Elizabeth
September 1587, 11-15

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Institute of Historical Research

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Sophie Crawford Lomas and Allen B. Hinds (editors)

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1929

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302-315

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'Elizabeth: September 1587, 11-15', Calendar of State Papers Foreign, Elizabeth, Volume 21, Part 3: April-December 1587 (1929), pp. 302-315. URL: http://www.british-history.ac.uk/report.aspx?compid=75368 Date accessed: 18 April 2014. Add to my bookshelf


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September 1587, 11-15

Sept. 11. LEICESTER to [BURGHLEY].
I sent Atye instructed with matters here, and "how untowardly I had found the States here to deal toward her Majesty and me her lieutenant ; and what untrue bruits were raised of her dealing with the Duke of Parma for peace, without acquainting these provinces withal, according to her contract : that she had not only treated with the Duke by her commissioners suddenly sent over to him, but also agreed upon articles aforehand, which false report was not only received by some of the States, but also set forth by them, and in such sort delivered from man to man and town to town as it was quickly known in every place ; whereupon, having newly received her Majesty's letters and your lordship's also touching the intention to have these men broken withal for a peace, and to use my best endeavour to persuade such as I might deal withal to like of her motion, I did first take that course which I thought [fit?] both in duty toward her Majesty and for staying of men's minds here from overthrow of the cause : to set forth a true declaration of her Majesty's proceeding and dealing in deed ; and after I had sent it to the States, I caused it also to be sent to every province and town particularly (whereby also her Majesty's meaning was delivered) and the rather for that I having delivered my mind to a couple, one of the Council, the other of the States, being Valcke and Menin, to report the same first to the States from me, and which was delivered to them two in open Council, they, being pressed to put the same in writing by the States, did so contrary to my commission given them, and specially leaving out in their writing the principal points that was given them in charge touching her Majesty's plain and princely proceeding towards them, as well in that she had not made any conclusion with the Duke of Parma for peace, nor sent any commissioners at all to him, nor would do before she had made them privy to the offer the Duke had made to her, and understood from them their intention and disposition to the same, adding also the causes and reasons which moved her Majesty to send unto them, which are also expressed in the said declaration that I set forth after, and was delivered to these two in speech ; which writing of theirs being very barely and slenderly set down, and by a word or two some advantage taken by those captious, ill-affected companions of the States, was presently sent abroad to all places, to confirm the reports that her Majesty was already entered into talk of a peace ; which made such an alteration with the former information . . . as you will hardly believe it ; but a most lamentable hearing was it, how all men were suddenly overthrown withal, and yet thus much must I say for the numbers of people that heard of it . . . [they] did rather charge the States and curse them for that they blamed her Majesty, being dealt withal by them as they all knew and confessed she was . . . and knowing the cause undone if her Majesty should give it over, began, such as were of Flanders and other countries to remove themselves out of this country, and submit themselves rather to the will of God at home than to remain here without her Majesty's protection." The matter has held us some time, but now is grown to good pass, and all reasonable men think reverently of what she imparted to the States ; and better, I may say, than if the bruits had not been given out, for it served very well to bring in that matter in better sort than I could have done, at this time without hurt to the cause, so that now her Majesty may take what course she will, albeit some of the States gave out that she hath had this purpose of peace a long time in hand, and when she sent me over, gave me charge to treat with them of it and draw them to like of it ; one of them avowing that he had a copy of my instructions and that four articles were to this purpose. It is true he had the copy from England, and it should be sought out by whom they passed. The same party told his friends what letters I had received from her Majesty on this subject, which is true also, a letter signed by her Majesty but written by some of the clerks. These persuasions of this fellow, which was Barnevelt, wrought great impression in many men that her Majesty had a former resolution in herself to make peace without these countries, and that my now sending over was only to get authority here, with the commandment of places and people ; that if these men would not agree to such peace . . . they should be compelled thereto by such forces as I should have at my disposition ; alleging also that these new supplies which I brought was to augment my power the stronger for this only end . . . "I have not denied but such words were in my Instructions and such a letter written, and yet we made all to agree with an honourable and a gracious intention in her Majesty toward them all, for the Instructions were drawn whilst the Lord Buckhurst was yet here among them and had the like instructions and commission . . . In the mean while, Sluce was besieged, myself sent over at their earnest instance in much haste . . . and so her Majesty thought good to continue the same Instructions to me, that if at any time after my arrival, I should find their disability such as her Majesty had been informed of, that I should use the same motion to them, rather to yield to treat of a peace than desperately to carry the people on into a most dangerous war that they were so unable to maintain." When therefore the States came to me, I found to all our judgments, that they could not continue it, for the men were unpaid and the money all spent. I could get neither men nor money for the succour of Sluce, and after it was lost, her Majesty ordered me to let them know of the Prince of Parma's offer, not meaning to do anything without acquainting them withal, according to her promise, and meanwhile all the untrue bruits were given out of a peace concluded. I must confess I do not find men here yet ready to hear of a peace, not seeing how they can be assured of good conditions. It must not be a sudden motion that must draw them to it, and in a former letter to your lordship, I wished that some person of credit might have been sent, to break the matter and debate with them in friendly conference. For these bruits have bred some impression in them," and no man so touched as I have been. . . . and as some made it an occasion to defer my authority all this while, so would they fain have had the people and Estates both have thought me unmeet to be their governor and captain general, who had commission and instructions to treat of a peace which was tending to their destruction." But now the whole States General have sent me the confirmation of my authority and also the disposing of their money and contributions for the war, with the advice of the Council. [Further details of money for maintenance of a camp and the establishment of the Council etc.] I have daily affectionate letters from all places, some of which I send you. I had much ado to have my declaration be known, till I caused many copies to be dispersed, which have made a wonderful alteration in six days, "those busy merchants" having withdrawn as soon as I came hither, while before, no man could stir for them. Her Majesty is exceedingly beloved through the whole provinces, and it were pity to lose them ; if she proceed with the peace, it must be in the best way to keep their hearts, as by sending someone (as I said before) to show her reasons. "Since her first dealing with these countries, she never found them so tractable as she is like to do now, for I think there is no charge . . . that they will not yield now unto rather than her Majesty should withdraw her countenance from them ; specially two or three of these villains removed from their places that ruled and misruled all." I mean now go to into North Holland, where I dare assure her of any place she will, "she hath so sure a servant of Monsieur Snoye, who is a most constant man, and hath given me his hand to hold for her Majesty those places that he hath charge of. I trust also to make the Isle of Walcheren assured. . . The Count Morryce is suddenly gone to Lillo, with pretence to lie there with his ships, and the Count Hollock is gone thither also . . . to consult what to do, seeing the States here have so freely settled my authority without them, and their expectation not a little disappointed thereby. For my 'none' part I care not much, but I protest to God in respect of her Majesty's honour and credit, I weight it more than twenty thousand pounds . . . and surely if Morryce had it and Hollock, as they looked verily for it, this whole country had been lost before midsummer." For myself, I pray you be my good friend. At my coming, her Majesty promised I should not tarry above three months, but finding the country in such miserable state, I would not depart without seeing some end, if it might be, albeit, as you know "I have almost two parts of my whole lands in the merchants' misericorde, for at November next it is all forfeited without redemption." But if her Majesty continues these causes here, my humble request is that some one may be sent in time, fit to supply my place, that he may be acquainted with the manners and men here and be at the settling of all things himself. I think my lord Admiral would be the most agreeable of any to these people if her Majesty will hold her government as she has done by a nobleman of her own ; but if she will only maintain a regiment of 5000 foot and some horse, "Sir Richard Bingham will supply the place as well as any man I know, and he knows this country and hath served here long since . . . and I will be content to tarry till the end of October, to assist and help to see my successor placed ; otherwise I trust you will sooner help me home. . . . "The particularities of our daily proceedings I have committed to Mr. Beale and Killigrew, who be most careful and diligent servants, and Mr. Beale another manner of man than at home he is accounted of." He is greatly commended amongst the best here for his judgment and is both stout and wise, showing himself in all matters a very sensible man. I will shortly send your lordship a state of the charges of so many men as may well be kept, and I think there will be a better reckoning made than heretofore and ways found without further charge of the people to make the ordinary serve to maintain the ordinary garrisons. "It is strange to see the dealing of these men, since I went into England. The Count Hollock the while he levies five hundred men for three or four months ; another while, the States will cause this town or that town to increase their guard . . . but all still upon the contributions ; beside, the charge for their Almains hath cost them much and they have 100000 florins beside in money at Breame which it is feared will not return again. And the Almains now come not at all. . . I credibly hear that this was done only to further the plans of Morryce and Hollock, according to the league newly made among them, whereof some of your late doers here of our countrymen were privy enough to all these dealings, so good subjects and servants were they ; but all their dealings God hath overthrown for the good of this poor afflicted people, who had been turned and tossed if they had been at the order of Hollock, who leadeth such a life yet as is marvellous. "There is one Curtese, a Spaniard that once served the Earl of Oxf[ord (fn. 1) ] come hither as he saith from the enemy. He had a brother the last year that came out of England to offer me service, and I upon good presumptions committed him to prison in Utrecht, and he confessed divers men to affect the enemy who have proved so since, and the man we know to be a dangerous fellow. He is since got out and gone again into England." He should be enquired for and made fast and banished, for he is a very desperate, lewd knave. . . . Neither is his brother come here but for some villainy, but I will do well enough with this fellow, having taken him in two or three manifest falsehoods in his examination, having first said that his brother was dead and later that he was in England. The Count de Neuenar, who went for the reiters, has surprised Meppen in Westfalia, "but I doubt it cannot hold, for we have nothing near it. . . If we were able to make it a frontier town it would be somewhat, in respect of the enemy in Friseland ; but if he and the Count Hollock had employed their good wills to the right service of this country, indeed we had not only preserved Sluyce, but recovered better towns than ten Meppens. . . "I pray you to bear with the ill order of my letters, and take them as from a man full of business even to the overcharge of my body, not so much for any pain I sustain, as for the care of these cross and lewd dealings.—10 September. Postscript. I know her Majesty will look to hear of the return of the new bands that came over with me, but to send them away unpaid "were dishonourable unto her Majesty and discomfortable to all those that serve now or shall serve hereafter. . . . I hope your money will come, or else all will be undone. For myself, I have taken none of your money hitherto, neither have I received one penny from the States for myself." That you may see "how lewdly Sir John Norrys and his brother used me in their declaration here, as also there to your lords . . . touching my allowing or rather persuading Edward Norrys to send that cartel to the Count Hollock, I have found the means to get the whole course of their dealing therein at the secretary's hands, whom they call for testimony thereof, and his own declaration beside, how he was sought and enticed in my absence to become a forger and liar for this matter, but utterly refused it, and . . . hath confessed the whole doings, and delivered both his own doings that passed, as also the originals of [Edw.] Norrys' own letters written with his own hand, as well to the Count Hollock as to myself, and your lordship may see by his own letter how falsely he bringeth me in question ; specially his brother John, who made a whole tale of his speech to me touching this matter, "which is most false, as shall now plainly appear to you. I beseech that all my lords may understand their untrue dealings, and especially her Majesty, "who perhaps by the mother's fair tales and the sons' smooth words, may take some other conceit of my doings than I deserve." Holograph. Endd. 9 pp. [Holland XVIII. f. 37.]
Sept. 11. KILLIGREW and BEALE to THE PRIVY COUNCIL.
Mr. Atye will have informed your lordships of what passed before his departure, and we now signify to you what has happened since. "As the bruit of the peace between her Majesty and the Duke of Parma did very much astonish the people of this country, so it grieved not a little his Excellency that the same should be published so assuredly, to the great dishonour of her Majesty ; as though both her Highness and his Excellency meant to constrain them thereunto, whether they would or no . . . which they pretended might be gathered out of his Excellency's Instructions," of which they had got a copy. Hereupon, some of the ministers of divers parts repaired to him on the last of August, who, in the name of the churches of the United Provinces besought him "to have a Christian consideration and compassion of their estate, and to be a means that nothing might be done, by the advancing of the said peace, that might be derogatory to the glory of God and prejudicial and hurtful to his church. . . . Whereto it was by his Excellency answered that her Majesty, by maintaining the true Christian religion in her own realm, and by receipt of sundry of all nations professing the same religion, . . . had made a sufficient demonstration how careful she was of the glory of God and maintenance of his church, besides such other supports as she had yielded unto the churches in France and Scotland ; and likewise the sending of his Excellency and his forces hither was to no other end." If they had means to maintain the war she would continue it, but in case they had not, she thought it well to tell them of the Duke's offer and have their advice ; (though she had not proceeded to the sending of ambassadors to Brussels, as untruely reported) and to beg them to consider whether they were able to encounter the enemy or no ; in which latter case she was willing to aid them by dealing for a peace, and do as much therein as she could for the advancement of God's glory and benefit of the churches of the country. Wherefore his Excellency prayed them not to believe all reports, but to inform the people of the truth, and exhort them to fasting and prayer, that the Lord's wrath might be appeased, and things proceed in better sort ; wherewith the ministers rested satisfied. Immediately after their departure, the Council of Estates came to his Excellency, "declaring how sorry they were that things went no better forward, and yet doubted not but that by some friendly conference with the Estates of Holland, there might be a good 'atonement' made," and therefore besought him to go to the Hague, where all things might be most conveniently treated of ; "which his Excellency was contented to do of himself, without any promise made unto them thereof." At the same time, audience was given to a President and three others from the provincial Council and Chamber of Accounts of Holland and Zeeland, who after congratulating his arrival and other compliments, desired to know the truth as to the bruits of peace sent from Brussels and out of Germany. After thanking them for not believing bruits before speaking with himself (as the Estates of Holland might have done, had they pleased) he declared that her Majesty never meant to deal in the peace without the privity and assent both of the Estates and of Counts Maurice and Hohenlo nor at all, if they could show good means to continue the war, [the question of their ability so to do etc. and the alternative etc.]. As the publishing of these bruits touched her Majesty in honour, they were desired to consider what they had heard propounded by Barnevelt, the Advocate of Holland, in their colleges, what cause she had to be aggrieved thereat, and the inconveniences which might follow unless she received sufficient reparation, wherefore the fault was theirs if she were provoked to do otherwise than she had meant. Whereupon they promised to make true report to their colleges, and offered to do what good offices they could. On Sept. 1, his Excellency came to the Hague, and the next day certain of the States of Holland came to congratulate his coming, and promised to endeavour good correspondence with him in all things for the benefit of the country. In the afternoon the two Presidents, Vander Mulen and Nicolai came also to him and after signifying their satisfaction with the answer brought from Dordrecht, desired his advice how to deal for a perfect reconciliation between him and the States of Holland ; "whereto his Excellency answered that the least care was to be had unto himself, who, for the cause of God and the country, would patiently bear all the injuries and thwarts that had been done unto him, but the principal regard was to be had to her Majesty, whose honour was overmuch touched by such conceits and bruits among the Estates, as though, contrary to her treaty and all respects of the cause of Christian religion and weal of these provinces, she had made a peace with the Duke of Parma, which was most untrue. Besides this, his Excellency desired to understand the resolution of the Estates of Holland, whether, notwithstanding their late writing touching his government, it should be in such sort as it was granted the last year . . . and so likewise touching money and means to pay and employ the soldiers, and not to pass the time idly," as he had done for two months and more. On the 1st instant, the same parties returned and declared their dealings with the Estates of Holland. To the first point, on behalf of the said States they declared "that in their Assembly and colleges they never heard anything spoken to the dishonour of her Majesty, nor would have suffered it, and that to this effect the said Estates would repair unto his Excellency to signify so much and offer to give any particular or general act that might be required." Touching the government and money, they must join with the States General, but hoped it would not be less than before. His Excellency deferred further answer until the said Estates repaired to him, but desired them to hasten the resolution, that no more time might be lost, and her Majesty's honour satisfied ; for considering what was uttered among them, it was not likely that she would be contented with a simple denial and excuse. The next day, certain of the Estates of Holland exhibited a writing in their own tongue, "touching the excuse of the speeches used by their advocate Barnevelt," which his Excellency gave back to them to be translated into French. Meanwhile, both by word of mouth and messages, he pressed them for a resolution, which he received on the 9th of this present, to such effect as your lordships shall perceive by the copy herewith sent, except the part concerning the contributions, not yet translated. To the writing exhibited to them concerning the overture of the peace, they have as yet made no answer, pretending that they must send it to their principals, for direction and advice. Of the particular places to which he sent the same writing he had received answer only from Utrecht and Horne, as you shall perceive by the same, which his Excellency has promised to send. We find that for the most part they cannot abide any mention of peace, mistrusting, by former experiences that the enemy will not, by any treaty, give them any good and sufficient assurances for the maintaining of their religion and liberties. Some of the College of the Estates are credibly informed that the King of Denmark has written to a prince in Germany that he is not so desirous to be a dealer in a peace as he was, doubting "that the conditions and assurances will be so slender as, with the safety of his honour and conscience, he cannot counsel them to accept the same." We mind now to deal with them of their estate and ability, "which divers of them, best acquainted with money matters, persuade us to be such as with her Majesty's ordinary forces they shall be well enough able to withstand the enemy." And now that the plot against his Excellency's authority is broken, we are persuaded that with her Majesty's continued favour and assistance, "as much good may be attended of this action as at any time heretofore."—The Hague, 11 September. Signed by both. Add. Endd. 6 pp. [Holland XVIII. f. 42.]
Sept. 11. DR. DOYLEY to —.
His answer to Mr. Waytes information. Waytes being in Sir William Russell's cornet and taken prisoner the 6th June, 1586 ; taxing him with ingratitude ; taking sides with Mr. Digges and his brother, and Hunt, the auditor ; with disrespect to Sir John Norres, which was no service to his Excellency ; with misrepresenting him as a time server to gain preferment whereas he claims to be sound in religion and loyal, and would never join with one so discredited to get preferment ; shows the baselessness of his charge that Sir John prolonged his imprisonment by delaying his ransom ; whereas he really owed his liberty to an English traitor, Salisbury. His own case different as he was taken prisoner going on his Excellency's message ; repels charge that spoke of Sir John Norres's faction ; justifies statement that Count Maurice, Counts Hohenlo and Mewrs banded themselves against H.E. ; explains remark about States sending over copies of letters concerning H.E., to prevent suppression ; denies slander about taking over a quean ; or that he undertook to discover the practices of Lord Buckhurst, Sir J. Norreys, Dr. Clarke and Mr. Wilkes against H.E. Waytes made the suggestion to him and he informed Sir John of what a dangerous lesson Waytes had given him. Advised Capt. Christopher Blunt not to believe anything Waytes should say of him. Attaches copy of his letter to show Waytes' cunning practices. Desires to be put right with H.E. and begs for his honour's protection, In Doyley's own hand. Endd. "Matters against Mr. Waytes," and in a later hand, "1686" [sic] 10¼ pp., closely written. [Ibid. f. 46.]
Sept. 11. A copy of Dr. Doyley's answer to Waytes, endorsed by Burghley with this date.
10 pp. [Ibid. XVIII. f. 52.]
Annexed.
Mr. Waytes to Dr. Doyley.
On my coming to Utrecht, finding Mr. Bluntes willing to do my Lord President any service, I imparted to him what had passed between you and me, who, with myself thinks that the best course would be "that a letter be framed by the Lord President to my Lord [i.e. Leicester] to this effect. That whereas sithence the certain knowledge of your lordship's determination of making officers of the camp and my return out of these parts, your lordship shall understand that in respect of the labour hath been made to me by such as best affect your lordship in these parts, that I would, for the better advancement of my country's cause, I have, I say, been importunate for these causes to offer myself so far forth as they shall recommend me fit to do you service ; wherein, notwithstanding whatsoever hath been illconceived before, you shall find me most faithful and ready to advance your honour in what I may. "Had I a letter from my lord President to this effect, Mr. Blunt would antedate a letter or two of his, assuring my lord of this much as my lord President shall write." I pray you to answer with all possible speed.—Utrecht, 10 June, 1587. Copy, in same hand as and under cover of preceding. 1 p. [Holland XVIII. f. 57.]
Sept. 11. COLONEL MORGAN to WALSINGHAM.
The affairs of those countries give him little occasion to write. Has neither dealings nor advancement ; only a private band in her Majesty's pay. Never these 13 years has he been so slenderly esteemed. Mr. Needham will tell the life he endures there with the soldiers for John de Castylya. If that Captain be kept in prison to the last day of his life, he will not be able to release Mr. Tyllenye. Meanwhile the Spaniards mean to make the first Englishman of quality that falls into their hands to pay all his charges in prison ; Mr. Secretary continually troubled therewith, none benefited, all the soldiers discontented and himself discredited.—The Haie, 11 September, 1587. ¾ p. Sign. Endd. Add. [Ibid. XVIII. f. 58.]
Sept. 12. LORD BURGH to BURGHLEY.
Takes occasion to certify him of the reconciliation of his Excellency and the States, though aware his lp. has copies of the agreement. Now all is surrendered into H.E's hands with authority of absolute direction. Hopes in turn they will recover ten fold the loss of their towns whereof the enemy is still master. No help is expected of the reiters for whom Count Meurs was sent but effected not. In his journey he surprised Meppen in Westphalia and manned it with a strong garrison. The enemy putteth forward his fleet with great preparation to encounter the navy of this country. Much is spoken of it, but yet they be not ready to fight. His force by land is set down nowhere, but if he attempt anything the conjecture is he will encamp for Arnham." There is now some calm after the long debates. Knows no other matter of importance. Desires to remain in his lp.'s good opinion.—Briell, 12 September. 1 p. Sign. Add. Endd. [Ibid. XVIII. f. 60.]
Sept. 12. THOMAS DIGGES to BURGHLEY.
Laments the death of Mr. Whetston, his commissary of musters, slain by a captain, no doubt because he could not be corrupted. The States proceeding is wonderful strange, as he cannot get from them any deputies to agree upon the musters and accounts for the time past, or any commissaries to muster since H.E.'s last return, so that for the 31 English bands last over there is no muster or record under any commissary's hand to charge them hereafter with the numbers sent over. Has told them that their only drift is to have these bands wasted and cassed by service, sickness and misery before any muster is taken. This makes him as odious to them as to the corrupt captains, and her Majesty will not want complaints enough against him. Hopes that he will not be condemned without due trial. Condemns their malice and will do his duty so long as he remains there. Encloses some notes he lately delivered to Mr. Killigrew and Mr. Beale, who, he fears, do yet too much trust and believe them.— Hague, 12 September, 1587. 1¼ pp. Signed. Add. Endd. [Holland XVIII. f. 62.]
Enclosure.
A copy of certain notes delivered by the Muster Master unto the two Assistants in Council for her Majesty's service. The States General on the 8th September complained to H.E. about abuses in the musters. Instances their carelessness about their own musters, while H.E. took especial good ordinance about the English musters. Abuses have certainly been found and checked whereby the captains were generally not a little offended, but no abuse has been found which was not previously corrected by the muster general. Has been unable to get them to appoint commissaries, as required by the articles, yet by good order and the care of the officers the bands with very few exceptions, have been maintained double as strong as theirs and well disciplined. The malicious suggestion that H.M.'s bands were 2000 men short last winter is untrue ; they were kept strong by enlisting the multitudes of English soldiers in the States' pay who were cassed last winter. He caused Mr. Teleyne's slanderous suggestion to be struck out, that the bands were not maintained at strength and that the disorders and abuses in the musters were intolerable. Asks them to get an Act in Council acknowledging themselves debtors for what has been disbursed by H.E.'s warrants, and that any alteration in the rates shall refer only to the future and a day be appointed for presenting all their claims against H.M.'s officers or soldiers, or else never be charged after, as their present course is most injurious and dishonourable to H.M.—The Hague, 12 September, 1587. 4 pp. Signed. [Ibid. XVIII. f. 63.]
Sept. 13. EDWARD BURNHAM to WALSINGHAM.
Acknowledges receipt from Page, the post, of a letter enclosing two others, written by Ortel's advice to Bernevelt and Mandemaker, which shall be delivered. Has informed the Princess of Orange of the letter of credit received from Walsingham for 300l. to accomplish John de Castillie's ransom, who is so sick of a flux that it is feared he will die, so decided not to deliver the message or letter until he saw some hope of recovery, for fear it might make him worse. The princess told him of the capture by the garrison of Bargen of one Torry, a high Borgonian gentleman, Champagney's sister's son, who of himself offers to get M. de Telligni released for him. Parma's secretary, one Grimaldi, was taken with him. If this is brought to pass the money paid for Castillye may be recovered and he released ; but it will not be good to release him until the other is certain. The dukes of Savoy and Lorraine have offered M. de la Noue to deal with the duke of Parma for his son, but he expects the articles will be hard and would rather be bound to Walsingham and the English. Lord Willoughby hath made the princess great promises to bring this to pass. Sir William Russel hath been sick of these new agues, but is now beginning to recover. Is going towards Holland to-morrow to deliver the letters to the Lord General and will not fail to solicit the business of Sir Philip Sidney.—Flushing, 13 September, 1587. Sends a packet from the princess to Mr. Jeffroy, enclosing letters from her to M. de la Noue. 2 pp. Sign. Add. Endd. [Holland XVIII. f. 66.]
Sept. 13. DE LOO to BURGHLEY.
Acknowledges letters of the last of August and first inst. and rejoices at the queen's decision to send the deputies to Bergen before Michaelmas, which he communicated to the Duke. Next morning the duke sent for him, and was much pleased with the queen's resolution ; although he said that the slow procedure made him doubt her perfect devotion ; he having already so long held back his army, with loss of time, and great expense, to prove to her how much he wished to serve her. And now (he added) so many men were on their way, he should be forced to send them somewhere. De Loo said he hoped the happiness of the ending would be a recompense for the delay and prayed him to forget the past. The duke said he had done all he could and if the Queen had been as willing they would not be where they are ; in the meantime he could not omit taking order for the army now coming ; or trust longer to words alone, repeating what he has said before, especially in his long talk with me in February, showing always a firm disposition for peace, notwithstanding the very sufficient occasions given him (as he said) to act otherwise ; with which this discourse came to an end. Sends the safe-conduct in the form desired, his Highness having declared that he had nothing to do with the wording of the former one, but left it to the Secretary, as he had other things to think of, in that or in anything else he did not want anything that did not please the queen. He drew attention to his aim to do good to these countries, and to satisfy England also, by negotiating freely together for the saving of so much blood. His Highness is amazed about the copies of the safe-conduct which have been seen in Holland and Rome, as nothing that the letters of the Earl of Leicester contain touching the treaty has been sent with his knowledge. As to Sir Francis Drake, and the ships being forbidden to go to sea, his Highness replied that it is well, but that it would have been better if this Drake had not gone at all, seeing the great harm he has done. From the Earl of Leicester nothing is heard, nor of his sending any one to the Duke, but his Highness says he he is notified from Holland that his Excellency was about to embark for England, which appears very strange, and what the Duke said at the siege of l'Escluse, that he could not treat of a suspension of arms except with some one who had authority from her Majesty, made that the time to treat together for an honourable peace. For the rest the Duke will be most ready to consent to all that may reasonably be demanded of him, but so much talk and nothing done makes one almost despair ; however we shall soon (by God's aid) be free from all this difficulty. As to the King of Denmark, his Highness merely said the King had written that his deputies were ready to go where her Majesty should be pleased to appoint, and if she has notified to him the time and place all is well. I do not think there is need to say any more and still less to send him a safe-conduct, leaving it to her Majesty to do what pleases her. And unless my memory fails me, when we were on this subject before your lordship bid me take notice that they cared little whether this King meddled much in it, seeing that the business had already taken another course, whereby he might excuse himself for disliking it ; of which disposition I judge him still to be. Thus, by what I understand even if that King do not send, it would not do any harm. Touching the commission which these deputies will have to show, the Duke has the fullest authority from the King (M. de Champagney having more than once told me that his Highness had shown it to him) to make peace himself or by those employed by him, in the name of the King and whatever the deputies shall conclude, his Highness himself will confirm and binding himself to have it ratified by the King his master, so that there need be no scruple about this matter. Thus her Majesty and your lordship may rest quite at ease that the Duke will so act as to give entire satisfaction, who above all things has it at heart inviolably to keep what he has promised. What more can be desired? the controversy has gone so far already that a very short time will show how things will end. I doubt not but all will go well, and your lordship shall see the new and happy world which will arise, from this peace. If I have been too prolix your lordship will pardon me, I will only say in conclusion : Claudite jam rivulos pueri, sat prata bibere. The Duke intends certainly within the set time to have his deputies ready.—Brussels, 13 September, 1587, stilo antico. Add. Endd. by Burghley as "rec. 18.7 bris at Otland." Italian. 4 pp. [Flanders I. f. 338.]
Sept. 13. DE LOO to BURGHLEY.
Copy of his letter of Sept. 8, with postscript added on the 13th, renewing his supplications on behalf of Martin de la Faille, in which he is joined by the latter's disconsolate wife and twenty children.—Brussels, 13 September, 1587, stilo antico. Add. Endd. by Burghley with both dates. Italian. [Flanders I. f. 330.]
Sept. 15. SIR W. RUSSELL to WALSINGHAM.
Thanks for his pains taken for the service of that garrison. Some talk of a good agreement between H. E. and the Estates, but things so uncertain that dare not write it for news.—Flushing, 15 September, 1587. Signed. Add. Endd. ½ p. [Holland XVIII. f. 78.]

Footnotes

1 Juan Cortez ; his examination is among the Cotton MSS, at the British Museum. Galba D ii., 47.