Gutch's Collectanea Curiosa, ii. 268.
|555. All Souls' College, Oxford.|
|Robert Woodward, warden, and the fellows of All Souls College, to
Agnes, abbess, John, confessor-general, and the sisters and brothers of the
monastery of Syon.|
|Make them participators in all their divine offices, prayers, fasts, indulgences, &c. and promise to perform exequies on being informed of the
death of any of them, as for their benefactors. In the great hall of the
College, 26 March 1536.|
|556. James Lathe to Cromwell.|
|I have received the King's letters and yours, dated the Rolls, 27 Feb.,
and called before me all the bailiffs and tenants in debt to the bishop of
St. David's at the time of his death; taken bonds of some, while some claim
white books, saying they ought not to pay by reason of the death of the
Bishop. I have taken surety of them to appear at the session. Some of
the money was due at Michaelmas last, and some a year or two before, as
will appear by the names sent. I have viewed all the effects of the Bishop
and put them in safe keeping. Lantefey, the manor place of the late bishop
of St. David's, 26 March. Signed.|
P. 1. Add.: Secretary. Sealed.
|557. Harry Huttoft to Cromwell.|
|When the last galleys were here I desired to know your pleasure for
all such goods as had been accustomed to come from Flanders in hoys, to be
laden here in ships without paying custom. You desired that a stay should
be made till the King's pleasure were known. Since then none have come.
Now there is one with cloth and iron to load a ship for the Levant. Are
they to pay custom? I have already informed you that the King's money
for Plymouth has been all paid except 50l. Money will be brought in from
the country for the King, which might serve for the purpose. There is
much talk here of the suppression of religious houses. Let me be a suitor
for one, viz., the house of Motffunt, where there is a good friend of mine
with as good a master and convent as is in the country. If none are to be
reserved, but all must pass one way, please to let me have it towards my poor
living, "as the others shall be determined." 26 March.|
Hol., pp. 2. Add.: Secretary. Endd.
|558. John Husee to Lord Lisle.|
|Hopes to make some arrangement about the 400l. for tomorrow.
Will send the writings from Dover. Cannot get more than a year's respite.
Hopes that a sum of money will be gained by Lisle's letter to the King.
Norris has been at Greenwich seven days. Cannot yet meet with Walter
Chaundler. "He is a very crafty fellow, and much borne by Mr. Comptroller." Sends lord Monagyw's letter. As to the contents of Lisle's letter
by Goodall, "there is no fear but Snowden shall to Mr. Porter's use still
enjoy his room." Has ordered his hosen and under-hosen. Nothing can be
done in my Lady's affairs with lord Daubeney till the book be sent. Parliament will be dissolved. Will be at Dover on Wednesday. London,
Hol., p. 1. Sealed. Add.
|559. John Husee to Lady Lisle.|
|Mr. Basset is merry, and learns like a diligent student. I have shown
Mr. Danastre that my Lord and you will retain him of your counsel at 40s.
fee. If your book of the indenture had been here, we might have known
ere this what might have been done in the extremity. Let it be sent with
all speed—at least that I may have it at Dover. George Rolle wrote his
mind to you and my Lord, but the surest way would be to redeem the lands
and take it in fee-farm. Lord Daubny may sell wood at Bekynholt and
Warham as he pleases, and your Ladyship has the annuity of 26s. 8d.
Geo. Rolle will do his best to find the office. I have been at lord Dawbney's
several times, but cannot yet meet with Seller. Your Ladyship's woman has
made me half a grant. I think she will be with you by Easter. And
where the lady Whetehill has behaved so unlike a gentlewoman towards my
Lord and you, I never expected other, for dissimulation and cloaked malice
cannot be long hidden; but they will certainly be disappointed. I would
have sent your kirtle by Fyssher, but Worley (fn. 1) would not deliver it till he
hear from you. I cannot tell what he means. Touching all other matters
I hope to write from Dover. London, 26 March.|
Hol., p. 1. Add.
|560. John Davy to John Tovy.|
|Directs him to get a new certificate made of the lading of certain
ships, viz., the Anne, of Calais, Robt. Johnson, master; the Katharine, of
Calais, John Foull; the Gregory, of Harwich, Edw. Colyng; the Erasmus
of Harwich, John Ollyffe; the Anne, of Colchester, Wm. Abell; the Mary
and John, of London, . . . . Hewester; laden with wine and haberdashery.
Rone, 26 March 1536.|
|I intend to send your ship to London, because I doubt to go into
Hol., pp. 2. Add.: John Tovy, sowdyoure, off Calys.
|561. Jehan de Tovar to Lord Lisle.|
|I have not written to you for a long time having, been absent from
my garrison. Since my return I have heard of some difference that has
arisen at sea between English war vessels (battiaus de geirre) and some of
Flanders, for which the Queen and all the servants of the Emperor are very
sorry, but as the thing has fallen out without any order from the princes, it
can be arranged. I send a copy of a letter of a wicked priest who wished to
sell the town of Airres in company with others. He has been put in prison,
and has betrayed a number of treasons practised by the French, which have
caused the French king to put his army immediately (oisy tois, qu. aussitot?)
in the field. Of this I hope to give you more information shortly. Gravelines
castle, 26 March 1536. Signed.|
Fr., p. 1. Add.
|562. Nunnery of Minster in Sheppey.|
|Inventory taken at the monastery of Syxborough, Isle of Sheppy,
Kent, by Sir Thomas Chenye, Sir Wm. Hawte, and Ant. Sentleger.
27 March 27 Hen. VIII.|
|The more interesting items are as follows:—|
|In the church:—"First, in the upper part of the choir one pix of silver parcel [gilt],
with the sypers for the same, and one pix, silver and gilt, with . . . . . rings thereon."
A "cross of silver gilt, with the Crucifix, Mary and John . . . . . silver and gilt, socketed
for a staff." 4 altar cloths of linen, with fronts for above and beneath, of linen, "with
crosses red and blue for the Lent." A painted cloth of the Resurrection and other
furniture of the altar. "A great Lent cloth of linen to draw overthwart the choir in the
Lent." One image of Our Lady in alabaster. One great candlestick of "latynn." A
pair of portatives. A front for an altar, of green satin "bryges," embroidered with gold
a foot broad. In the shrine, a coffer; and another little shrine, of timber, gilt, "full of relics
in purses of silk." A plain coffer of ivory, and a box of bone containing relics. An old
sleeve of St. Syxborow, with 18 pieces of silver therein. "2 hangings of verders for the
sides of the choir, with arms of the Norwoods for the whole length of the choir." 3 books
with 2 silver "clapses" apiece, 6 with one silver 'clapse" apiece, and in the choir 50
books. A cloth for the prioress, "set of verders with white roses and lilies."|
|In the vestry:—An old pax of timber, covered with silver and set with old stones.
4 altar cloths of diaper, and 2 of saye, with 2 curtains of silk. A priest's surplice. Cushions,
altar cloths, and other cloths, one of "coper bawdekyn," to bear over the sacrament.
Seven score books. A pair of latyn censers, and a shyp of latyn to the same.|
|St. Katherine's ile:—An altar cloth, a front for the altar of St. Katharine, of
"alblaster," and 2 rood cloths.|
|Our Lady chapel:—Besides altar cloths and priests' vestments various:—A painted
table of Our Lady in the little chapel. 22 flowerdelice and 11 flowers embroidered
of lukes gold on canvas. "4 old tapestry cloths with Norwod's arms for the kneeling
stools, and an old bankar of red and blue tapestry." A branch candlestick of five lights
of latin, and a hanging lamp of latin. A coffer with stuff belonging to St. John's chapel in
|[In . . . . . . ?]:—2 old mytars for St. Nicholas, of fustian broidered. A cope of red
bawdekin. A half arm and hand, of wood, covered with silver; and a press full of old
books "of no value."|
|In the body of the church:—2 fronts of alblaster and 2 of timber painted. 9 images
of alblaster. A painted cloth afore the Rode loft.|
|The great chamber in the dorter:—Altar and other cloths, among them 3 houseling
towels, and a cross cloth with the image of St. Syxborow embroidered thereon. "A pix
of byrall set in silver and gilt, with relics therein, and set with stones." A pix of silver and
parcel-gilt, with a relic of St. Thomas of Canterbury. A pix of silver, and one of horn
set in silver. 3 small crosses of silver and gilt, set with stones. A bone of St. Blase, set in
silver and gilt with stones. A little coffer of ivory, bound with silver and gilt, and in it a
coffer of silver parcel gilt. 11 owches of silver, some gilt. A signet of silver, and a
little bottle, of copper and gilt. 10 corporasses and 9 cloths. A lector table of ivory
finely wrought, and another of timber. 1 cope vestment for a deacon and sub-deacon
embroidered, of gold of Venys and Sy [pers]. A vestment for a priest, deacon, and su[bdeacon], of blue velvet, broidered with stars of gold; and 10 other items. Belonging to
dame Agnes Davye: a sparver, feather bed, &c., a cupboard, a pair of tongs, and a fire pan.|
|Dame Agnes Bownes chamber:—Stuff given her by her friends. A feather bed, &c.
A goblet of silver parcel gilt. A masor with a brim of silver and gilt. A little piece of
silver. A spoon of silver, &c.|
|In the chambers of Marg. . . . ocks, Dorothy Toplyve, Anne Loneden, Eliz. Stradlyng,
Anne Clifford, Marg. Ryvers, and Ursula Gosbore, sub-prioress, are feather beds, &c.,
with pewter plate.|
|The frayter, containing a little flat piece of silver and a masor with brim of silver gilt,
spoons, platters, &c. (11 items). The hall: 3 dormant tables, chairs, hangings, &c.
(8 items). The parlor: (8 items, one "a little clock, a book of saints' lives, and a little
round table.") Second parlor: (6 items.) The buttery within the parlour: (3 items, one
"a flat salt of pewter and 9 kilderkins.")|
|My lady prioress's chamber:—The whole hanging of green saye, a trussing bed, feather
bed, sheets, &c. A basin and ewer of silver, the basin parcel gilt. A pottell pot, of silver,
parcel-gilt. A standing cup, chalice wise, with cover gilt and enamelled. 2 standing
cups, standing masor, 2 goblets, 2 salts, and a gilt nut, all in silver. 13 spoons of Christ
and the Twelve Apostles, one gilt, and the rest silver, with images gilt. 2 dozen silver
spoons. 4 masors. 4 "pair of coral bedes, containing in all lviii. pase gawdy . . . . . ."|
|In the chamber within, called the "Styllyng chamber," and in the chamber within that,
are 13 items of bedroom furniture. In the maidens' chamber: 2 feather beds, &c., a
great carved chest with old evidences, &c. In the great buttery: 2 basins and ewers, a
pottell pot and salt of pewter, 3 old chests, 4 old hogsheads, a leather pot and wooden
tankard, a great buttery knife, and a little bell. In the nether and upper kitchens, 11 items.
In the "confessor's chamber" over the gate house, hangings, feather beds (2), a chair,
a form, and a "creper" of iron for the chimney. In 5 other chambers, amongst them the
stewards' and the porters' lodge: bedroom furniture. In the storehouse by the cheesehouse,
by guess, 1,000 lathe and 800 paving tile. The vicar's chamber. The chamber next the
same. The chamber at Preston Hawle. The Lady chamber. In the bakehouse, a horse
mill and 3 other items. The brew-house. The bulting-house. The milk-house.
[Gray]ne in the [gar]ners:—Wheat, malt, barley, oats, tares; 50 acres of wheat, ready
sown, with half a quarter on every acre in seed time; 6 acres of beans, 4 of peas, 7 of
oats, and 4 of tares; 36 acres of fallow for barley, and 50 for wheat, next year; 8 score
load of hay.|
|Cattle:—5 country oxen and 4 western oxen, fat, four of the former sold for 8l. 10s.;
18 lean oxen, workers; 12 lean steers, 28 yearlings, 38 kine, 10 sold for 13s. 4d. apiece;
27 calves, 5 horses, 6 geldings and a horse and 5 mares, 43 hogs. Sheep:—wethers and
rams, 430 "at five score to the hundred;" bearing ewes, 700; twelvemonthings, 635;
lambs, 560. Ploughs, wains, and other stuff of husbandry. In the belfry, a bell standing
on the ground. Names of servants in wages:—Mr. Eglestone, Mr. Whyte, John Cocks,
butler, and 35 others, with their duties and amount of wages; amongst them Sir John
Lorymer, curate of the parish church, at 3l. 16s. 8d. a year, Sir John Ingram, and Sir
Thos. Feldar, chaplains, at 3l. 3s. 4d., and John Gayton, shepherd, at 53s. 4d. "and no
|Sir John Lorymer, parish priest, says that on Ascension Day last there were 7 chalices
on the altar, whereof 3 are lacking at the day of taking the inventory; and on Relic
Sunday there were other things shown, now lacking. Found since the inventory a plain
"pece" of silver, with the top gilt, and a dozen silver spoons.|
Pp. 15. Endd.: The Mynstre in Shepey.
|563. Ric. Southwell and Robt. Hogen to Cromwell.|
|John Deriche, of Byrcheham Well in Norfolk, who indicted Mr. Jenney
less than a year past for riot, by the name of Christopher Jenney, King's
serjeant-at-law, has now spoiled the house of Marham nunnery, in Norfolk,
of all the lead, &c., and left the house uncovered and bare. Over and besides
the presumption of the trespass, which is very lewd and of evil example, it
encourages others to do the like without waiting for the King's licence.
The nunneries also of Blackeboroughe, Sholdham, and Crabhowse make away
with all they can, and make such pennyworths, as they are not able to pay
any part of their debts, so that all the goods will be dispersed. Derriche is
now in London, and makes labour to you to have part of these houses in
|We beseech your favor for the prior of Pentneye, assuring you that he
relieves those quarters wondrously where he dwells, and it would be a pity
not to spare a house that feeds so many indigent poor, which is in a good
state, maintains good service, and does so many charitable deeds. We
hear that great labour will be made unto the King for the same, and large
offers, the rather because the house is new made throughout, and no house in
the shire stands so commodiously. If you will prevent it, your labour will
not be without remembrance. Est Bradenham, where, by the desire of my
"neypere" Hoggenn and his good wife, my son and I, and our whole
train, were merry, wanting nothing for our entertainment. 27 March
27 Hen. VIII. Signed.|
|Please have in remembrance our suit for our old friend Mr. Robersarte for
the house of Coxworthe, in Norfolk. I have written to my brother Robt.
Southwell, beseeching you to judge what you will do therein for the said
In Southwell's hand. Pp. 3. Add. Endd.
|564. Richard Abbot of Winchcombe to Cromwell.|
|It has pleased the King to direct his letters for a lease of our pastures
of Frawntun to Edmund Conyngesby, of his chamber, to have the same to
him and his assigns for 50 years. Please remember the bargain that is betwixt us and Sir John Aleyn, knight and mayor of London, for our "ooles"
(wools) for years to come, at a price certain, upon pain of forfeiture of our
lordship of Shurburne. If we sell our leas and pastures where we breed
our lambs, we cannot perform our contract. Please inform the King of this,
and suffer us to hold our pastures or dissolve our bargain. Wynchelcombe,
Hol., p. 1. Add.: Secretary.
|565. Moryson to Starkey.|
|Agreeable and kindly as your letters have always been to me, in these
last you have surpassed yourself in goodness and in zeal. My joy and
thanks cannot contain themselves. They burst the banks, flood the fields
of my friends; letters fly about, and the more witnesses I have of my felicity
the more it grows. I know not what more I could have asked than that a
man so highly distinguished as the Secretary should declare his regard for
me. To be praised by one whose influence with the King is so unbounded
is greater than any actual benefit. How much can circumstances do,
especially in conferring a favor! "Ante cænam, statim a lectis litteris, non
rogatus, sponte numeravit; interea cænæ, grata nostri ab eo facta mentio,
qua voluptate me perfundit!" Will abate no exertion henceforth to
cultivate his friendship. Who will not love the man whom you so praise in
your letters to me, to Harvell, and to the accomplished Pole? I commit
myself entirely to him in these letters, which I entrust to you to deliver.
If he thinks of calling me from Italy to his house, I trust you will see (if it
do not occur to himself) that I shall have money enough both for the journey
and for the purchase of those Greek books which you know are either not
procurable or very dear in England. By repaying borrowed money, and
not even all of that, I leave myself nothing. "Angeli, veluti legatione
defuncti, prorsus abierunt. Cum D. Wyntero age. Nosti cætera." Remembrances to Thomyou. It is rumoured 5 millions of gold are on their way to
the Emperor from the New World; but the Neapolitans, daily vexed with
new exactions, will hardly believe it. Unless some one has seen it I shall
not believe it myself. Venice, vi. Cal. April.|
Hol., Lat., p. 1. Begins: Etsi semper alias . . . . doctiss. Starchæe.
|566. Thos. Raynolde, priest, to Lady Lisle.|
|Commendations to lord Lisle. Mr. James, her son, is well. Has
received her letters by Lelgrave's servant, and wrote back by him. Has
sought Mr. Hardy three or four times, but can hear nothing from him. Asks
for her further pleasure concerning the conveyance of her son, in case
Mr. Hardy speed not. Paris, 27 March.|
|Mr. Boclere and Mr. Bekynsaw desire to be commended to her and lord
Hol., p. 1. Add.: At Calais.
|567. Anthony Budgegode to Cromwell.|
|Among a "great sort which of your goodness and charity you have
holpen," I beg to be remembered with some poor living in my old days,—
not like the life I have led these 20 years, as your mastership knows. My
chief living which I had of you, the farm of Hampstoles, is now enclosed
into the park of red deer of Berkeley. It has cost me 20l. to sue it out of
lord Berkeley's hands, and in recompence I ask you to help me to "one of
the Priorys of Selles (qu. or Cells ?)," which it is said are to be suppressed,
to have in farm for like years. There are three houses in this country, viz.,
Stanley, Derest, and St. James in Bristowe, of which I should like one. I
would sue to you myself, but am appointed by your nephew to see the said
enclosure. Berkeley, 27 March.|
Hol., p. 1. Add.: Secretary. Endd.
|568. Thos. Leygh to Lady Lisle.|
|Sent her a letter lately by Mr. Cave, one of the company of the
Staple. Since then, has received a letter from Peter Bate, Mr. Fouler's
servant, saying that lady Lisle wishes to have the ring she sent since he was
last at Calais. It is therefore enclosed. Is content to wait till May for the
money she owes him. Desires to be recommended to lord Lisle. Hopes to
be at Calais at Easter, or shortly after. Calais (sic), 27 March 1536.|
Hol., p. 1. Add.: At Calais.
|569. Loys de Renty to Lord Lisle.|
|Writes again to beseech lord Lisle not to repair the bridges broken
by the English to prevent passage into the county of Artois. Had written
before to show the great injury done to those of Bredenarde by the French
by means of these bridges, while the English have direct passage by Boutz,
Ardre, Pays de l'Angle, and otherwise. The English adjoining Bredenarde
are very urgent that he should write about it. St. Omer, 27 March 1536.
Fr., p. 1. Add.
Add. MS. 8,715, f. 229. B. M.
|570. Bishop of Faenza to Mons. Ambrogio.|
|The English are beginning to bind themselves somewhat more with
the French (stringersi un poco piu con questi), and, as the world goes round
in this way, confidence between them will return. The bishop of Winchester
is most desirous of his King returning to the right road, and he made this
book under compulsion, not having the strength to suffer death patiently,
which was ready for him. The other ambassador, who is his friend (tutto
suo), and without fail the best of Christians, and a great friend of Faenza's,
desires this more than life. Perhaps God will open the way to some good
work, and the more, as seeing the Pope's neutrality preserved with such
courage and virtue. The Imperial ambassador has said that the Emperor
will not go to Rome, but stay in the kingdom (Naples).|
Ital. Modern copy, pp. 3. Headed: Al medesimo. Da Mont Plaisant
li 27 Marzo 1536.
|571. John Bruce and John Pypho, bailiffs of Ipswich, to
Sir Humphrey Wingfield.|
|A friar's concubine, as we esteem her, has come to Ipswich and
brought nine letters from a friar in Canterbury, purporting matter, as we
consider, not very good. We send them to you. It appears that the said
friar is he that fled for robbing Mrs. Townysende, of which we suppose you
had some knowledge at your last being in Suffolk. We send also the bill
she brought with her of the names of the towns she should resort to.
Yepiswiche, 28 March. Signed.|
P. 1. Add.
|572. Sir Francis Brian to Cromwell.|
|Since his last, by Ric. Greneway, divers persons have solicited him
for leases of different farms belonging to the abbeys in the Act of Suppression, for which he has been offered much money. Desires Cromwell's
advice what to do therein. It is as meet you to have the profit as any man.
There are in Northamptonshire two priories called Ashby, a house of canons,
and a nunnery, within the Act. Suggests they might be stayed till the terms
of the exchange between the King and Serjeant Knightley are arranged.
Would like the abbey of Bykellsdon for himself, as it adjoins the forest, and
the King's game might be injured by another man. Begs Cromwell will
remember him for that and Dallapraye. Left a memorandum with Mr. Ric.
Cromwell. Wolbarton, 28 March. Signed.|
P. 1. Add.: Mr. Secretary. Endd.
|573. T. Warley to Lady Lisle.|
|Received her letter today from Buck, lord Edmund's servant, bidding
him send the kirtle and sleeves given by the Queen, by Goodale. Had
already given it to Hussey, with three yards of black satin for lord Lisle's
doublet. As to her desiring him to take 20s. from Hussey to reward those
in the Queen's wardrobe, Hussey says Mr. Taylour wishes no reward to be
given. Has delivered the casket of steel and "flower" to Mrs. Margery
Horsman. She was right glad of it, and said it would serve to keep her
jewels in. Encloses a gold cramp ring, which she gave him for lady Lisle.
Has not seen Mr. Receiver since her letter. Since coming to London has
received a letter of lady Lisle from Hussey, dated 17 March; another, dated
25 March, by Bucke; and one from lord Lisle, dated 18 March. No news but
that the abbeys shall down. The King's solicitor, Mr. Riche, is made general
surveyor, and Mr. Pope, the Lord Chancellor's servant, the general receiver.
Great fees are allowed them. There will be eight other receivers, who will
have during their lives, 20l. a year, 10l. for the carriage of every 1,000l., their
costs and charges borne. Edward Waters, Mr. Gunston's brother-in-law, is
one, and Freman, the King's goldsmith, another. Does not know the rest,
nor who will be auditors. It is said the King will ride North to meet the king
of Scots. Received from Bucke a packet of letters from lord Lisle. Delivered
them to Mr. Secretary, who incontinently read them. It is an evil time for
suitors, as the King and his Council have so many matters in hand daily.
Begs her to ask lord Lisle to write in his behalf to the Lord Chancellor, that
he may have expedition in his suit. London, 28 March.|
Hol., p. 1. Add.: At Calais.
|574. Lwen Maes, Captain, to Lord Lisle.|
|Is captain of a small galleon of Newport. There has come on
shore at Zundcote, near Dunkirk, in the late storm, a boat of one of your
ships of war. Neufport, 28 March 1536.|
Hol, Fr., p. 1. Add.
|575. Charles V. to [Chapuys].|
|We received only yesterday, the 28th, your letters of St. Matthias'
Day, relating your conversations with Cromwell about the establishment of
amity with us; and although you doubt, with good reason, that all Cromwell
has said to you was only with a view to his master's profit with the French,
nevertheless, perhaps, things being as they are at present, means might be
found at this juncture to withdraw the King from his grave error, relieve
the Princess from her danger and the realm from confusion, and at the same
time get the better of the king of France, who is the chief cause of all this
mischief. This would be all the more important now, considering the unjust
attack made by Francis on the duke of Savoy, his own uncle, occupying his
country beyond the mountains, except what he has instigated those of
Berne, Fribourg, and the Valisiens to take. This has caused many enormities and scandals against the Church, and all has been done by Francis
from dislike of the amity shown by the Duke and Duchess to us, and in the
hope of obtaining Milan by force, or compelling us to dispose of it according
to his wish, even while he was negociating with us, and notwithstanding that
his ambassador had several times expressly assured us that his master would
undertake nothing by force, especially against the duke of Savoy. And
although we hope to resist them, and Milan is very well provided, yet there
could hardly be a better time to bring about the above effects; and whatever
may have been the past dissimulation of the king of England and his ministers,
yet there is a great probability now of their coming to treat, considering
what Cromwell has said to you and the great indignation of the English
against the French, which his words imply. Besides, we hear from France
that the French complain openly of the king of England, and say they
expect no assistance from him. Moreover, Wallop has spoken lately to
Likkerke, although in very general terms, in agreement with this, and likewise the English ambassador with us. For these reasons, and the other conversations hitherto held with you and Likkerke, we last wrote to you from
Naples to try and find out if there was any means to renew negociations
with England, so as, if opportunity offered, to hinder the kings of France and
England from a closer alliance, or England assisting Francis in his enterprise.
And since the overture has been made on the side of the king of England
you must use all possible dexterity, seeing that it is so important to conduct
this good work aright. And considering how it affects us and our said cousin,
and the whole of Christendom, that you may know our mind more particularly, we take up the points of your proposals to Cromwell, on which it
seems to us that his answer is not much amiss.|
|1. As to the withdrawal of the king of England from the Church of Rome:
it is truly a matter of great importance, and it may be feared that the King
will be the more obstinate from fear of the world, and even of his subjects;
and the more he is wedded to his own opinions, and needs to be reconciled
to the Church, as you may see opportunity, you must use such arguments as
you think useful, both as to the danger of conscience, the division and confusion that might arise in his realm, and the manifest danger thereof if the
Pope were to proceed further to the execution of the censures already fulminated and to deprive him of his title, demanding the assistance of Christian
princes; and that whatever might occur he and his adherents could not be
without continual anxiety; and even if he could maintain what he had
begun it would be with great danger and difficulty during his life, and afterwards there would ensue troubles, which it would be better to avoid, securing
both himself and his kingdom, either by referring the decision to the Council,
or trusting to our mediation with the Pope, on which he may rely, to put
matters on an honorable footing. If you could also try and discover the
means which he would agree to, it would be time gained, and it is probable
he would choose this last rather than bind himself either to the Council or
to our arbitration. This also we should prefer ourselves, as otherwise he
would do all he could to hinder the Council, and even if he consented to its
convocation he would adhere to the other heretics, rendering a general
remedy more difficult; whereas, by treating privately with the said King, we
could the more easily negociate with the Pope. As the causes of his present
perplexity are the sentence given at Rome on the divorce, and the particular
interests of the kingdom as regards annates and other dues of the Church; as
to the first, it might cease in treating of what concerns our cousin the
Princess, and as to the second some declaration might be made touching the
said annates and other dues; and even as regards the authority of the Church
of England, the King might be persuaded that the matter would be determined to his honor and the weal of his kingdom. You will do in all this
what you think most judicious, putting forward everything as of yourself
and by way of inquiry whether such a thing can be done, without giving any
assurance on our part until we know to what the King will agree, for it is a
matter on which we can give no pledge to the prejudice of the Church
without the Pope's consent; but you may declare that we will do our best
for the honor of the King and realm. And if in the end you see no
hope of withdrawing him from his error, you must still sift his intentions
as to the other points to the bottom, provided you do not bind us to maintain
his error; for, sooner than break off the treaty at this juncture, although it
were unwillingly, we would consent to leave this point out in order to carry
the others, which we think would in the end bring him right, otherwise
things will go from bad to worse. You will also ascertain, as far as you can,
the intention of the King as to the said Council, in which he ought to make
no difficulty in case matters were discussed concerning the Pope and Princess
|2. As to the second point, touching our said cousin, care must be taken: in
the first place, not to treat anything to the prejudice of the late Queen's
honor, or of her legitimacy and right of succession; but that whatever be
treated be to the end that, as you have rightly proposed, the Princess may
be declared legitimate, and her right of succession expressly reserved; and
if the King will not consent to this, to put the matter at least in suspense,
leaving the rights of the Princess as they may be until after the death of the
King, by marrying her to some suitable person with an honorable provision
|In this three things are to be considered:—(1.) That in that case
nothing more can be done for her advantage during her father's life, and
she can take no action with good conscience against her father even for
redress of the injuries done to her late mother, even if her life was
"advancée sinestrement," as is suspected; and if the sentence of the divorce
were pursued, to make the King give up his concubine, he might marry
another, whereas it is certain he could have no issue from the concubine to
hinder the succession of the Princess. (fn. 2) And as one of the principal points
which the King will think of with regard to our said cousin, and also the
concubine and her adherents, will be to whom they will marry her, and
it is important also to treat of it as a principal point in order to with
draw our said cousin even for her surety, as well as for the security of
further negociations, you will endeavour discreetly to discover to what
match the king of England leans; and, as of yourself, and in such wise that
no one can presume it is part of your charge, you may suggest Don Loys of
Portugal, our brother-in-law, who was lately with us in the Tunis expedition, and do your best to recommend it either to the King or Cromwell.
He is, in truth, the person who, among all others, seems best suited both for
the Princess herself and for the King and his realm, and the concubine and
her adherents ought to be less suspicious of him as the Portuguese are good
neighbours and not quarrelsome, as you may suggest; but it must be with a
suitable dowry. (2.) By this means the Princess might be drawn out of the
kingdom, rescued from continual danger of her life, and allied with a person
of suitable quality; and, when the time came, might be assisted by her allies
in obtaining her right; and if issue came of the marriage, especially male
issue, it would be a great occasion to her father to recall her and her
children into the kingdom, if he is satisfied with the treaty we shall make
together, and the good offices we shall continue to do him. And (3),
although it be a good thing to bring back the King to his allegiance to the
Church, even though the Church forbear some of her rights and profits, and
also to withdraw our cousin out of the realm, yet we cannot do prejudice
in the future either to the one or to the other, and means may be found
hereafter of putting the said Church in full possession of her rights,
especially if our said cousin succeed to the Crown; and she also, before
leaving England, cannot make any treaty which can prejudice her, since
everyone knows in what fear and danger she is kept. Moreover, although
the Concubine might not agree to either the one or the other of the above
means (the declaration or suspension),—which she and all her adherents
ought to think a great advantage, to be relieved from the fear and danger
they are continually in,—and though she put forth further claims in behalf
of her daughter and other children that she might have, yet you should not
break off negotiations on this account, but ascertain in this also to what she
will agree, and, after making such representations to her as you think fit,
say you will refer to us. If you find her demands too exorbitant you may
use Cromwell's help, if he can and will do what he has promised, and use all
possible dexterity to make the most advantageous terms for her that you
can; and if there be anything that requires to be kept secret from the said
Concubine or her adherents "il s'en usera selon ce."|
|And if perchance the king of England should wish to marry anew, you are
not to dissuade it, if it be with good conscience and if it facilitate the treaty,
seeing that neither our cousin nor we can hinder it; and it would be better
for our said cousin, as showing the justice of her late mother and herself, and
lead to her being better treated; and, provided the match were honorable,
we would not forbear to aid him through the medium of the said treaty.|
|3. As to the third point, of the assistance against the Turk: we doubt
not that, as Cromwell has said to you, if we could arrive at some understanding on the above two points, the king of England would contribute to it
willingly, as he will have the means, from the great sums which we understand he has obtained from the Church, and which he could not apply to a
better purpose; and you may continue to ascertain what assistance he would
give, letting him understand that we should be very glad if he could devote
himself to it personally; but we know well how much his presence is
required in his kingdom, so far removed from this coast, where the forces
would have to be employed against the Turk, and that it would be almost
impossible for him to leave the kingdom for such a long time.|
|4. As to the last point, of making a league offensive and defensive:
although it seems to depend on the other three, yet it is none the less
principal and all in all; and we do not see how any good can be done
without treating expressly that the King should declare himself on our side
against Francis, except the mere gain of time in which England shall not
assist France. And it appears to us that, if the indignation of the English
be unfeigned, you may, on communication, find what they are doing with the
French, and what they wish to do, whether for or against them; and you
will accordingly reserve yourself or proceed further; for if they will not
declare themselves against the French, you can temporise on the occasion
of the said communication, but, if you see good ground, you will go on to
ascertain their intentions fully. And if they object to declare themselves
openly on our side by reason of their treaties with France, you shall show
them that those between our houses are more ancient and binding, and their
observance more honorable and necessary to both parties, as also are those
made between the king of England and us, both before, during, and since the
wars; moreover, that the king of England is expressly comprehended in the
treaties of Madrid and Cambray, which Francis has in so many ways
inexcusably violated. Also the said King knows the last treaty made at
Cambray between us, to which we trust the king of England has not
derogated by any others, by which he is bound to declare himself on our
side and take arms against France on account of the said violations,
especially for what the king of France has done in stirring up the duke of
Gueldres against us, and raising war against the King our brother (fn. 3) in the
duchy of Wirtemberg. The King cannot be ignorant of these two points;
indeed, probably no one better knows what has passed, as the French glory
in their ill deeds. And, lastly, putting apart all other great violations, the
French occupation of Savoy is quite inexcusable. It is extraordinary that the
king of England should have been told that we tacitly agreed to what Francis
has done so unjustly against the duke of Savoy, his own uncle, which, it is
evident, was only with a view to occupy Milan. And we are sure Francis
has boasted of it to the king of England, who, by this and other things, has
ample cause, if he will, to declare himself on our side as a party attacked, as
he has taken hostile measures to the above end. Probably he will never
have a better opportunity for declaring himself if he wish to perform the
office of a good ally, and it would be a considerable step to resist the Turk,
whose favor the French king seeks, still trying to stir him up against
Christendom, as the king of England may know. This would give him
sufficient grounds to repudiate all treaties with France, and throw off the
subjection in which Francis has tried to keep him till now by reason of the
divorce, and revenge all the injuries which Cromwell says his master has
continually received from the French. If you are asked on the part of the
king of England, or think it advisable to state for your own part, what
we wish the king of England to do for us, you may say reason requires that
he should openly declare war against Francis in accordance with the said
treaties, and that he should send a good number of men against him, and
that we will on our side give him enough to do, so that he shall be unable to
revenge himself on the other side. And if there be a difficulty in making
the said enterprise, at least he might make the said declaration, since he may
be well assured of the French king, and that we will not fail to assist the
said king of England whenever there is need. If he will not make the said
defiance openly, let him at least notify to the king of France by writing, that,
considering the treaties between us, the said king of England will not
enterprise anything against us; and, for the rest, let him assist us in the war
with a good sum of money, reckoning it, as he may well do, the same as
employing it against the Turk, considering the intelligence between him and
France. Further, let him intimate to Francis that if he attempt anything
against our Low Countries he will assist in their defence, and let him also
treat and promise to do so with such power as he may be advised; let him
abandon all intrigues with Germany and Denmark, and support us and our
brother in the recovery of the latter kingdom for the duke palatine Frederic
and our niece "sa compagne."|
|You are to go on step by step in drawing the King further and more
expressly to declare himself against France, and find out what assistance he
will give; also you will learn, touching all that concerns this league, what
he wishes to do, and to what one can induce him beforehand. If you find
any means or ground, [you may tell them we shall not object] to send your
letters for the King, the duke of Norfolk, or others, or some good personage,
to confirm and testify what you have done. But you must take care to
proceed in such wise that the English may not make their profit of it with
the French, and not give them any writing which they might show as
evidence. We beg you earnestly to use all diligence about this, and let us
know what you do by this same courier whom we send express, paid for his
going and coming. It will not be necessary to send any other, as you have
been persuaded by our said cousin. Gaeta, 28 March 1535.|
Fr. From a modern copy, pp. 14.
|Add. 28,588, f. 232. B. M.||ii. "Capitulos sacados de una carta que escrivio el Emperador a su
embaxador en Ynglaterra desde Gaeta, a xxviii. de Marzo de dxxxvi. antes
que su Magestad viniese a Roma."|
|Consisting of extracts from the preceding letter.|
Sp., pp. 14. Modern copy from the archives of Simancas.
Add. MS. 28,588, f. 239. B. M.
|576. Hannaert to the Empress.|
|* * * The English ambassadors assure him that
their master will not help nor favor the French king in war against the
Emperor. Lyons, 29 March 1536.|
Sp., pp. 4. Modern copy.
R. O. Letters, 321.
|577. Cranmer to Cromwell.|
|Give credence to the bearer, Mr. Champion, my chaplain. Lambeth,
Add.: Mr. Secretary. Endd.
Harl. MS. 1244, f. 160. B. M. Teulet, p. 109.
|578. James V.|
|Treaty for the marriage of Marie de Bourbon, eldest daughter of the
duke of Vendôme, with James V., made at Cremieu, 6 March, and confirmed on 29 March 1535, 22 Fras. I.|
|James's power to John duke of Albany, Jas. earl of Moray, Wm.
bishop of Aberdeen, John lord Erskine, Thos. Erskin of Brechin, principal
secretary, and Robt. abbot of Kinloss, commendatory of Beauly (de Bello
Loco), is dated Stirling, 29 Dec. 1535, 23 Jas. V.|
Copy. Lat., pp. 28.
|30 March.||579. Bishopric of St. David's.|
See Grants in March, No. 53.
Calig. E. i. 40. B. M.
|580. Arthur Lord Lisle to [Cromwell].|
|I lately sent one of my servants on purpose to Amyas, who brought
word that there were 50 men-of-arms there, 50 at Montreuil, and 50 at
Boulogne, always in readiness; that Arras should have been [bet]raied and
sold to Frenchmen by three priests, of whom one is taken and the others
fled. Mons. de Eave, lieutenant of the ho . . . . [of] Flanders, has set a
captain at Burborow, who took musters at Graveling three or four days last
week. All men-of-war in those parts are commanded to their garrisons on
pain of death, "so that it is thought to be w[ar]." A man I had in the
court of Flanders brought me word that the French king had made a great
offer to the duke of Savoy not to oppose his going beyond the mountains;
but he would make no answer without the Emperor's knowledge; "whereupon the Emperor hath desired the duke of S[avoy] to suffer him to pass,—
to what intent is not known." The men-of-war with the Emperor are
4,000 lanceknights, 20,000 Italians, 20,000 Spaniards, 15,000 horsemen;
and it is reported all through Flanders that he is making a great army in
Spain by sea.|
|I understand Sir Ric. Wh[ethill] labors to have it enacted in Parliament
that he may have the first spear's room,—a precedent that was never seen.
The least word from you will stay it. Calais, 30 March. Signed.|
|R. O.||2. Arras was sold to the French, but as the matter was disclosed the
enterprise failed. Heard from a spy of Gravelinghes "that the King's
Majesty should put and beat down the castle there. And when Toward (fn. 4)
was advertised of the same, he caused all the works about the said castle to
be surceased, and hath caused certain bollowarkes to be in hand, to serve for
battery ayenst his ennemys."|
P. 1. Endd.: Spyall news.
|581. Antony de Castelnau, Bishop of Tarbes, to Cromwell.|
|Obtained a licence from the King to import 50 tuns of Gascon wine,
which his uncle, Mons. de Bordeaux, was sending him. Hears now that his
brother-in-law, Mons. de Calonges, sent him 8½ tuns in the same ship; and
as they were not included in the permission, the searchers have seized them.
Asks Cromwell to have them delivered, and offers to pay the custom,
so that there may be no need to speak to the King. London, Bridewell,
30 March. Signed.|
Fr., p. 1. Add.: Mons. le premier Secretaire. Sealed. Endd.
|582. Charles V. to Cromwell.|
|Has been informed by his ambassador in England of their conferences touching the establishment of a good peace, and the goodwill borne
to it by the King and good personages of the realm, which he has confirmed
|Thanks him for his honorable offer. Has charged his ambassador to
confer with him further on the subject. Gaeta, 30 March 1536.|
Fr., from a modern copy, p. 1.
Granvelle Papiers d'Etat, ii. 440.
|583. Charles V. to his Ambassador in France.|
|* * * He does well to entertain the English
ambassador in France. His letters have been safely delivered to the English
ambassador here, who speaks only in general words. He may tell the
English ambassador that the Emperor is writing to his ambassador in
England, and admonish him to continue his present good intentions, and to
keep the matter secret. Gayette, 30 March 1535.|
Corpus Reform., iii. 52.
|584. Melancthon to Joachim Camerarius.|
|Everybody thinks the English ambassadors are stopping here too
long. Cannot leave them, especially as the discussions about docrine are
not finished, in which his assistance is urgently required by both sides.
Supposes they will go soon after Easter. Have not agreed with them about
the divorce. Wonders at Camerarius' letter arguing the point with him.
We think the law of not marrying a brother's widow to be dispensable,
though we do not wish the law to be abolished. There have been no slight
differences about other articles of doctrine, but still there has been agreement
about most. Has hardly time to breathe. 3 Cal. April 1536.|
|Royal MS. 7 C. xvi. 192. B. M.||585. [The German Protestants.]|
|"Certain articles de ecclesia et ministris ecclesiæ de ritibus ecclesiasticis et sacramentorum usu."|
|The churches among us unite in teaching that the decree of the Nicene
synod concerning the unity of the Divine essence and the Three Persons is
true and to be believed, and they condemn all heresies against this article.
The other articles explain what "we" (the Germans) teach concerning the
person of Christ; justification; the ministry of the Gospel and the sacraments; the Church, in which the supremacy of the bishop of Rome is denied,
and also the right to use ceremonies without the authority of the Prince;
baptism, which is necessary for salvation, and to be administered to infants;
the real presence in the Eucharist; the Divine institution of penance; the
necessity of auricular confession, and absolution; that the sacraments are
signs of the grace of God; that no ministers of the Church have the right to
teach or minister the sacraments unless called by those who have the right in
each country, and that no one has the right to officiate in another's diocese
or parish; rites and ordinances of human institution, which are profitable,
are to be observed, as stated festivals, fasts, and prayers; but true worship is
the fear of God, faith, love, &c.; and such rites and ordinances must give
way to the precepts of God in the Scriptures. They are, however, to be
observed in accordance with the Divine precept to obey our superiors.|
Lat., pp. 12. Endd. as above.
|R. O.||586. The Lutherans.|
|Dr. Martyn (Luther), perceiving the abuses "invested" in the bishop
of Rome's laws, has obtained that the whole course of them should be burnt as
unmeet to be taught and learned by Christian men, and likewise that Thomas,
Scotus and others should be no more read in public schools because they
maintained that monarchy.|
|Yet Dr. Martin and his favorers have ever adhered to the Old and New
Testament, as becomes every Christian man to do, and likewise admit the
expositions of Augustine, Jerome, Ambrose, Ciprian, and other ancient
doctors of that kind. They have utterly repelled the books with us called
Legenda Aurea and Vitas Patrum, as trifles and inventions devised to
seduce the people, and bring them into fond follies for the better maintenance
of other fancies, &c.|
|They have made no mention of the order of priesthood, accounting him a
priest or senior who is called and does lawfully administer in the church.
In the administration they admit none of the external ceremonies, and yet
many devise to have a certain admission of those who shall after have
administration in the church. To be better known they will "have crowns
rased in their heads."|
|The mass is not solemnised with the accustomed fashion, and private
masses are abrogated. No man can have place who will say such a mass.
Some among them will admit no mass, but that is proper to the Zuinglians.
Yet they communicate on fixed days after a sermon and singing of holy
psalms, without extern ceremonies, as vestments, humerals, stoles, and such
|The Lutherans partly communicate daily and partly every Sunday at one
altar, when he that is learned and most meet to communicate celebrates a mass.
This is only done when there are men to communicate. If there be, the
minister, apparelled in the accustomed fashion, accompanied by two deacons,
proceeds to the altar, the choir singing somewhat that is holy, in Latin or their
own tongue. There is no mass, collect, sequence, nor suffrage of Our Lady
or any saint, and they think masses for the dead should be also abrogated.
They have put the canon of the mass out of their masses. Instead of the
epistle is read a whole chapter of the epistles in order, and instead of our gospel
a whole chapter of the gospel. If no man will communicate, there is no consecration, but the epistle and gospel are read with certain psalms and hymns
with such like, lauding the mercy of God. Both sexes communicate sub
utraque specie. The consecrated host is never enclosed in a pix or carried
in procession. The feast of Corpus Christi is abolished. When the minister
is called to any sick person, he does not consecrate beforehand, but so that
the patient may hear the words "Hoc est enim corpus meum." Udalrichus,
Zuinglius, Œcolampadius, and others, contrary to Luther, deny the real
presence, affirming it to be but a figure. The Anabaptists are divided on this
point. They all hold that the mass is no sacrifice for quick or dead, but an
abomination and a blasphemy, for that Christ is offered again, who died once
and offered himself on the cross for our sins. Organs, candles, and such
ceremonies are in some places taken away. The sacrament is not elevated,
and the minister is not bound to communicate with the people. In some
places the sacrament is ministered by the minister's hands; in others, the
communicants take it with their own hands. Those who admit the mass
have abolished all oblations, and suffer no profit thereof to come to the
ministers. Besides the mass, which the Lutherans use with hymns, there
are no matins, prime or hours. In some places evensong is used, at which a
chapter in the Bible is read in their own tongue. Certain days in the week
there is a sermon to the young. They affirm that nothing is necessarily
admitted in the Church but the declaration of the Word of God, the
administration of the sacraments, and the information of youth. All other
ceremonies they refuse, unless they manifest the glory of God, give thanks
for his benefits, or, at least, are consonant to his Word. Baptism is used in
the old way, except that the exorcisms are in their own tongue, and the
chrysmatory is disused. Luther and his sect condemn the Anabaptists'
opinions, who consider no adultery nor fornication to be sin, have no property,
suffer no governors, and will not have children christened.|
|They have no respect of confirmation. Extreme unction is forgotten, as the
oil is not reserved in boxes. Auricular confession and penance are disused.|
|Some privately confess to the priest before they communicate, and the
minister instructs them with wholesome doctrine. Absolution is given
openly and generally if there are more than one. Matrimony is reverently
observed, and free to all states and professions. The children of those who
marry after professing another rule are reputed lawful, and they and their
children use such handicrafts to get their living as they think meet. They
use in marriage the usual ceremonies of the Church, and have abrogated the
impediments of spiritual cognation. They acknowledge no prohibitions for
consanguinity or affinity but those in Leviticus xiv. In a few places they
marry their deceased wives' sisters. If a man and woman are divorced for
adultery, the innocent party may marry another. They punish both the
man and woman so offending with peril of life. All common places of
stews they have almost taken away. The Antipapists speak only of two
sacraments,—the sacrament of the altar and baptism.|
|The bishop of Rome is not reputed as head of the Catholic Church, Christ's
vicar, nor as one occupying the seat of Christ or St. Peter, but as a great
Antichrist, and so exiled with all his papistical bulls, dispensations, and such
like fantasies, devices, and mockeries. They esteem the cardinals as an order
of men not spoken of in Scripture, nor profitable to Christendom. They
hold bishops in great reputation, who must first be called and noted to have
the virtues mentioned by Paul in the epistles to Timothy and Titus. Without
these virtues their authority is of small estimation. Causes of matrimony,
and others that bishops used to take cognizance of, are now in the direction
of the prince. Ministers are punished if they break the laws, not by the
bishop, but by the prince. Friars are not suffered. Parish priests and
ministers in the churches have no jurisdiction, but are only appointed to
declare the Gospel and minister, receiving no benefit of offerings, of administration of sacraments, burials, &c., nor taking any profit but what is limited
by the prince.|
|"Some have not yet meddled with the great monasteries. Some have
travailed to get all monasteries under them and their due obedience. Some
have thought best to convert them into schools and colleges of honest
students." Nunneries remain, but the confessor and visitors are taken
away, and the nuns may depart from the habit if they will. The knights
of St. John remain as before. The monasteries have no more common
gatherings nor bequests.|
|There is no fasting nor limitation of meats. They teach not that our work
in abstinence shall purchase us remission of sins, but that we should keep
from surfeits and drunkenness.|
|They say that all days are alike, and the Sunday only to be forborne from
labour. Some have abrogated all saints' feasts, except Our Lady, the Apostle,
and St. John the Baptist; others have banished all holy days except Sunday.
They have taken away all hymns, collects, and orations to saints. The
Lutherans suffer the images of saints to remain in the churches, but have
instructed the people to give no reverence to them. The Zuinglians have put
them out, with all the altars but the one at which they communicate. Lamps,
dedications of temples, lights, benediction of palms, herbs, water, salt, ashes,
and fire are disused. Women, when they are purified, are not led into the
church by the priest. There are no processions, litanies, pilgrimages, or such
like. There are no exequies or alms done or given for the dead. Bodies
are buried without pomp. Some have their bodies conveyed to the churches
by the ministers saying or singing only the anthem "Media vita in morte
sumus," or a psalm of David.|
In Wriothesley's hand. Pp. 9.
|R. O.||587. — to —.|
|You write from Germany that they say everywhere the King punished
More and the bishop of Rochester for no other reason than that they sincerely
asserted the Gospel and opposed the King's second marriage. Wonders who
could have been the author of such a slander. Cannot believe that learned
Germans will be deceived by it, as the King's moderation and clemency
are known to all the world. Gives as examples his conduct towards the
king of Scotland during his minority, and towards the king of France in his
captivity. How can it be supposed that the King was cruel to innocent
persons, his own subjects, when no bitterness of enmity, no greed of power,
impelled him to harshness against the unfortunate ? And this, too, for the
defence of the Gospel, whose cause no King ever so warmly embraced or
diligently promoted; seeing that he first forbade by public decree anything
to be taught in schools of divinity that is not supported by sure testimony of
the Scriptures; next, lest the sense of Scripture should be perverted,
ordered all youth to be instructed in sound religion; then repressed the fury
of the bishops to prevent them prosecuting persons ex officio for human
dogmas; and, finally, has put down all papistical excesses by stirring up true
preachers everywhere, so that it is to be hoped false doctrine will never
revive among the English. How monstrous, then, to affirm that More and
Rochester were punished for promoting the Gospel and opposing the King's
marriage! No one was more ready than these two to swear to the King's
succession by queen Anne; and More, in his Dialogues against Luther, said
that the marriages prohibited by Leviticus, and only allowed to patriarchs by
some revelation of God, were altogether criminal in Christians without such
a revelation. As for the Gospel, those two were its greatest enemies.
"Rosseus" and "Barlous" are names under which More used to hide his
own. He wrote in English against Luther, Melancthon, Pomeranus, and
Barnes; and in his letter to Erasmus, written just before he was accused of
treason, he avows himself the perpetual enemy of heretics—as he calls the
followers of a purer doctrine. This, indeed, he showed himself while yet
Chancellor (Archigrammateus) of this kingdom, exercising shameful cruelty
against those devoted to the truth of the Gospel; for whom he caused search
everywhere to be made, offering rewards for information, and never
committed to prison till they had been tortured before his eyes. He was of
so savage a nature that he subjected men taken for poaching (?) (venationis
deprehensos) to a new torture of his own invention, viz., made them put on
new shoes and tied them to posts, then exposed the soles of their feet to a
hot fire, "scilicet ut ne confitentibus quidem dolor" (fn. 5) —[here a leaf or more
seems to be lost]—|
|—"conniti posse, etiam ipsi pronunciavere."|
|Wonders that the Germans, who sincerely believe the Gospel, should
think the King cruel for punishing such enemies of the Gospel.|
Lat., pp. 7. Begins: "Quod scribis passim per Germaniam." Ends:
"fallere non potest."
|588. Will. Basynge, Prior of St. Swithin's, to Cromwell.|
|I am not able to pay the 500l. promised by me in your servant
Parrye's letter, because my predecessor has left me in debt to the King and
others, as your servant will show you. When Mr. Leigh was here, I
delivered to him and your servant 100l. part payment of the 500l. due to
you from me. Send me your pleasure as to the days of payment for the
residue, and I will give such sureties as you require. Let your servant
bring me a patent of 20l. yearly for you and Mr. Gregory. 1 beseech your
favor to a friar named Cosyn, wrongfully vexed in these parts. I never
heard him preach other than the true word of God. St. Swithin's,
Hol., p. 1. Add. Secretary.
|589. [Sir Will. Morgan] to Cromwell.|
|I am informed that Wales is to be divided into shires. For my
services it pleased the King and his father to reward me with certain little
offices. May it please you to provide that I may enjoy my fee during my
life. I thank you for your favor to my poor son, Giles Morgan, your
servant. 31 March. Not signed.|
P. 1. Add.: Secretary. Sealed. Endd.: Mr. Morgan.
|Vienna Archives.||590. Bull of Privation.|
|Draft bull of privation against Henry VIII.|
Latin, from a modern copy, pp. 19.
Original. Headed: Copia de la bulla de la privacion del rey de
|R. O.||591. [Invasion of Savoy].|
|List of French forces under Mons 1'Admiral. (fn. 6) The bands of
Mess. la[miral ?], Daubigny, de Montigan, d'Ennebaut, de la Roche du
Maigne, de Bonneval, the provost of Paris, (fn. 7) d'Alegre, the Grand Escuyer,
de Longueville, and the marquis of Saluche. Total, 750 men.
1,000 light horse, 20,000 foot.|
Fr., p. 1. Headed: Les compainies du Maigne,
|Cal. E. xii.|
68. B. M.
|592. — to —.|
|* * * ". . . . . s die xxii. præteriti m[ensis] . . . . .
. . . mille pedites, octingentas lanceas armatas mo . . . . . . . . [d]uo
mille equites leviores, omnes milites electi, necnon . . . . . . . . tormentorum,
id quod non multum placebit episcopo Romano ibi . . . . . . . . tern videre,
præsertim quum intelligatur non esse bonam inter . . . . . . [intelli]gentiam,
et quod ipse episcopus in sua ditione conseribebat milites, quod . . . . est
timoris, opinio est multorum quod Caesar mansurus sit Romæ . . . xv. dies."|
|Letters of the 28th ult. from Florence state that duke [Ale]xander was
raising money and men. By letters from Genoa of the x . . . and the
report of a person travelling thence through Lombardy, they had heard of
the crossing of part of the French army, and were making no preparations
for war, and feared nothing, but were expecting 600,000 ducats from Spain.
The person who came from Genoa says that 6,000 lanzknechts have come to
Lodi for the Imperialists, and as many as 10,000 are expected to arrive
within six days.|
|There are also about 8,000 Italian and Spanish foot, who have done much
harm in Piedmont and Asti. Antony Leyva was at Benasco, and was
fortifying Pavia. He freely granted a safe-conduct to this person (iste),
"eumque comitari fecit, injunxitque ut . . . . . Gallis qui quanto plures
eorum et instructiores transirent, ta[nto majo]rem prædam suos esse facturos
ostendens se nihil t . . . . . . . . dum iste refert, videtur Imperiales
nullum oppidum . . . . . . . . defendere, tamen asserunt Cæsarem promisisse * * * . . no idque nomine Du . . . . . . . . . . .
. . . . . . . . es postquam devastarunt et depopulati sunt regio[nes] . . .
. . . . . is etiam sceleribus perpetratis, locum deseruerunt, diciturque Gallos
jam potitos esse illa regione, licet de hoc nihil certi habeatur."|
|The lords of Nabau and Monteianne have entered Turin with some German
troops. Many other places in Piedmont are in their power. The Duke and
Duchess have gone to Milan. The French and Germans are behaving to
each other like friends, but it cannot last long, for the Emperor is evidently
bent on war. Three days ago the Admiral (Brion) had not arrived at Susa.
He will have 30,000 foot, 1,000 lances, and many guns in Piedmont. The
lanzknechts whom the Imperialists expect from Gueldres will be in Campania by the 10th inst. "Et aliunde e . . . . . . . . . quatuor mille qui
cum prædictis dicunt qui hie cum Christianissimo re . . . . . . . . . . .
[He]lvetii erunt in Pedemonte ante finem hujus mensis * * *
non creduntur quum de iis . . . . . . . . . . xxiii. Neapoli et xxx. Janua
datis, neque is qu . . . . . . . . . illinc venit vir bono ingenio et experientia
præditus, qui . . . . . . . rat, minusque creditur id quod scribilur de pace
quum utr . . . . . . . . signa contraria, existimatur hoc fuisse figmentum
alicujus . . . . . . . alicui dare verba voluerit." It is reported that the
duke of Urbino has been created captain of the League. At the French
court, eight leagues from this place, the floor of the chamber gave way.
The King, his sons, and some of the nobles fell, but without being much
Lat., Copy, pp. 3.
|Cal. D. x.|
192. B. M.
|593. — to —.|
|* * * * *
. . . . . . . . . . hujus mensis . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . rius ad
suum hic or . . . . . . . . . . . . . . mensis ex Roma destinatus.....
. . . . . . . ad dimidium miliare esse prope . . . . . . . . . . . . post,
Urbem ingressurus erat . . . . . . . . . . . . . Imperatores ingredi consuever[unt] . . . . . . . . Cæsaris acceptis literis, statim . . . . . . . . . .
ad aulam Regis Christianissimi.|
|Adhuc, exigua erat concordiæ spe[s] . . . . . . . . . [præpa]ratus bellici
utrinque indies excres[cebant] . . . . . sumptus erunt graviores. Ex qua
. . . . . . . . . . . . erant majora et pacis tractat. . . . . . . . . . res,
judiciumque multorum est quod etiam [si ve]niretur ad concordiam et
Ducatu[s Medio]lanensis conferretur Duci de Ang[olisma] cogeretur
reficere sumptus et . . . . . ta duci Sabaudiæ, quod nimis mag .
. . . . . . et Caesar nuuquam cedet Ducatui . . . . . . nisi securus antea sit
quod Galli . . . . procedent, et interim Cæsar . . . . rit tueri
quae nunc possidet.|
|Admiraldus erat in Taurino et . . . . . . . festinare partem suarum
copi[arum] . . . . . . Vercelli * * * *|
|[Ger]mani qui expectabantur a Cæsare . . . . . . [a]dvenerant et multa
se factur . . . . . . . . [e]xpectabantur decemmille Helvetii pr. . . . .
[d]escensuri, et dubitatur de adve[ntu] . . . . . . Germanorum per
Gheldriam, quamvis dic[itur quod] Comes Palatinus jam conscripsit s . . . .
. . . . . . diciturque quod ante finem hujus m[ensis] . . . . habebunt in
Italia 30,000 pedites.|
|Dicitur etiam quod Rex Christianissimus trajici . . . . . Pedemontem ut
præsens suæ illi . . . . . . . . . ordinem præscribat.|
|Genuenses rebus suis timentes ab a . . . . . . . . . . . . Gallorum ceperunt
conscribere milites . . . . . . . . . . . . . ione illius civitatis.|
|.....enses aufugerant præ timore . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . tatis
miserunt, ad admiraldum . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . turum recusavit, quod
nihil ha . . . . . . . . . . . . onibus quæ spectant a * * *
. . . . . . Antonius Leyva s . . . . . . . . locus, membrum erat ducat[us]
. . . . . . . . antea datus pignori et nu[nc] . . . . . . . ideoque se
abstineret a locis . . . . . . . . . [Me]diolañ si pacem conserv . . . . . .
inter Cæsarem et Regem C[hristianissimum; quod] minus creditur quod
admiraldus . . . . . . . . . . . inceptum opus.|
|Cæsar parum commorabitur Ro[mae sed] veniet Florentiam et Mantuam.|
|Ex literis ab Ancona allatis scrib[itur quod] venerat Constantinopolim
mal . . . . . . . . . . . . . et una cum Barbarossa, vix habe[t] . . . .
|P.S.—Allata sunt nova ex . . . . . . . Regis Christianissimi de concordia
inter eum . . . . . . . . sed nihil certi intelligitur de Co . . . . . . . Deus ad
hanc rem præter om[nium expecta]tionem, videtur apposuisse ma[num suum
si] habentur pro veris. Etenim . . . . . . . . g~r hodie scripsit hoc . .
. . . . . . . . . aceñ et quod subs . . . . . . * * *|
In Vannes' hand.
|Cleop. E. iv. 127***. B. M.||594. Richard Marshall to the Convent of Blackfriars in
|I have fled for fear of my life in consequence of my preaching in
Advent and the first Sunday in Lent. I am noted to be none of the King's
friends, though I love him as a true Christian man ought to do, because I
have not according to his commandment prayed for him as Supreme Head
of the Church, nor declared him to be so in my sermons. On the contrary, I
have declared St. Peter and his successors to be Christ's vicars in earth, that
to him Christ gave the charge of all the churches in the world, and to the
other Apostles the charge of particular churches.|
|I was admonished to preach in Newcastle and pray for the King as
Supreme Head and declare him to be so, which I cannot do lawfully, as it is
against the Scripture and the doctrine of the Church, as appears in the
Decretals, which I was sworn openly in the University of Oxford to declare
and stick unto. It is also contrary to many General Councils; to the interpretation of holy doctors; to all the universities and general schools of
Christendom; except a few lately corrupted by Luther's heresies; to the
consent of all Christian people; and to the profession of my order, which is
immediately subject to the Pope.|
|I have therefore thought it best for me to flee and give place to ire as
|Would willingly tarry and suffer death for my opinions, but the flesh is
weak. 1 desire you therefore to choose another prior secondary and to pray
Hol., p. 1. Add, Endd.
|R. O.||595. Renold Lytylprow to Cromwell.|
|If the Commissioners proceed as they begin, they will not. make so
much profit to the King as it was to the Bishop (fn. 8) by a great sum. The old
precedent, that is, after the first-fruits, were best, for though the benefices
were decayed, they paid it to the bishop, and they would not be true subjects
if they now refuse it to the King.|
|The learned men think they have no discretion by their commission, either
as to benefices so decayed that the parson cannot live, or enhanced in value.|
Hol., p. 1. Add.: Mr. Secretary. Endd.
|R. O.||596. John Thompson, Master of the Maison Dieu, to Cromwell.|
|There are at the King's works at Dover 400 men, and we think it is
well to keep them for the King's works and to prevent idleness and robbery.
Please let us have a couple of the King's old halls or tents for men to labour
under in bad weather, and to dine in, so as to keep them out of the town.
Don't forget the commission for victuals.|
Hol., p. 1. Add.. Mr. Secretary. Endd.
|597. Grants in March 1536.|
|1. Sir Geo. Lawson and John Gostwike.
Lease of the lordship of Hooke, which is a
member of the lordship of Sherefhoton,
parcel of the lands in Yorkshire assigned
by Parliament for the pay of the garrison of
Berwick; with reservations; for 21 years;
at the annual rent of 16l., and 6s. 8d. of increase. Del. Westm., 2 Mar. 27 Hen. VIII.|
|S.B.b. Pat. p. 2, m. 26.|
|2. Anth. Brakenbury and — (blank).
Commission to make inquisition on the lands
and heir of Thos. Covell, in the town and
lordship of Barnarde Castell. Westm.,
2 Mar.—Pat. 27 Hen. VIII., p. 2, m. 18 d.|
|3. Thos. earl of Wiltshire and Ormond,
and Sir Geo. Boleyn, lord Rocheford, son
and heir apparent of the said Earl. Lease of
the honor of Raylegh, Essex, the manor of
Railegh, and the lordships and manors of
Estwoodbury, Thunderley, and Lovedoun,
parcel of the said honor in Essex, wards and
marriages excepted; for the term of 30 years;
at the annual rent of 99l. 6s. 8d., and 13s. 4d.
of increase; on surrender by the said Thomas
of pat. 11 July 23 Hen. VIII., granting a
similar lease to Sir John Raynesford, deceased, whose executor, Sir Thomas Audeley,
the chancellor, granted all his interest in
that lease to the said Earl. Westm., 25 Feb.
27 Hen. VIII. Del. 3 Mar.—P.S. Pat.
p. 2, ms. 27, 28.|
|4. Thos. earl of Wiltshire and Ormond,
and Sir Geo. Bullen lord Rocheford, son and
heir apparent of the said Earl. Release of
20l. 13s. 4d. of the annual rent of 100l., at
which the honor and manor of Raylegh,
Essex, and the lordships of Estwoodbury,
Thunderley, and Lovedoun, parcel of the
said honor in Essex, with courts, liberties,
&c, were leased to the said Thomas and Sir
George, for the term of 30 years by letters
patent. Westm., 25 Feb. 27 Hen. VIII.
Del., 4 Mar.—P.S. Pat. p. 2, m. 27.|
|5. John [Salisbury] prior of the monastery of St. Faith, Horsham, Norwich dioc
Appointment as bishop of Thetford, suffragan
of the see of Norwich; the said John having
been nominated along with Thos. [Mailing]
prior of Castellacre, by Ric. bp. of Norwich.
Addressed to Thos. abp. of Canterbury.
Westm., 3 Mar. 27 Hen. VIII. Del. 6 Mar.
—P.S. Pat. p. 2, m. 30.|
|6. Atkyn James, a native of Holland and
born subject of Charles the Emperor. Denization. Wyndesor, 7 Nov. '27 Hen. VIII.
Del. Westm., 6 Mar.—P.S. Pat. p. 1, m. 1.|
|7. Thos. Mannynge, prior of the monastery
of St. Mary Butley. Appointment as bishop
of Ipswich suffragan of the see of Norwich;
the said Thomas having been nominated
along with George abbot of St. Mary's
Leyston by Ric. bp. of Norwich. Westm.,
3 Mar. 27 Hen. VIII. Del. 7 Mar.—P.S.
Addressed to Thos. archbp. of Canterbury.
—Pat. p. 2, m. 12.—Rym. xiv. 559.|
|8. The monastery of St. Mary, Worcester.
Congé d'élire to the sub-prior and convent,
vice Will. More, last prior, resigned. Del.
Westm., 7 Mar. 27 Hen. VIII.—S.B.|
|9. Cuthbert Musgrave, s. and h. of Thos.
Musgrave, marshal of Berwick. To be
bailiff of the town and lordship of Perythe
(Penrith), Cumb., lately held by the said
Thomas. Del. Westm.,7 Mar.27 Hen. VIII.
|10. Sir Edw. Nevyll of the Privy
Chamber. Grant of the manor of Lomewood, alias Le Bromys, in the parish of
Netilsted, Kent. Westm., 8 Mar. Del.
Westm., 8 Mar. 27 Hen. VIII.—S.B.—Inrolled in Pat. 28 Hen. VIII. p. 1, m. 4.|
|11. Matthew Baxter. Livery of lands
as son and heir of Edw. Baxter, deceased.
Greenwich, 15 Feb., 27 Hen. VIII. Del.
Westm., 8 Mar.— P.S.—Pat. p. 1, m. 34.|
|12. Rob. Lorde, alias Lawarde. Reversion of the office of clerk of the change
and money in the Tower of London, which
office was granted by pat. 1 Feb.
18 Hen. VIII. to John Rogers, on the
death of John Porth; with the fees enjoyed by the said John Rogers, John
Blakeney, John Sandes, or Thos. Wylde,
and attached to the office temp. Hen. VI.
and Edw. IV. Del. Westm., 8 Mar.
27 Hen. VIII.—S.B. Pat. p.1, m. 2.|
|13. Chr. Jenney, serjeant-at-law, and
Elizabeth his wife. Lease of a water or
grain mill called Housemyll, a fullyng-mill
called Westmyll, and the site of a water-mill
called Coggemyll, in the lordship of Rysynge,
Norf., parcel of the duchy of Cornwall;
all which premises are in the tenure of
Peter Johnson by virtue of pat. 26 May
11 Hen. VIII., granting him a 21 years' lease
thereof; for 21 years from Mich. A.D. 1540,
on the expiration of the said Peter's lease;
at the annual rent of 106s. 8d., and 2s.
anew improved. Del. Westm., 8 Mar.
27 Hen. VIII.—S.B.b. Pat. p. 1, m. 4.|
|14. Thos. Dudley and Francis Mores.
Next presentation to the parish church of
Sutton, near Bonyngton, York dioc, at the
King's disposal by the minority of Hen.
lord Barkeley. Del. Westm., 8 Mar.
27 Hen. VIII.—S.B. Pat. p. 2, m. 27.|
|15. John Godolghan (or Godolphyn).
To be clerk of the peace and of the Crown
in Cornwall; which office was granted to
Will. Nanfan by patent 4 July 23 Hen.VIII.;
with the usual fees as enjoyed by the said
William or by Reginald Gayer. Del.
Westm., 10 Mar. 27 Hen. VIII.—S.B.
Pat. p. 1, m. 27.|
|16. John Rudgewey or Ruggewey, of
Exmister, Devon, yeoman of the guard alias
butcher. Pardon for the murder of Will.
Wakeley or Wakeleigh alias William At
Oxston. Greenwich, 27 Feb. 27 Hen. VIII.
Del. Westm., 10 Mar.—P.S. Pat. p. 1, m. 27.|
|17. John Tyson. Lease of the pastures
called Warth and Newlese in the lordship
of Slymbrigge, lands late of the marquis of
Barkeley, Glouc.; with reservations; for
21 years; at the annual rent of 7l., and
20d. of increase; on surrender of pat.
20 Mar. 14 Hen. VIII., granting the same
to Ric. Gilman. Del. Westm., 11 Mar.
27 Hen. VIII.—S.B.b. Pat. p. 2, m. 27.|
|18. Thos. Maynwarynge, jun. Lease
of certain lands called Goodmanesfelds,
Cheshire, containing 53a. of land, in the
bailiwick of Rudheth and Drakelowe, parcel
of the lands of the late earl of Chester;
with reservations; for 21 years; at the
annual rent of 26s. 3d., and 20d. of increase. Del. Westm., 11 Mar. 27 Hen. VIII
—S.B.b. Pat. p. 2, m. 12.|
|Vacated on surrender by Ric. Leftwyche,
10 Nov. 29 Hen. VIII., in accordance with
a judgment delivered by Sir Thos. Audeley,
the lord Chancellor, between the said
Richard and Rob. Golborn.|
|19. Will. Parkhows, elk. Licence to
exchange the parish churches of Combe in
Tynhed and Sampford Courteney, the portion
of Clare in the church of Tymerton (Tiverton), and the perpetual vicarage of the
parish church of Sidbery, Exeter dioc,
which he now holds by certain dispensations, for other incompatible benefices.
Del. Westm., 11 Mar. 27 Hen. VIII.—S.B.
Pat. p. 2, m. 27.|
|20. Archbishopric of Dublin. Assent to
the election in the churches of Holy Trinity
and St. Patrick, Dublin, of Geo. Browne,
S.T.P., provincial of the order of Austin
Friars, London, as archbp. of Dublin, vice
John Aleyn, deceased. Westm., 12 March.
Pat. 27 Hen. VIII. p. 2, m. 24. Rym. xiv.
|21. Ric. Strete, archdeacon of Derby.
Presentation to the perpetual vicarage of
Worfeld, Cov. and Lich dioc, void by death
and in the King's gift by grant of Ric.
Gwente, the King's chaplain, archdeacon of
London. T. —12 Mar. 27 Hen. VIII.
|22. Will. Holmes, yeoman of the guard.
Custody of the body and lands of Will.
Fraunces a lunatic, s. and h. of John Fraunces,
late of Padington, Midd., who died seized of
certain lands, &c. there and elsewhere.
Westm., 9 Mar. 27 Hen. VIII. Del. Westm.,
|23. Archbishopric of Dublin. Significavit to Thos. archbp. of Canterbury of the
election by the prior and convent of Holy
Trinity, and the dean and chapter of
St. Patrick's, Dublin, of Geo. Brown, S.T.P.,
as archbp. of Dublin, vice John Aleyn,
deceased. Westm., 13 Mar. — Pat. 27
Hen. VIII. p. 2, m. 24.— Rym. xiv. 560.|
|24. Pierre de Castell Nove (Castelnau),
brother to the ambassador of the French
king here resident. Licence to depart the
realm with his servants, 8 mules and horses,
baggage, &c. Greenwich, 3 Mar. 27 Hen.
VIII. T. 13 Mar.—S.B.|
|25. Northumberland.—Sir Thos. Tempest, Rob. Bowes, Will. Redmayn, Rob.
Mennell, and Chr. Mitford. Commission to
make inquisition on the lands and heir of
John Swynowe. Westm., 13 Mar.—Pat.
27 Hen. VIII. p. 2, m. 18 d.|
|26. Ralph Sadler. Lease of the manor
called Highall in Walkehamstowe, parcel of
the lands called "Coopercioners landes,"
Essex, with all demesne lands, &c. thereto
belonging; for 40 years from Mich. A.D.
1550, or as soon as the premises (of which a
21 years' lease was granted to dame Margaret Heron, widow, by patent 25 Sept.
21 Hen. VIII.), shall come into the King's
hands; at the annual rent of 48l., and
3s. 4d. of increase. Del. Westm., 13 Mar.
27 Hen. VIII.—S.B. Pat. p. 1, m. 5.|
|27. Hen. Norres. Grant of the manor
and the advowson of the parish church of
Mynsterlovell, Oxon, &c. Del. Westm.,
14 Mar. 27 Hen. VIII.—S.B. Pat. p. 1,
|28. Ric. Blount, one of the spears (soldarii ad lanceam) at Calais. Grant of a
house in the said town of Calais, lately
granted to the King by the mayor and
fellowship of the staple of Calais, situated
near the market place of the said town on
the west, the street called Foxton Streate on
the east, the tenement of Thos. Bennett
on the south, and the tenement of Thos.
Thwaytes on the north; annual value
3l. 3s. 4d. Del. Westm., 14 Mar. 27 Hen.
VIII.—S.B. Pat. p. 2, m. 30.|
|Selesjus Hert, cordwainer, a native of the
Emperor's dominions. Westm., 14 Mar.|
|Marianus Semaz, a native of the Emperor's
dominions. Westm., 14 Mar.|
Pat. 27 Hen. VIII. p. 1, m. 15.
|30. John Mabliston, LL.D., sub-prior of
the hospital of St. John of Jerusalem in
England. Licence to receive and hold along
with the parish churches of Althrope and
Lurdgarsall, Line, dioc, which he now holds
by dispensation, a third cure or otherwise
incompatible benefice. Del. Westm.,
15 Mar. 27 Hen. VIII.—S.B. Pat. p. 2,
|31. Walter Walshe. Lease of a watermill in the lordship of Elmeley Castell,
Worc., a grove called "le Mille grove," a
close under "le Shawe" called Mylle close,
and a "parok" near "le Shutts " belonging to the said mill; a parcel of the water
of Avon at Periford, viz., from the field
called "le Cropthorn" to "le litle Neytesande," thence to the lower end of Peryforde
meadow, and thence to Chalford; with "les
Neytes" belonging to the said water, and
free fishery in the same; also that parcel of
meadow beyond the Avon called "le Noke,"
a messuage called Kynges House, with a
virgate of land thereto belonging, and a
messuage called Clerks House, a messuage
with a close adjoining called Tattons, a
garden with an empty place of land near
the same, a pond with its banks and six
selions of land in Worthing, a furlong of
land called Bryreforlonge, and a decayed
granary in Elmeley; all which are parcel of
the manor of Elmeley Castell, of the lands of
the late earl of Warwick; with reservations;
for 21 years; at the annual rent of 3l. 10s. 0½d.,
and 20d. of increase. Del. Westm., 16 Mar.
27 Hen. VIII.—P.S. Pat. p. 2, m. 12.|
|32. Ric. Bream. To be general receiver
[and] surveyor, during good conduct, of
possessions called "Warrewyks landes" and
"Spensers landes" in cos. Wore, Staff.,
Salop, Heref., Glouc., Wilts, Oxon, Berks,
Northt., Rutland, Line, Beds, Bucks,
Camb., Hunts, Norf., Suff., Essex, Herts,
Somers., Middx., and Kent, lately belonging
to John Huggeford, late surviving feoffee of
Ric. Beauchamp, late earl of Warwick; and
also of the town and township of Swaffham,
and of all lands and tenements belonging to
the said town called Richmond Fee, Norf.;
and of the lordship and manor of Stourton
and Kinfare, Staff. Also to be feodary of
the great court of the honor of Gloucester,
near Bristoll, called the Erles Courte; and
receiver, &c. of the manor of Barton, near
Bristoll, Glouc, with fees as enjoyed by
Thos. Goodman, Thos. Slade or Francis Slade.
Also to be general receiver, &c. of" Salesburyeslandes" in cos. Devon, Cornwall,
Somers., Dorset, Hants, and Wilts, or elsewhere in England this side Trent; with
10 marks a year, and power to grant leases
for terms of 21 years. Del. Westm.,
16 Mar. 27 Hen. VIII.—S.B. Pat. p. 1,
ms. 6, 7. See note to Grant No. 35.|
|33. Will. Breton, parson of Stower Provoste, Dorset, and of Felgham, Sussex.
Licence to be non-resident in the said benefices and all others, without incurring the
penalties of statute 21 Hen. VIII. Del.
Westm., 16 Mar. 27 Hen. VIII.—S.B. Pat.
p. 1, m. 5.|
|Martin Goodnaybor, a native of Rikham,
in the lordship of St. Omer's, in Artois.
Westm., 16 Mar.|
|John Carowne, a native of Brems, near
Arde, in Picardy. Westm. 16 Mar.|
Pat. 27 Hen. VIII. p. 1, m. 15.
|35. Sir Thos. Palmer and Christopher
Villers. Grant, in survivorship, of the office
of surveyor and receiver of the manor of
Henley in Arden, Warw., with fees of 4d.
a day, viz., 2d. a day in each office, out of
the issues of the said manor, and the manors
of Warr, Kyngton, Moreton, Lighterne,
Clardon, and Berkeswell, Warw., in the
same way as Sir Edw. Belknape or any
other held the offices; on surrender of
patent 15 June 13 Hen. VIII., granting the
same to the said Thomas alone, by the name
of Thos. Palmer, one of the gentlemen
ushers of the Privy Chamber. Del. Westm.,
17 Mar. 27 Hen. VIII.—S.B. Pat. p. 1.,
m. 6. Vacated on personal surrender by
"the within named" (infrascriptus) Ric.
Breame, (fn. 9) 12 Feb. 30 Hen. VIII., as
appears on the dorse of the patent.|
|36. Chr. Plommer, of Windsor, clk.
Pardon of all treasons, &c. whereof he is
guilty or to which he is accessory against
the King and queen Anne, according to
statute 26 Hen. VIII. Greenwich, 8 Mar.
27 Hen. VIII. Del. Westm., 18 Mar.—
S.B. Pat. p. 2, m. 12.|
|37. Sir Thos. Coppeldike, brother of the
order of St. John of Jerusalem in England.
Licence to depart the realm to serve the
duties of his religion, with 3 servants,
4 horses, and baggage. Westm., 13 Mar.
27 Hen. VIII. Del. 18 Mar.—P.S.|
|38. Sir Edw. Browne, brother of the
order of St. John of Jerusalem in England.
Licence to depart the realm to serve the
duties of his religion, with 3 servants,
4 horses, and baggage. Westm., 13 Mar.
27 Hen. VIII. Del. 18 Mar—P.S.|
Yorkshire.—To Ralph Evers, of Fowbridge, John Barton, of Quenby, Thos.
Wentworth, of Gaunton, and Will. Twaytes,
of Lunde, to make inquisition on the lands
and heir of Thos. Pudsey. Westm., 20
Yorkshire.—The same, on the lands and
heir of John Sudyby. Westm., 20 Mar.
Yorkshire.—The same, on the lands and
heir of Roger Warde. Westm., 20 Mar.
Pat. 27 Hen. VIII. p. 2, m. 18d.
|40. Rob. Stradlyng, jun., bastard, of
Tithikstowe, Glamorgan, S. Wales. Pardon
for the murder of Gutto Jankyn. Westm.,
16 Mar. 27 Hen. VIII. Del. 23 Mar.—
P.S. Pat. p. 1, m. 12.|
|41. Thos. Avan, of Lantwyt, Glamorgan.
Pardon for the murder of John Flemynge.
Westm., 16 Mar. 27 Hen. VIII. Del.
23 Mar.—P.S. Pat. p. 1, m. 12.|
|42. John Ap John Ap Predith alias
John Wyn, of Chirbury, Salop, yeoman.
Pardon for having, along with Hugh Ap
John Ap Hoell, on the 24 Mar. 25 Hen. VIII.
broken into an enclosure at Oldechurche
More, Salop, and carried off 15 sheep
belonging to Thos. Cresset, of Staunton,
Salop. Westm., 16 Mar. 27 Hen. VIII.
Del. 23 Mar.—P.S. Pat. p. 1, m. 12.|
|43. Edw. Bygge. Grant of two acres of
land in Waybrigge, parcel of the lordship
of Biflete, Surrey, called Waybrighall alias
Woodhall alias Werff, now in the King's
hands by the death of Will. Rede; at the
annual rent of 6s. 8d. Westm., 14 Mar.
27 Hen. VIII. Del. 23 Mar.—P.S. Pat.
p. 1, m. 1.|
|44. Ric. Singlewoode, of Taverham,
Norfolk, servyngman, alias yeoman. Protection; going in the retinue of Sir Arthur
Plantagenet lord Lisle, deputy of Calais.
T.R. Westm., 23 Mar. 27 Hen. VIII.—S.B.|
|45. Roger Hacheman, yeoman of the
guard. Grant of the annual rent of 48s.
issuing out of certain lands called Bossynges
Place alias Langhulles, near Chalgrove,
Oxon, of the late priory of Wellyngford,
Berks, which Thos. Woodard holds at the
above rent. Del., Westm., 23 Mar.
27 Hen. VIII.—S.B.|
Inrolled in 28th year (p. 4, m. 1).
|46. Nic. Coggeswell, of Colerne, Wilts,
yeoman. Pardon for having, along with
Will. Bower of the same place, yeoman,
broken into an enclosure of Thos. Billat at
Cosham, Wilts, and stolen a grey horse, the
property of the said Thomas. Del. Westm.,
23 Mar. 27 Hen. VIII.—S.B.|
Inrolled in 28th year (p. 4, m. 1).
|47. The archbishopric of Dublin. Restitution of the temporalities on the election
of Geo. Browne, S.T.P., provincial of the
order of Austin Friars, London, as archbishop. Confirmed by the archbishop of
Canterbury and bishops of Salisbury and
Rochester. Westm., 20 Mar. 27 Hen. VIII.
Del. 23 Mar.—P.S. Pat. p. 2, m. 24. Rym.
|ii. Certificate of the Archbishop's confirmation by Thos. archbishop of Canterbury,
Nic. bishop of Salisbury, and John bishop
of Rochester, and of his consecration in the
chapel of Lamehith on Sunday, 19 Mar.
|48. Peter Frechevile. Livery of lands
as son and heir of John Frechevile, deceased,
viz., all the possessions of the said John,
and reversions on the death of Elizabeth his
widow, mother of the said Peter, and now wife
of Sir Brian Hastynges, in England, Ireland,
and Wales; and all possessions whereof
Philip Draicote, now Sir Philip, and Rob.
Cune, with others now deceased, were seized
on the day of the said John's death, to the
use of Eliz. Delves, widow, now deceased,
late wife of John Frechevile, grandfather of
the said Peter, for her life, with remainder
to the said Peter. Westm., 24 Mar. —
Pat. 27 Hen. VIII. p. 2, m. 24.|
|Ric. Johnson, tailor, a native of Brabant.
Westm., 24 Mar.|
|Martin Dacy, a native of Paris. Westm.,
Pat. 27 Hen. VIII. p. 1, m. 15.
|50. John bishop of Rochester. Faculty
enabling him to remain prior of the Friars
Preachers (Black Friars), London, in
accordance with the request of the convent,
in consideration of the expense he had laid
out upon their house, which they cannot
repay if it is to remain in its original condition. Westm., 9 Mar. 27 Hen. VIII.
Del. 25 Mar.—P.S.|
|51. Rob. Richardson, rector of Colyngborn Comitis, Wilts. Licence to absent
himself from his rectory, notwithstanding
the statute 21 Hen. VIII. Del. Westm.,
28 Mar. 27 Hen. VIII.—S.B. Pat. p. 1,
m. 13. Rym. xiv. 562.|
|52. Thos. Kynnersley and Emota Stanley.
Constat and exemplification, at the request of
Sir Walter Devereux, lord Ferrers and
Charteley, of patent 1 Dec. 15 Hen. VIII.,
being a licence to the said Thomas and
Emota for the foundation and endowment of
a chantry at the altar of the Holy Trinity
in the church of St. Mary, Uttoxeter, Staff.
Westm., 29 Mar. — Pat. 27 Hen. VIII.
p. 1, m. 11.|
|53. The cathedral church of St. David's.
Congé d'élire to the dean and chapter vice
Ric. Rawlyns, last bishop, deceased. Westm.,
27 Mar. 27 Hen. VIII. Del. 30 Mar.—