to carry on the war her Majesty would continue her aid ; but if not, she was no longer bound by the contract ; her great expenses at home etc., her directions, both to Lord Buckhurst and himself, as to informing them of the Duke's overtures ; assurances of her Majesty's determination to agree to nothing that would abuse them, as shown by the sending of Sir Fras. Drake into Spain, and himself back hither to carry on the war if he found means thereto, and finally, if they either will not or cannot continue the war, what they would have him to do, and what they require more at her Majesty's hands. If they will yield the government to him, (according to their own Act), and the managing of the finances to himself and the Council, and show that they have means to carry on the war, he is ready to do them the best service he may, but it must not be for the keeping only of one or two particular provinces, seeing that her Majesty had contracted with all, and that "the weal and safeguard of the one should be esteemed alike of all and so likewise the danger," anything else being contrary to the treaty with her and union among themselves. If, however, they will not yield him such authority nor have means to maintain the charge of such a war, he must once again protest that whatever losses or troubles follow, the fault cannot be imputed to her Majesty or himself. Or if they mean to limit him further as regards their contributions, he "must not receive it," for he has always declared that these contributions were insufficient, and they themselves have confessed that they will not serve to pay the ordinary garrisons. What part then can be employed about a camp and for the answering of other necessary charges ? To this might be added needful reparations of their ships and pay of the companies of townsmen lately levied in divers places. Unless a better contribution be made, he does not see what good he shall be able to do among them ; wherefore he earnestly desires their resolute and speedy answer, that he may advertise her Majesty. And further, as she was induced to the treaty of assistance by reason of the ancient treaties of amity and traffic with their provinces and cities and that the charters and instruments "with many of the towns are yet extant [9 names], her Majestys' pleasure is that he shall signify the same to the said towns and others, that they may understand her good will and desire to have performed all required of her both by the said ancient treaties and contracts and the late treaty of assistance, in case she had found such reciprocal correspondence as is agreeable with the said treaties and convenient for so great a cause.— Dordrecht, 6 September, 1587, stilo novo. (fn. 1) English translation. 11 pp. [Holland XVII. f. 199.] Copy of the above Remonstrance, in French (as delivered to the States), divided in 35 articles. 17 pp. [Ibid. XVII. f. 206.]
Aug. 27./Sept. 6. (fn. 2) to his "confrere" Capt. de la Ramonerie, governor of Wauw Castle.
[Concerning letters received etc. Has not heard from Mondragon.] There is no news worth the writing save that the deputies are named who are to negotiate with those of the Queen of England ; but neither place nor day are yet settled. It is said that a caravel from Spain has brought commissions for the governments of Artois and Huisden, Tournay, Tournhaisis, l'isle, Douay and Orchie. His Highness has summoned to court the Duke d'Ayschot, Count d'Egmont, the Marquis de Berghes and other lords, for the purpose, as I hear, of declaring his Majesty's intentions touching the above commissions, which delays his coming to this town. M. de Werp is there, still soliciting to be freed from his charge here, as I wish I could be likewise from mine, for the toil thereof increases from day to day and the means diminish. Your mistress has written to me by a chaplain. The Perè Bergaigné has sent me the annexed piece of a letter in answer. My wife sends her the thread [blank] for making candles, and the lantern which she asks for ; you will find us always very ready to serve you. My mother in law sends affectionate greetings.—Antwerp, 6 September, 1587. Postscript apologising to Mademoiselle for not writing. Add. Fr. Copy. 1 p. [Ibid. XVIII. f. 28.]
Aug. 28. LEICESTER to WALSINGHAM.
Neither my leisure, "in my infinite present toil of businesses" or my indisposition of body suffer me to write in my own hand. I have written very particularly to her Majesty of the state of things here and "what I have been driven to do with those who, taking hold of her Majesty's dealing for peace, have endeavoured thereby to alienate the people... and indeed have made a very great and dangerous impression to that purpose." This round proceeding has already much availed, and it is not doubted by the wise and well-affected but that it will work good effect. Only four or five of the principal men prosecute the plot against her Majesty, and they are already discovered and will be dealt with ere long. I earnestly pray you to beseech her Majesty not to hasten too much the treaty of peace, "which the Duke of Parma will seek to procure by all means possible, that he may the better intend the matters of France, but ... so to temper the proceeding in it as that the people of this country may concur in the same, to which I doubt not but to win them by degrees ; whereas otherwise, if it shall now come hastily on, when they are greatly sharpened against it, and when there is wrought in them by naughty instruments a perilous general suspicion of her Majesty's no sincere intent towards them, in her dealing in it ; no doubt I see nothing but great confusion likely to ensue, with evident danger to the whole course of her Majesty's proceedings." There is one other thing which I wish you "to bolt out the conveyance of ... so near as you possibly may. I am credibly advertised by an honest man ... that the Estates have a copy of my last instructions, as also of the letter of her Majesty written lately precisely to me touching the dealing in the peace.... Yea, further that they are thoroughly and particularly made acquainted with a late letter of mine to her Majesty, written with my own hand, and whereof I would have no copy taken, because I would have no man acquainted with it.... They have by some means gotten knowledge of the contents hereof upon some advertisement out of Court or Council ... and have intimated the same secretly to the provinces, intending thereby to draw me into hatred and suspicion of the people, as though this dealing for peace were procured by me. But, for the matter, I shall I hope deal well enough. For this treacherous usage of her Majesty's secrets, I wish you there to consider, for it cannot be but there be there some very lewd and false persons." I trust her Majesty will not think me negligent for not sending these men's resolutions more speedily. You know their manner of delays. "I have now brought it to a point and you shall receive shortly a resolution, good or bad ... and though I wish a peace as much as any other, yet must there be great consideration in the proceeding withal ; lest you not only lose the love of the better sort of these countries but her Majesty's honour be touched thereby ..."—Dort, 28 August, 1587. Postscript in his own hand. For your better information I send the bearer over, only to inform you of the present estate and what hath past. "Her Majesty chiefly, and I her poor minister, have been very badly dealt withal by some of the States here. You shall understand it at more length by the bearer." Signed. Add. Endd. 2¾ pp. [Holland XVII. f. 215.]
Aug. 28. "A collection out of the Earl of Leicester's reply of such principal matters as the Lord of Buckhurst is to be charged withal."
Reply to Buckhurst's answer to point 2, first part.
That he [Buckhurst] procured one of the Counts "to give unto him his doleances," and persuaded the States to send her Majesty the last new accusation, promising that none but her Majesty should see it, and saying that they had satisfied him and thereby would satisfy her also.
Reply to point 5.
That he charged the Earl with dispersing a letter of Buzenval's dangerous to the State, but which the said Earl protested he had never seen, showing more care to allow of the States' dealings than to defend the Earl from wrongful imputations.
Reply to point 7.
That he dealt maliciously as regards a letter written by the Earl to his secretary Junius, charging him, by what he said therein, to have sought the sovereignty, whereas the words were as follows : "que je retourne p[ar de la en] (fn. 3) confidence qu'ils feront cesser doresenavant [torn] et cederont une authorité legitime, telle que [torn] administrer la souverainté dudit pays, [whereby it appeareth] (fn. 3) the said Earl sought, not the sovereignty but only the ad[ministration] of the sovereignty, without the which there could be no form of government established in that country." That he never or seldom conferred with the Council of State but always with the most suspected men and those worst affected to her Majesty.
Reply to point 8.
"That he received accusations aginst the said Earl and set them down contrary to her Majesty's commandment, being directed to charge the States and to reply to them in the Earl's defence."
Reply to point 9.
That his allegation of the dispatching of Wilkes with the copy of Junius's letter is untrue, as the original was taken from Junius after Wilkes' departure.
Reply to point 10.
That he sent for two fellows who (as he heard) had reported that Stanley had said he served the King of Spain by the Earl's consent, and had passport from him ; and tried to persuade them to put it down in writing, "thinking to have gotten some matter against the said Earl." (fn. 4) Endd. with date. 2 pp. [Holland XVII. f. 217.]
Another copy of the same, in the handwriting of Walsingham's clerk, and corrected by Walsingham himself. Endd. 3 pp. [Ibid. XVII. f. 219.]
Aug. 29. LEICESTER to BURGHLEY.
Is not very well, but is sending over the bearer Atye, who will tell his lordship of the present state of affairs, "which is bad enough."—Dort, 29 August. Postscript. "I trust in God your lordship hath procured the treasure to be sent 'or' this time ; or else you will be sorry to hear of that is like to happen among our soldiers."— Holograph. Add. Endd. by Burghley. ½ p. [Holland XVII. f. 222.]
Aug. 29. SIR WILLIAM RUSSELL to WALSINGHAM.
There has been some discord between the commons and magistrates of the town, touching their privileges, but both parties are well affected to her Majesty and contented with the augmenting of the garrison. Our greatest doubt is that our poor people, for want of service money for the new companies and of the soldiers' pay in general may grow to some sudden disorder. "They do greatly desire that the garrison may be settled without any more altering of companies, but for the number, they are content, and in my opinion it were not good to diminish it." If you will procure us speedy order for service money, and if we may receive pay as heretofore, I hope to keep the garrison in good liking with the townsmen, but if not, I am out of all hope of the continuance of good affection to her Majesty or good government.—Vlisching, 29 August, 1587. Signed. Add. Endd. 1 p. [Ibid. XVII. f. 224.]
Aug. 29. ORTELL to WALSINGHAM.
I should have been glad if your convenience had suffered me, the other day, to have had more ample communication with you, for I see here such dangerous opinions that if prompt remedy be not applied, I fear they will bring about irrecoverable loss, to the great advantage of the enemy, and shame and confusion to ourselves. God knows how grieved I am, and what I have done to calm the discontents, although some falsely charge me with the contrary. But veritas temporis filia will bring all to light ; will show who are honest people, and the States will conform themselves to the good designs of her Majesty, which now they so audaciously condemn. Which, as I have worked for during long years, I desire still so to do, if her Majesty will openly declare to me her will, I hope that my present services may be no way inferior to those of the past. But I must again pray you to inform her Majesty how much it vexes me to see affairs fall into such decay and tumult, thus by our divisions, opening to the unhappy designs of the enemy the gates which by the wise guidance of the late Prince of Orange and the admirable constancy of the country have been defended until now. As the Estates General have commanded me to learn her Majesty's good pleasure in regard to the reply to their letter of the 15th instant, I pray your lordship's advice, whether I should apply to her for it, or await her further resolution.— London, 29 August, 1587. Signed. Add. Endd. Fr. 2 pp. [Holland XVII. f. 226.]
Aug. 30./Sept. 9 Discourse between his Excellency and certain of Gueldres, Utrecht, Frise etc. [Margin : the Counsellor Cappelle of Gueldres Caminga of Frise, the burgomaster of Leewaerden and Donselaer for Utrecht.] Having audience on this date, in presence of the Counsellors Killigrew and Beale, and Secretary Gilpin, the Counsellor of Gueldres declared their intention to go at once to Rotterdam, to try to induce the States of Holland to give satisfaction to his Excellency, that misunderstandings might be removed, and order given for the preservation of these countries, now in such dangerous and pitiable terms ; praying his Excellency to await the good reply which they hoped to bring ; with other discourse in relation to the matter. His Excellency replied by Mr. Beale that no one more desired the welfare of these countries, or would more willingly employ himself therefor, sparing himself in nothing, as effects might testify ; but the indignities offered him touched too nearly the honour of her Majesty and her people ; some being so impudent as to talk as if she meant to put these countries into the hands of the enemy by a peace, without regard to the words of the treaty, and that he and those of his nation should be the instruments ; with many other like false words ; a thing so far from the gratitude they owe to her Majesty as cannot be endured. Therefore he demands that such people be sought out and constrained to answer therefor and that the States give order to their provinces that in all places, these disturbers of the public welfare be proceeded against in like manner. And the deputies may be assured that if her Majesty should withdraw her good affection from these countries, they would very shortly see how impossible it is for them to defend themselves against so powerful an enemy. Also, they would find no one who would give them so great succour, wherefore let them advise themselves and see that right be done her against these unhappy persons, who are well enough known, and if need were might be named and their deeds proved. Adding moreover that Count de Hohenlo and other lords of the country bear themselves very discourteously towards her Majesty and concluding that in case they wished to ruin themselves, his Excellency did not desire to be present, but would commit them to God and take his departure. Upon which the said deputies, thanking his Excellency for his kind admonition, promised to endeavour to do all good offices. Endd. Fr. 2 pp. [Ibid. XVII. f. 230.]
Aug. 30. M. H. to WILKES.
I have received by my man the discourse you gave him concerning your affairs, for which I humbly thank you. They are beginning here to be much softened in regard to you ; time being partly the cause, which, as you know, cures all maladies, joined to the difficulty in which we find ourselves owing to the obstinacy of Count Hohenlo and the opposition and traverses of the States, who seem to seek only means to tire out his Excellency and make him drop this morsel. Our troubles and quarrels will at any rate serve you as a justification, at least to a great extent. It is true they say here that without your practices his Excellency would have found the States more tractable and the Conte de Hohenlo less fierce. For myself I practise the ordinary device plus penser que dire, but when I am with men capable of reason and void of passion, I soon make them understand the truth. Our affairs have never, for a year and a half, been worse than now, and we are on the brink of a great disturbance ; for if he is detested in England, he is not less so here. Inviso semel principe, seu benè seu malè facta premunt. And what I predicted concerning his friends, and those who have followed his fortune here is come to pass ; for not one of them is a crown the better for his coming, and poor Mr. Donellus is not re-instated. If he had been, I should not remain here half a day longer ; it is only this matter which keeps me here, for I do not wish to be called ungrateful or disloyal to my friends. Immediately afterwards I shall follow your advice, for indeed I also cannot see the ruin of this State and the discontent of so many honest men whom you and I have kept together in good will and at the devotion of his Excellency, in expectation of his return and acknowledgment. The States offered him yesterday the proposals they had resolved on ; viz : to retrench part of his authority, and that he should no longer use his name and his arms on placcards and commissions. Also that he should send from him those who are not agreeable to them. He is now about making his reply. I do not know what it will be, but Atye and others are advising him to return into England. My Lord North is going away discontented and will soon be there. He thought to have the government of Flushing, but I believe that is destined for another. Monsieur, believe that your friends are always your friends and have conceived nothing against you. Among others, M. de Brederode is pleased to hear news of you. I thank you for your kind offer, which I heartily accept, and assure you that I long to be there, but I shall arrive as poor as ever ; rich enough, however, if after six years of faithful service I can escape without danger. I hope that my lord Buckhurst will remember me at fit time and place, sed inhil urgeo, only I greet him, the General, yourself and Mademoiselle your wife.—Dordrecht, 30 August, 1587. "Vostre humble et très-affectionné serviteur qui connoissez, H. Postscript. I pray you so to use this attestation that it may not prejudice me. Mr. Gilpin is a good fellow, and I see daily that they have done him wrong. Truly I know not why he is in the same case as myself, and in fact his Excellency also in as small esteem as the least of all his. I have ante-dated the attestation and with reason. Add. Endd. Fr. 2½ pp. [Holland XVII. f. 228.]
Aug. 30./Sept. 9. JAN WYCHGERDE to WALSINGHAM.
I have been for some days indisposed. As I wrote you, I paid the ransom of Robert Brydsys ; otherwise the Governor would have hanged him, to terrify the rest of the prisoners into paying heavier ransoms. [Repeats story of one English man hanged and another drowned.] Three days ago there came from the court a providore, Francis de la Massa by name, who has brought money to Dunkirk to make ships of war for a fleet. As soon as he arrived he went to the harbour and examined all the ships ; and it is said that he is come to arm some 20 or 30 ships of war for the service of the King. As soon as I know aught of what is going on I will advise you of it. It is likewise said that he will take all the ships of war from the private ship-owners, for the service of the King. They must be intending some enterprise, that they resolve to arm so many ships of war. These private ships, ten in all, have, as they say, put out to-night to prey upon whatever passes at sea. I have come to Calais in the interest of my friend, Thomas Jeffry, merchant, who is a prisoner at "Neyporte" and in a grievous plight, with great irons on his legs. He is the same man whom you sent to Calais four months ago, wearing a reddish hat by your order. He is in great trouble, as the Spanish presume that he is a spy, though with no warrant whatever, knowing only that Monsieur Gordan [governor of Calais] wrote some time ago to M. de Gronevall [Grunevelt] that spies sometimes went and came to and fro from England ; and upon this suspicion, they presume that all the English they take are spies. They have no warrant save the letter of the governor of Calais. I hope in God it may be possible to procure Jeffrey's discharge forthwith from prison. I will do all possible diligence to that end. He computes his ransom at 600 florins, with 100 florins more for costs. I fear they will not let him go for this, but cost what it may I will do all in my power to get him out of prison. The Governor of 'Neyuporte' is worse than a Turk. He inflicts a thousand tortures on the prisoners and has no conscience. The camp remains before Sluys, with all the artillery and munitions ; only some soldiers withdraw into the forts whence they had been brought. Within are [only] some five companies, so that it is anticipated that they will come suddenly some day before Ostend. I have written to Lord Cobham about a certain affair of which I could not write at large in Spanish. He will apprise you of it, if you think well. I pray you give the prisoner, Thomas Jeffry some assistance, for he is in great distress.—Calais, September, 1587. Spanish. 2 pp. [Flanders I. f. 321.]
Aug. 31. BURGHLEY to DE LOO.
Yours of the 14th only reached me on the 25th. Her Majesty liked well that the Duke "continued the expectation of our commissioners to repair over" ; but having sent to my lord of Leicester to inform him of her intention to proceed in this treaty, and that he should move the States to condescend thereto ; and also to advise him to send some person to the Duke, to know how and when he would determine of a cessation of arms ... upon these directions, her Majesty suspended her pleasure. Yet within these four days, my lord of Leicester, by letters of the 18th instant (before he received the directions from hence) wrote "how that of late the States, yea the vulgar people, have been advertised from the Duke of Parma's ministers that the Queen's Majesty hath already treated of a form of a peace ... without any regard had to the States and people of the Low Countries, and that to show proof thereof there were sundry copies of the late safe-conduct sent hither by you, containing the special names of the lords and counsellors as thereto named by her Majesty ; and all these things being done without making the States of the Low Countries privy thereunto, they are in a great disliking of her Majesty and her government ; so as the Earl of Leicester hath greatly been troubled therewith, specially for that he never heard of this safe-conduct until it was brought to his sight by divers of the States and by some vulgar persons." On both points her Majesty looks for an answer as soon as the wind permits passage, and therefore I have made no answer to your former letters, nor has the Duke had answer for the same cause, whereof she would have you make him privy ; and for proof of her intention to continue, she has written to the King of Denmark, "that because he sent to her Majesty to know her liking for him to send some of his to the place of the treaty, she thanketh him for his kind offer, and sheweth him that she mindeth to have her commissioners this next month to be at Berghes up Zoome, with hope to be treating of the peace before Michaelmas." Besides this, she has stayed Sir Francis Drake and others from going towards Spain, although order is not neglected for keeping her own navy and other ships of war in readiness, "if either from Spain she shall see cause given of hostility, or by breaking off in the treaty there she shall see that reasonable conditions may not be had, as well for the liberties and sureties of the Low Countries, which she hath professed to defend, as for her own tranquillity." The safeconduct sent must be altered, for her Majesty has occasion to change some, and may change more. She rests upon the Earl of Derby, Lord Cobham and Mr. Controller, but I think Mr. Thomas Randolph will go in place of one of the others. The safeconduct might be either general, or with these names, and for two or three more without name. "It is further to be considered by what commission the King's ministers shall treat ; for if it be (as reason it should be) by the King of Spain's own commission, then it is to be liked ; but if ... in the name of the Duke of Parma, being but the King's general, and therein as a subject, then it will be some great hindrance, considering the Queen's Majesty's commission shall be authorized by herself. Of this last point I pray you with all speed advertise me, although I do hope I do make more doubt than shall be needful, for your speeches and writings always were that the Duke had full authority, by the words of bastantissima, which cannot be interpreted but in the King's own name." Holograph. Endd : "Ult. Aug., 1587. A copy of my letter to And. de Loo, by her Majesty's com[mand] this forenoon, at Otlands." 3 pp. [Flanders I. f. 325.]
THE PRIVY COUNCIL to LEICESTER.
Her Majesty, being informed by Sir Thos. Shirley that such companies of her subjects (being near 2000) as serve the States, are for want of pay reduced to great penury, whereby some have fallen away to the enemy, and others departed without passport into this realm, has commanded us to signify to your lordship that if the States do not yield them speedy relief, you are to take order to discharge them and send them home, saving such as are meet to fill up the decayed bands there in her Majesty's pay. And if they are not sufficient to furnish the said bands, these are to be supplied out of those last sent over, that the numbers agreed on by the contract may be kept complete. For the rest of those lately sent over, she doubts not but that you will deal effectually with the States for their payment. Copy. Endd. "1587, August." 1 p. [Holland XVII. f. 185.]
August. "Money extraordinarily disbursed by Sir Thos. Sherley knight since the order was agreed upon for the issuing of the treasure sent into the Low Country in May last. Endd. by Burghley's clerk "August, 1587 ..." and by Burghley "out of 30,000l. sent in May." ¾ p. [Ibid. XVII. f. 232.]
August. An estimate of the several rates and charges of her Majesty's forces in the Low Countries, as well according to the rates set down by her Highness' first establishment, as also according to the rates and list of the Lord General there, with their differences." In tabulated form. Total yearly charge 133,183l. 5s. 4d. Differences per annum exceeding the first establishment 7004l. 15s. 4d. Endd. by Burghley "August, 1587, Mr. Hunt's book for the differences between the Queen's first list and the Earl of Leicester. ¾ p. [Ibid. XVII. f. 234.]
August. "A brief estimate of the bestowing of the 30,000l. extraordinary ; the precise certainty whereof cannot so suddenly be set down" : i.e. for levy and imprests of the new bands, and imprests to councillors and officers of the field ; weekly loans for all the bands ; pay to certain English companies in their extreme necessity, and for transportation, victuals, armour, munition and other such necessary charges.
Total, 23,497l. 18s. 10d.
Endd. by Burghley's clerk with date etc., and by Burghley "from my lord of Leicester." ¾ p. [Ibid. XVII. f. 236.]
"The names of the chief officers and captains serving her Majesty in the Low Countries since 11 October 1586 till this present day. Aug. 1587."
Officers general.
The Earl of Leicester, Lord General. Dr. Clarke ; Henry Killigrew ; Thos. Wilkes. Assistants in Council. Richard Huddilston, Esq. ; Sir Thomas Sherley successive Treasurers of the army. Thomas Digges, muster-master.
Officers of Flushing.
Sir P. Sidney ; Sir Wm. Russell successive. Governors. Nicholas Errington, marshal. Wm. Burlacy, Henry Astley successive, general porters or serjeant-majors. Ric. Gwynne, provost marshal. Ge. Maddock and Ed. German successive, clerks of the munition. Ed. Burnham, water bailiff. Wm. Thomas and James Spence, master-gunners.
Officers of Brill.
Sir Thomas Cecil and the lord Burgh successive. Governors. Thos. Bamburgh and — successive, marshals. Ric. Paine and — successive, provost marshals. Tho. Westrop and — successive, general porters or serjeant-majors. Wm. Fosse, clerk of the munition. Jo. Winter and Andrew Bassano successive, water-bailiffs. Gregory Gibbes and — Thomas, master gunners.
Lances.
The Lord Lieutenant-General (200) : Sir Wm. Pelham ; The Earl of Essex ; Sir Wm. Russell ; Sir Thomas Cecil and Sir Wm. Knollis successive ; Lord North ; Sir Jo. Norris ; Sir Ro. Sidney, Sir P. Butler (each 100) ; Michael Dormer and Thos. Shirley (each 50) till March 1 ; then Shirley 100.
Footbands.
The Lord General ; Sir P. Sidney and Sir Wm. Russell successive ; Sir Thos. Cecil and Lord Burgh successive ; Sir Wm. Reade (cassed Nov. 12, 1586) ; Sir Wm. Pelham and Capt. Hill, ab. 11 Nov. 1586, "to supply Sir Wm. Reade's cassed band" ; Henry Isley and Ed Cromwell, usque 12 Nov., 1586 ; Oliver Lambert and Maurice Dennys, ab 11 Nov., 1586 ; Rowland Yorke and Ric. Wingfeld successive. Sir John Burgh ; Sir Henry Norris ; Sir Ed. Norris ; Avery Randall ; Ric. Huddilston and Sir Tho. Shirley successive ; Charles Blunt, Sir Wm. Waller ; Sir Ro. Sidney ; Col. Morgan ; Tho. Knollis ; Francis Darcy ; Tho. Vavasor ; Jo. Scott ; Tho. Maria Wingfeld ; Nicholas Errington ; Arthur Brett ; — Holmes ; Sir Wm. Knollis and Sir John Conway successive ; Sir Roger Williams ; Tho. Baskervile ; Turvile and Vere successive ; [Edm.] Bannester ; Hart ; Ant. Wingfeld ; Roberts and Ant. Shirley successive ; Degory Hender ; Dl. Powell ; Ed. Uvedall ; Kersey and Francis Littleton successive ; Wilson ; Price ; Ed. Huntley and Sir John Wingfeld successive. Endd. by Burghley's Clerk "Aug., 1587." 3½ pp. [Holland XV. f. 191.]
August. "Discourse by Sir John Norreys to the Queen.
Although it may seem overbold in a subject to advise a princess of her Majesty's wisdom and experience, and with a Council of so rare skill ; yet he ventures to offer her his ill-digested opinions, remitting them always to the censure of her "far more perfecter spirit." It is suspected by many that she is so troubled by the backward proceedings in the Low Countries that she wishes to withdraw from them altogether, in respect of the small success and her great expence in the two years of her assistance, from 10 January, 1585, "to the 10 of this present August, 1587" ; her whole charge for this time having been 812,000l. ; whereby most of the countries have been defended, yet there has been lost by siege and treason seven strong towns, besides forts and castles. The greatness of the charge might well amaze a prince of no small magnanimity ; yet when she considers the state of her own kingdoms, the nature of her enemies, the diversity of humours in her subjects and the small hope to secure herself by pacification, she will find that it behoves her decide which course to take—peace or war. The way of peace is most agreeable to her nature and fittest for the state of her countries and people because their wealth comes from trade, the interruption whereof may impoverish her subjects, and "draw on some dangerous inconvenience" to her estate. If then she resolves upon peace, she must consider how and with what security it may be had. It is not to be doubted but that the King of Spain will yield her any reasonable conditions, if she severs herself from the United Provinces. It is most assured also that the Prince of Parma "will most willingly embrace the proposition of the treaty as a high way to the disunion of the provinces, and whereby he hath of late time greatly prevailed. For the like proposition by the Emperor a few years past was the cause of separation of Artois and Hainault, and undoubtedly a new treaty will hazard the division of Guelderland and Friesland, by reason that these weaker provinces will not willingly depend upon the peace of Holland, lest (by experience it is daily seen) they [i.e. Holland] should have greater respect to their own private commodity than to the general profit of their neighbours." But how she may do it with honour and safety must be considered. For her honour will be brought in question if she forsakes those whom she has bound herself by treaty, on the word of a prince, to uphold, and if she do forsake them, the Spaniard will in a very short time become lord of them. And they making their peace to their ruin and overthrow, how her Majesty's safety may be promised, every man of judgment who has seen the offences ministered to the Spanish King and his subjects by her Majesty and her nation will easily conjecture. "The King of Spain is a Prince most lift up with pride of any prince of Europe, assisted by a Council most sufficient in policy and experience .... himself a man that constantly or rather obstinately doth hold his purposes and resolutions, and one who long ago had promised to himself the monarchy of the world if the wars of the Low Countries had not restrained him." Prays to call to mind his practices for invasion of her kingdoms and corrupting of her subjects ; the instruments he has used, as Mendoza, his ambassador ; Antonio 'Gurra' [i.e. de Guaras] and Pietro Cubiera ; also to bethink her of the Holy League, of which that King is the head, and of the malice of the Pope, whose thirst for her ruin will never be satiated. And in her own countries, asks her to look at the numbers of ill-affected Papists, Atheists and malcontents, and the impoverishment of the common people, "whose living hath only depended upon the working of wools and making of cloths." But as the Spanish King can only attack her by sea, so can he not in all Europe get ships and mariners enough for his great forces so long as her Majesty can hold him from the possession of Holland and Zeeland, which he may attain either by peace or conquest ; and although her Majesty may promise much for her defence by reason of the greatness of her Navy and the warlike shipping of her subjects, yet with the addition of but one of these provinces (which alone are able to furnish more ships and mariners than all the realm of England) her Majesty will be in danger "of two notable inconveniences," the one to be overmatched at sea and the other, to have the trade of her subjects utterly overthrown in all places. For from Holland and Zeeland, he can not only cut off the traffic of her merchants with Embden, but impeach them from trading with Hamburg, Bremen, Elbing and the rest of the Hanse towns, all of which fear to offend him, and are not unwilling to assent to what may hinder the trade of her merchants in those parts, while the States themselves have refused access to her said merchants and trade into their own towns and have practised with the Emperor and princes of Germany to 'seclande' them from traffic in the Empire. "It is also to be noted how, in this late dear time, the States, by force of their shipping gave leave to the most part of Europe for transportation of grain from Dantzic ... insomuch as the French, Hamburgers, Bremers and Emdeners were fain by submissive ambassadors to entreat permission of traffic, and content to pay for convoy of such corn as they should licence to come to them, whereby it may be observed ... what subjection they will hold their neighbours in when they shall be countenanced with the greatness of Spain." If her Majesty should secure herself either by retaining the towns of Flushing and Brill for answering of the moneys due to her, or should make a peace apart, she must first "forsee" what the charge will be of manning the garrisons and maintaining a navy to keep the seas for their defence, which will be, in effect as much as the whole charge of her succours, while how dangerous it would be thus to leave the countries to the mercy of their enemies is shown by the reasons already alleged. It is often said that the French King and princes of Germany would not suffer the Spanish King to grow so great ; but whosoever looks into the state of France and sees the insufficiency of that King, the party the Spaniard has there by the Duke of Guise and his faction, and the divisions in the country from the civil wars, will not find that any of them could stop Spain's growing greatness ; "and as for the princes of Germany, how cold and careless they are thereof is sufficiently known to all men." [Further arguments as to the difficulty of securing a good peace ; as the present strength of the enemy and the state of feeling in the Low Countries.] Assurance is made that the King of Spain will withdraw his forces to the frontier towns ; but from thence, he can at any time draw them again into the countries ; he will assent to the maintenance of the ancient privileges, but there be many which he will never allow and especially the point of religion, without which her Majesty may rest assured the States and people of the Religion will never stoop to a peace. [Discussion of the difficulties which would arise on all sides when the terms came to be settled, and the hatred which will grow up in the provinces against herself.] And there is no small hazard that the States would prefer to make their peace without her, leaving her to incur the resulting perils alone, which she "may not think but that the Spaniard would be glad and ready" to do. Earnestly prays her further to weigh the matter. God has blessed her with a people valiant, wealthy and powerful. The loss of Sluys is not of such importance that it should discourage her from proceeding in the defence of those countries ; it is recoverable, or at any rate may be made useless to the enemy by building a fort upon the 'every' of the haven. Begs her to measure the necessity of her preservation with the weight of her purse and the wealth of her subjects. The yearly charge is little when divided amongst them, who will be glad to buy their security at so easy a rate. She has still the liberty of the sea for her trade to Hamburg, Emden and elsewhere, who if they see her resolute in defence of herself and the Low Countries will yield to any reasonable demand for the establishing of the trade of her subjects within their countries, whereas now they fear to offend the King of Spain, being out of hope to be defended by her. Holland and Zeeland were never so rich as now, and might easily be induced to a further contribution, to which may be added the brandtschatz of Brabant, Frise, Flanders, etc., all which would pay sufficient garrisons for defence of the towns as well as a force for the field. The dissensions among the provinces, grown by lack of common justice, infringing of their privileges etc., or maintaining of factions, will vanish when the cause is removed, which must be either by her Majesty or by the wisdom of a governor grateful to them, for so long as they either fear or hate their governor there will be no hope of agreement either with him or among themselves. Fears he has been both too long and too plain in this discourse, yet the necessity of her Majesty's estate and the duty he bears to her have moved him thereto and the benignity of her nature leads him to hope for her gracious acceptance and pardon. 15½ pp. [Holland XIX. f. 288.]

Footnotes

1 The Dutch text given by Bor : Ned. Oorloge, lib. xxiii., f. 26. There is also a lengthy abstract in Meteren, f. 287 (ed. 1618).
2 The letter is a copy, though an attempt has been made to imitate the signature. It is probably one of the two sent by Willoughby to Walsingham on the 3rd September, as it is written in the same hand as the other copy, to the same address (p. 252 above) and the folds correspond with those of Willoughby's letter.
3 Supplied from the other copy of the paper, which however, only gives the first words of the French sentence. The text of the letter to Junius as given by Meteren (Hist, des Pays Bas lib. xiv., fol. 285) runs "que je retourne par dela souz l'espoir . . . qu'ils me donneront toute l'authorité necessaire pour avoir la souveraineté sur les dites Provinces."
4 Given at length in Cabala, pt. II., p. 57 et seq. but with variants.