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6 June.
Vienna Archives. | 1069. Chapuys to Charles V. |
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| On the 24th of this month, the Eve of Ascension Day, immediately
on the arrival of the courier who was despatched to Pontremolo, Cromwell
sent me the packet which your Majesty had forwarded to that place, begging
that I would impart my news to him without delay. Shortly afterwards he
sent to say that he would come and see me, but as, owing to his being so
much occupied, he had failed in a like promise two days before, I, in order to
put him under greater obligation, went to see him. On my arrival he told
me that he had been to Court that morning, only to obtain audience for me,
which the King had granted for next day. The said courier had brought
letters from their ambassador, giving such news of the sincere goodwill your
Majesty bore the King that Cromwell said he was better pleased than if he
had gained 100,000 cr.; and he was sure I should find the King otherwise
inclined than he had been before, both as regards the principal matter and
also as to myself in particular, for I had greatly increased the affection he
bore me on account of certain letters I had lately written to him, of which I
send a copy to Grandvelle; also that by the death of the Concubine matters
would be more easily arranged now than they had been. He said it was
he who had discovered and followed up the affair of the Concubine, in which
he had taken a great deal of trouble, and that, owing to the displeasure and
anger he had incurred upon the reply given to me by the King on the third
day of Easter, he had set himself to arrange the plot (a fantasier et conspirer
led. affaire), and one of the things which had roused his suspicion and made
him enquire into the matter was a prognostic made in Flanders threatening
the King with a conspiracy of those who were nearest his person. On this
he praised greatly the sense, wit, and courage of the said Concubine and of
her brother. And to declare to me further the hope of good success, he
informed me in great confidence that the King, his master, knowing the
desire and affection of all his people, had determined in this coming Parliament to declare the Princess his heir; but by what he said afterwards,
which I shall partly report, he left me in much greater doubt than before.
For, besides requesting me in speaking to the King not to make any request
on the Princess's behalf, and, if she were mentioned, not to speak of her as
Princess, he also told me it was above all things necessary the Princess
should write a letter to her father according to a draft that Cromwell had
drawn up in the most honorable and reasonable form that could be, and
that to solicit the Princess to do this he had, by the King's command, sent
to her a very confidential lady; but, in any case, to avoid scruple, the King
wished I would write to her, and send her one of my principal servants to
persuade her to make no difficulty about writing the said letter, which he
would have translated from English into Latin, that I might see that it was
quite honorable. This translation he gave me next day as I left the Court; and
since reading it I have not found the said Cromwell, to tell him my opinion
of it, although I begged him the day before, when he spoke about it, to take
care that it did not contain anything which could directly or indirectly touch
her right, or the honor either of herself or of the late Queen, her mother,
nor yet her conscience; otherwise she would not consent thereto for all the
gold in the world, and the King's indignation against her would only
be increased; and that he whom the said Princess regarded as almost a
father, ought to take good care that the whole was free from danger and scruple.
This, he said, he had done, as I should see by the tenor of the letter, of
which I send your Majesty the very translation he delivered to me. Besides
the evidence that letter contains that there is some bird catching attempted
(quy y a de la traynee et pipe), this has been confirmed to me from a good
quarter, and I have warned the Princess. I mean to get out of it (de me
demesler) and dissemble the affair as much as I can, without speaking or
writing of it till I have understood the intention of those here on the
principal article of the negotiations. I shall excuse myself for not having
sent to the Princess by saying that the messenger (icelluy) to whom I had
committed the translation had lost it in returning from Court. When I
have learned their intention I shall not fail to make the necessary remonstrances as to the unreasonableness of the letter, and seek all means possible
to moderate such rigour; nevertheless your Majesty will be pleased to
instruct me what to say and do in case the King insist on having the letter
entirely written by the Princess, and that otherwise he means to punish her,
as the lady sent by the King to the Princess has given a servant of mine to
understand. |
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| Notwithstanding what Cromwell has told me, many fear the obstinacy
of the King towards the Princess. The earl of Sussex in the Privy Council
proposed to the King that as the Princess was a bastard, as well as the duke
of Richmond, it would be right to prefer the male to the female; and as this
opinion was not opposed by the King, it may be that some will hereafter
favor it. One who knows the French ambassador's secrets told some one
that the King had offered the Princess for the duke of Angoulême; on which
the said ambassadors (sic) despatched a courier to France on Ascension eve,
and on their return next day the King spoke about it again, and the ambas
sadors remarked that although nothing had been said of the restitution of
the Princess, yet it was quite obvious that that must be presupposed on both
sides. Then the King got into a great anger against the obstinacy and
disobedience of the said Princess, showing clearly that he bore her very
little love or goodwill. I should think he made the offer of the said marriage
to interrupt the peace negotiations between your Majesty and France, which
are based on the marriage of the duke of Angoulême. |
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| Having endeavoured first to ascertain from Cromwell the King's inclination upon the above subject, I delivered to him your Majesty's letters to
himself, and communicated to him the substance of what you had written to
me; at which he showed himself as pleased as could be, especially as I told
him that, to simplify matters, after my letters were deciphered, I would
show him everything in confidence. He said to me, as before, that I should
find the King his master very well disposed to peace and amity with your
Majesty. I would not then enter into particulars in case of revocation and
establishment of amity until I saw how the King proceeded; and by what I
have perceived hitherto of the King and Cromwell, they only reckon upon
preserving neutrality and remaining friends with all the world; but they
have since spoken "plus avant." Cromwell tells me (but I have only been
able to extract it from him by divers means) that the bailly of Troyes had
come to know how the King wished to be comprehended in the peace,
and that the King had replied he wished only to be comprehended as a
principal contrahent; and he wished to comprehend the others, not the others
to comprehend him. |
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| The same was declared to me by the King, to whom I said that the thing
was in his hands to do so if he pleased. Cromwell also told me that the
bailly had brought to show the answer which the King his master had
made to your Majesty upon the very honorable proposals made by you
in Consistory; and that in that answer the king of France, by way of
reproach, had said that without his aid you would not have obtained the
Imperial crown, nor even have gone into Spain before it. At these words
this King had been sorry, for it was his part to boast of these things and not
that of any other, and begged the bailiff to advise his master to put in his
answers things more true or more probable. Cromwell also said that the
rest of the answer was such that he should have been ashamed to make it.
He also said that the said bailiff [and] the other ambassador had proposed the
marriage of the eldest daughter of France with this King, but that it was labour
lost, for this King would never marry out of his kingdom. On my asking
why, he gave me a very slender reason; viz., that if a foreign queen of great
connections misconducted herself as to her person she could not be punished
and got rid of like the last. And on my replying that this was a misfortune
not to be expected in generous and well brought-up persons, as they might
see by the example of the late Queen, I took the opportunity to suggest
the marriage of the Infant Don Loys, saying everything that seemed to me
suitable. As to the "Infanta" ("linfante") Cromwell passed this over
altogether; but as to the Infant Don Loys, he gave ear to it readily, enquiring
several times of his age and personal qualities, and how many children the
king of Portugal, his brother, had. And on my saying that although there
was no hope of Don Loys succeeding to the crown of Portugal, yet, besides
being of so noble blood and so virtuous a prince, he had enough goods of
his own to maintain honorably the estate of the said Princess, I would
not say better than the duke of Suffolk and the queen of Scots' present
husband, but I came so near this, that he himself said so, and, moreover,
that it was certain that, failing hope of the succession of this kingdom by
a male child of the King, your Majesty would, it is to be hoped, in that
event do something for the advancement of the said Infant. |
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| Next day, Ascension Day, (fn. 1) I was with the King at 8 a.m., who, after
kindly congratulating me on my convalescence, and thanking me for the
letters I had written to him, began to make recital of your Majesty's letters
of 13 and 18 April and of 15 May, and showed in everything the greatest
satisfaction. The conversation turning on your Majesty's visit to Rome,
I, finding the King in such good humour, said, in addition to the contents
of the letters, that your Majesty was more desirous of the King's approval
of the reasons you had given in your justification than for that of all other
princes, as the King was one of the principal of all Christendom, and by
his wisdom and experience was most competent to judge such matters, and
that your Majesty would have been glad, before putting forth the said
justifications, to have taken counsel with him about them, as you would do
in all other matters. He appeared very glad to hear this, and said I should
do him very great pleasure by communicating the said justification,—all the
more so as, after dinner, the French ambassadors were to speak to him
about that matter, and they did not always speak the truth. He took in
good part my offer to read the copy of your Majesty's letters to your
ambassador in France; and after talking together a while, begged that I
would read them to the Chancellor and Cromwell. I did so, and they found
it all so good that they had no criticisms to make. |
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| Coming to the recital of the last letters, I studied to keep as close as
possible to the text, they were so wisely and exquisitely couched, only I
kept silence about "la frondeur quil avoit, et lautre fois," and refrained
from saying that if this King would not go roundly to business, your Majesty
would be justified, reserving that clause till it should be necessary. I also
forebore to mention at once the offers of the French to treat haut et bas
in what concerned him, or the delay your Majesty had made therein; but
afterwards it came in very opportunely to tell him, and I had no great
difficulty in persuading him of it, for he had long suspected it. |
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| Having explained my charge to the best of my power, the King, who had
been resting in a window, rose up very glad, and told me that I had brought
him the most agreeable news, and for his part he was desirous of peace and
amity with all the world; yet he thanked me very much for the trouble
I had taken in these matters, and the good service I had done therein, as
he had learned from the letters of his ambassador. After some other talk
he added, that in accordance with his custom to conceal nothing from me,
although the matter was of small importance, the cardinal of Lorraine had
made great complaint to his ambassadors that he had heard in your Majesty's
court that they had solicited and obtained, in the name of the said King,
peace and amity with your Majesty; thereby insinuating that that had
hindered peace between your Majesty and the king of France; and though
the King does not believe that such reports have emanated from your
Majesty's court, yet he will be glad if the thing be accomplished. I said
these were French inventions, as he might suppose, and that I was sure
if there was anything to remedy in the said case, or any other that concerned him, it would be done with great goodwill. I then said I understood
the French had proposed to comprehend him in the treaty of peace, and
that it would be much more profitable and honorable for him to be the
principal, and comprehend the French if he thought good, and that it only
rested with him to do so. He replied that he had made pretty nearly such
an answer to the French ambassadors, and that he could not well say for
what the bailiff of Troyes had come, for his commission was so vain and so
ill founded that it was a shame, and that he would engage that the bailly
could not tell distinctly what charge he has, and that formerly the bailiff
had appeared to him a man of good judgment and experience, but now he
found him quite otherwise. I said I thought that it might have been the
fault of the matter and not of the person, that had given him such an opinion
of the bailiff. He said both causes concurred, and that he was astonished
at the terms of the French, who would never come to the point about
anything, and were only seeking a multiplicity of matters, and that long
ago he had proposed certain things to the French king by his ambassadors,
to which he had not yet had any reply, though he had expected that the
bailiff would have brought it, and so long a time had elapsed that the
circumstances had altogether changed. He said that the said bailiff, among
other things, had communicated to him the answer of the French king to
the propositions made by your Majesty in Consistory, but it was no great
thing. |
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| After these and other conversations, by the advice and even request of
Cromwell I recited what had been written to me from the Court of the king
of the Romans of the lanceknights who have already passed into Italy, and
of the preparations still made in Germany, both of foot and horse, which
makes me doubt that the said King was ill informed of the forces of your
Majesty. Cromwell also begged me to relate to the King what had been
written to me from Genoa and elsewhere of the retreat and disbanding of
the men levied by Canigno de Gonzaga and his companions. It is on this,
as the King affirms, that Francis bases his argument that your Majesty was
the first to violate the peace; but on my showing him that as it was against
the treaties for Francis to negociate or levy men in Italy against your
Majesty, and that as, besides, those Italians raised for the French king being
all or most of them subjects of your Majesty and of the Empire, it was lawful
for your Majesty to treat them as you had done. He made no reply, but
seemed quite satisfied. |
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| Towards the close of our conversation. Cromwell, fearing I might forget
to show the King your Majesty's answer to the French ambassador at Lucca,
came forward to remind me about it. The King approved it entirely,
even though he seemed thereby to have less hope of an "appointement"
than by what had taken place before, which is what those here have always
demanded. In the end he said to me that if I had any power to treat he
would order his Council to attend to it, and, if not, I ought to write for it.
I told him that I had no special power, but that I knew part of your
Majesty's intention, and that to gain time, if he pleased, Cromwell and I
would communicate, and that according to the decision we came to I would
engage to have the said power, and if it was necessary, that some honorable
person should come, to give the matter more weight. To which he consented. Shortly after I left the chamber he sent to me by Cromwell to say
that it would be better, before wasting time in conference, to write for the
said power and wait for it; but on my insisting on the opposite view,
Cromwell, after speaking again with the King, arranged on the third day
after to make answer to me, and begin our conference. He was so busy,
however, that we could not confer till the Monday following, which was the
29th ultimo. I then visited him at his house, and the first words he said
to me were that perhaps I suspected that the delay of my answer was owing to
some hope they had of treating meanwhile with the French; but I must banish
that opinion, for matters were not in such a state, and, even if they were, I
might be assured they would treat nothing to the prejudice of your Majesty;
yet it was true that they expected news from France before sending a
dispatch to their ambassador with your Majesty, but my answer would not
be delayed by that. Hereupon he began to speak about the matter of the
Princess as that on which depended the stability of all the other matters to
be discussed. On which I showed him the injustice of the letters which
he wished the Princess to write. He asked me to moderate, correct, and
amend what I pleased, or to dictate another letter such as I would have,
and to use my influence to get the Princess to write; in which there will
be no difficulty, for the Princess is determined to do only what I advise
her. Cromwell assured me that every day since I had spoken with the
King, they had been discussing the affair of the said Princess, and that
certain remonstrances I had made with him and others of the Council had
been well taken, and that the King no longer made any difficulty in
making the said Princess his heir, and that he had approved of the overture
I had made for the marriage of the Infant Don Loys, which might be
pursued after the restoration of the Princess, but not before. And as to the
other marriage of the Infanta of Portugal, it was impossible, for the King
did not intend to marry out of the kingdom. Cromwell might have said
also that the King had already fixed on a wife, to wit Jane Semel, as I wrote
to Granvelle on 20 May. Yet the King denied it on Ascension Day (fn. 2) to the
French ambassadors, telling them he was at liberty; whereupon, as I am
told, the said ambassadors next day despatched a post. On my telling
Cromwell that I had heard that on the French requesting to have the
Princess for the Dauphin, the King would not consent, but offered her to
the duke of Angoulême, he confessed it to me, saying I might well consider
what the worth of this offer was; that these were artifices of princes; and
he dared to add (at which I was astonished, especially as the case only
applied to the King his master) that princes often do things so extravagant
and dishonest that he would rather lose one of his arms than think of
acting so. |
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| After reading to Cromwell your Majesty's letters, which he liked very
much, I said if it was only a question of treating of a new and stricter
friendship, we had labored to no purpose, seeing that there was no rupture
or innovation on either side. And when he admitted this to be true, I
went on to show that as sometimes physicians desired illness for their friends,
and lawyers disputes, in order to show their true love and regard for them,
and as God, without the wish of anyone, had offered a great opportunity of
showing that the memory and root of old friendship was not extinguished
between your Majesty and the King, and, moreover, to show the zeal he
had for the service of God, the peace of Christendom, and the promotion of the
Faith, the King had taken so much trouble to conciliate the Emperor and the
king of France, so that he might be justly called the author and conservator of
peace, that he had all the more reason to be angry at the wilful violator of
peace, especially at such a juncture, when your Majesty was on the point of
completing your holy and necessary enterprise against the enemies of the
Faith; and that by this and other evidences, of which the King his master was
fully informed, especially the understanding of the French king with Barbarossa and the Turk, with whom he had made a treaty, all Christian princes
were justified in taking arms against the said King, especially the king of
England, who, besides being a principal member of Christendom, bore the title
of Defender of the Faith, and besides doing a good deed, would wipe out the
evil rumors spread of him in France that he was no good Christian. On
this Cromwell suddenly said to me that I had taken the word out of his
mouth, and that if there were no other reason why the King should declare
himself against Francis, he believed that Francis could be immediately
crushed, or at least reduced to such terms that he would hereafter leave the
world in peace; but he saw one danger in the King's so declaring, viz., lest
your Majesty came to treat with the French, to which you appeared to be very
well disposed, considering the offer of Milan to the duke of Angoulême; and
if your Majesty considered well the consequence, you would as little consent
to give the said duchy to the duke of Angoulême as to the duke of Orleans.
This advice about not giving Milan to the duke of Angoulême had already
been given to me by the King. I told Cromwell that in the event of your
Majesty making any treaty with the French without the consent of his
master, and in case his master made any difficulty about the said declaration,
I proposed that he might give pecuniary aid. This I thought necessary to
accelerate the negociation, and to find out the better what is in their mind,
for to wait an answer to the first objection there would be no end. As to
what concerns the defence of Flanders, I told him there was no need to
speak, for it was notorious that the King was bound to the defence of
Flanders by several treaties. Cromwell assured me that the King his master
had said to him, just as he was leaving the Court to wait upon me at his house,
that he knew well that among other points I would not forget to speak of
the said protection of Flanders. Further, Cromwell said to me that if it
rested with him he would resolve suddenly to make the said declaration
against the French king, and that he would use all his influence to that effect;
but that if I were of opinion that the King his master should meanwhile
interfere in behalf of peace, or should send some ambassador to the king of
France to advise him to desist from his enterprises, that would be done at
once. I replied that as to advising the king of France, I did not think it
expedient, for reasons he might sufficiently understand; it would only serve
like the water which farriers throw upon the fire, and that if the King
wished to induce peace he must act on the advice of Solon, the legislator
of Athens, who, to appease the dissensions that might arise in that city,
ordained a law that, in case of trouble arising, no citizen should remain who
did not declare himself either on the one side or on the other. Cromwell
said this was true, but there remained the objection that if the French knew
that England was going to join with the Emperor they might offer terms,
even to their own disadvantage, to injure the King his master. |
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| To this objection I gave, I think, a satisfactory answer, with which he
appeared to be content, and said that he would make a favorable report to
the King, and next day give me answer. Next day he sent to ask me to
excuse him, because it was impossible to speak to me either that day or the
day following. On the third day, which was 1 June, he said he was obliged
to go to the country, and would give me on his return an agreeable
answer. |
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| Must not omit to mention that, among the remonstrances which Cromwell
approved of, he noted particularly that it was not at this time that the kings
of France had first troubled the affairs of Christendom, and that their glory and
ambition had caused the loss of the Holy Land, and compelled that chivalrous
prince Richard Cœur-de-Lion to withdraw, Philip of France having made
war upon him unjustly. Recited also to Cromwell several other wrongs done
by the French, and how they boasted that the Dauphin would subdue the
realm as another Dauphin had done in the time of king John; and that on
this subject they had invented certain prophecies, which they had got printed,
to encourage the said Dauphin, though he is well enough inclined to it himself,
and some time ago dared to say in the presence of Englishmen that he would
regain the title and arms which the king of England bore, and something
more besides. Cromwell acknowledged it was all true, and that there were
other arguments for the same course, and it would not be his fault if it were
not adopted. |
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| They have delayed my answer so long awaiting news from France, as
Cromwell let out to me. The delay was to my great annoyance, as I feared
that meanwhile my man George would arrive with letters from your Majesty.
He came on the 1st inst., and, according to your Majesty's command,
although the King has made his decision, as I have already mentioned and
have before written to Granvelle, yet I will not forbear to declare the
affection and goodwill of your Majesty in this point, even more amply since
there is no danger of being taken too literally; yet I will take care that it
cannot be said this is an offer of being godfather after the child is baptised
(que ce soit ouffre de comparaige apres lenfant baptiste). |
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| The day before George's arrival the man of the French ambassador came,
who had left the same day, and to take the same news as George to the
Court of France; and as soon as he had dismounted, he went in great haste
with letters to Cromwell. Next day the two French ambassadors were with
Cromwell, and were at Court the day before Whitsun eve. |
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| On Whitsun eve, in the morning, Cromwell came to see me at my lodging,
although I had sent to request him to wait for me at his own, and first told
me, pour joyeuse entrée, that the King and the new Queen were wonderfully
well pleased with the wise and prudent letters the Princess had written
(in which, nevertheless, there was nothing corresponding to the draft abovementioned, nor anything that could prejudice her), and that the King was
resolved to make her his heir, which he supposed to be one of the principal
articles of my charge on which the rest depended. Now, it is true that I
had perceived some indications that there was a proposal to declare the
Princess heir without giving her the title of Princess, and she will remain
excluded in case of a son or daughter being born. If this be so, and I see
an opportunity to remedy it, I will speak about the subject. If not, I will
not stick at it much, hoping that by the establishment of peace and augmentation of amity, with the great prudence and virtue the King will perceive in
her, that she will be declared true and just princess,—although, according
to the opinion of many, there is no fear of the occurrence of any issue of
either sex. Coming to the principal subject, Cromwell said that he had
repeated to the King his master the communications we had had together,
and the King had given him patient audience, well noting and considering
everything, and that he had since heard the French ambassadors, to whom
he had made a brusque reply, first as to the marriage of the Dauphin with
the Princess, that he knew not why they urged it, as at the meeting at
Calais he had resolutely replied about it to the king of France, his brother,
and as to the duke of Angoulême he was too young for the said Princess,
who was of marriageable age. As to declaring himself against your Majesty,
he saw no ground for it, and though they said that your Majesty had been
and was his enemy, he did not see it; he had much greater occasion to
complain of several who had called themselves his friends, and he could very
well testify what they had done about the "privation" and other things;
and as to the danger which they alleged to him, which was the sole motive
they made use of, that your Majesty aspired to universal monarchy, and that
you were revengeful of injuries—that the English, after feasting France,
would have their St. Martin—there was not the slightest fear, for they knew
the nature of your Majesty, and for other good reasons besides. As to
assisting them with a contribution for the war, he also declined it for the
same reason. As to the suggestion that he should take this affair in hand
in order to bring to agreement your Majesty and the King their master, and
that he would write to your Majesty to procure an abstinence of war while
they were treating of peace, he replied that it was not reasonable that
he should write such letters, for several reasons, especially as the amity
between your Majesty and him was not well consolidated, but he would
request me to write with diligence to your Majesty to consent, notwithstanding past matters, to an honorable peace, and used such arguments with
me as he thought fit. But, considering everything, he had very little
occasion to meddle with such matters, seeing that they had turned about on
all sides in their negociations, even to his disadvantage, employing therein
his principal enemy, the Pope, and without informing him of anything
important, except at the end when the matter came to be broken off. For a
compliment, they had asked him how he would be comprehended in the
peace, in which matter your Majesty had acted more honorably and
cordially, having told him by me that it was in his power to be the principal
contrahent, and to comprehend those whom he pleased. At which words
Cromwell said the King showed great delight, saying further, that the
French, after so much trifling and making a thousand offers, which he
repeated to the ambassadors, especially those that the cardinal of Lorraine
had made to your Majesty, and seeing themselves deserted by everybody
and in great danger of being completely baffled, now came to him and tried
to make him stumble with them in the ditch into which they had blindly
precipitated themselves, and that it was no wonder their affairs went so badly,
considering the envy and dissension between the Grand Master and the
Admiral, who were chief of the Council, and that they need not have made
so much boast hitherto to lower their ears immediately after, and that your
Majesty managed your affairs more honorably without so much fuss, and
yet showed clearly that you were not in such need and poverty as the French
had pretended. And here the King inveighed strongly against the cruel
enterprise of the French against the duke of Savoy. Such was, as Cromwell
affirmed, the King's reply to the French ambassadors, which he ended by
telling them that if their master wished him to promote this peace, they must
put aside passion and cupidity and submit to reason; which, in his opinion,
suggested that a king of France should be satisfied with such a wealthy
kingdom, without irritating the flies by which he might be provoked. And
he desired that the ambassadors should write with diligence to learn the
will of the King their master upon this matter, and have it set forth in
articles. |
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| After relating this to me, Cromwell began to show me the inconveniences
that war would entail, and the good that would ensue from a peace, during
which an expedition might be got up against the Infidels, these two Kings
joining their forces with those of your Majesty; and the King his master would
take care that it was all without prejudice to your Majesty; adding that the
King requested that I would write about it without loss of time, since I did not
know particularly your intention about this renewal of peace, and perhaps I
was not perfectly informed of all the articles in which your Majesty considered
the French to have infringed the treaties, and that if the French king would
not consent to more reasonable conditions than he had done hitherto, the King
his master would have the more occasion to declare himself, and it could not
be imputed to rashness on his part, as it might be if he did so suddenly.
Afterwards Cromwell said to me, without my proposing the subject, that,
as to the Council, it must not be supposed that his master wanted to have a
god apart, and separate himself from the union of Christians; he desired the
Council as much as anyone else, provided it was called by Your Majesty as
chief of Christendom. On this I replied that for this time it was right to
leave the power of summoning it in the Pope's hands, and if it was otherwise
determined at the said Council use would be made of it accordingly. I
begged him, however, to consider and put in writing how your Majesty could
effectually call the said Council; which he promised to do, and therewith I
got rid of the matter for my part as far as possible, in order not to spoil the
principal matter, considering that there is time enough to treat about the
Council. After Cromwell had finished his discourse I warmly thanked the
King for his goodwill to your Majesty, and Cromwell for the trouble he had
taken in so meritorious a work. Therewith I began to praise the wise and
prudent answers the King had given to the French ambassadors, especially
the excuse he had made for not writing the letter they wanted him to write,
because the King, not being informed of the disposition of affairs there, might
have requested something of your Majesty, which you could not grant without
serious damage, and you would have been in great perplexity, not wishing
to refuse the King anything that was in your power. I said that, having
spoken with the King, I would willingly write to your Majesty as above, and
although I have no charge to discuss the said matters of the peace, yet, considering the desire you had always shown to have peace, [even] accepting
unjust and injurious conditions, I would dare promise that your Majesty
would not refuse the said peace if it could be assured with true regard to the
right and wrong of everyone. The said King had seen how the French had
observed preceding treaties, and it might be regarded as rashness to trust
them again. They were now very low, and had no refuge except the Turk,
with whom they wished to negociate, and they wanted the King to mediate,
which the Emperor would have been very glad of if the King had been made
arbiter from the first. It must also be observed that the French, seeing
your Majesty had spent a vast sum of money on the expedition to Africa,
and in guarding yourself against them, would seek means to make that
expense unavailing; for one of the things they seek is to wear out your
Majesty's money, and make you vacillate in your promises to the Italian
princes; and I did not know how the Germans would be satisfied, especially
some who had come at their own expense to serve you; and that it was
necessary to maintain such men for the need one might any day have of them,
especially against the said French, who keep no faith; and I thought your
Majesty ought to consent to no peace till Burgundy was restored, which so
justly belongs to you, with the arrears and expenses you had incurred for
this army, and an indemnity paid to the duke of Savoy. He said his master
would assuredly have good regard to everything as reason would. |
|---|
| As to what he had before said, that I had no particular information of the
infringements of treaties by the king of France, which is the ground the
King takes for [not] making the declaration which I demanded, I observed
lightly that I had, and related to him what you had been pleased to write to
me, telling him, besides what I had said to him last time, that even if there
were no other pretext but the stoppage of payment of their pension, that was
quite as fair a cause for declaring war against them as when the Cardinal had
declared it against your Majesty. Cromwell said that was true, but these
princes were marvellously scrupulous not to wound their honors, and it was
necessary in this matter to yield to the King, begging that I would therein
do a good office. I said it was not necessary to wait for other news from
your Majesty to know what you would demand in case we came to negociate
for the establishment of peace between you and his master. |
|---|
| He said he thought so too, but the King wished not to know it in order to
pay this compliment to the French. Thereupon I requested him as earnestly
as possible, by his duty to God and the King, and for the benefit of the realm,
that he would urge the King without further delay to declare for your
Majesty. He said that the short delay till an answer came from you would
not matter, and that I might be assured everything would come about as your
Majesty desired, requesting me, for the honor of God, at once to use every
effort to have the matter of peace referred to the King's arbitration, and
assuring me that in that case the French would have nothing in Milan, and
that the King would have due regard to Burgundy and the other matters I
had put forward. This he repeated to me several times. |
|---|
| The French ambassadors, who expected to go to Court to day, have been
put off till tomorrow to give place to me, and this morning before the King
rose I was at Court. The King sent immediately to excuse himself by
Cromwell that he was not so early out. I replied that he did me wrong to
treat me with such ceremony, for he might count all your Majesty's servants
as his own. At which words Cromwell showed himself very much pleased,
and immediately reported them to the King. On coming from mass the
King repeated his excuses to me, and thanked me for the answer I had
made to Cromwell. He asked where your Majesty was. I said my man,
who had just returned, had left you at a day's journey from Alessandria. He
also reported that on telling your Majesty the news of the arrest of her whom
the King had justly executed, and declaring the cause to have been a conspiracy against his person, your Majesty appeared astonished and troubled,
and asked if it was possible that she could have shown such malice against
such a good, humane, and virtuous prince, who could not have done more for
any person than he had done for her; and that afterwards your Majesty
began to praise God that the King had escaped such danger, and that the
matter had been discovered before any mischief was done. On hearing
which the King was very glad, saying he was much bound to your Majesty.
He then asked if it was possible that the man who had carried those news
had already returned. I said, Yes, and that, besides the duplicate of the last
dispatch, he had brought letters from your Majesty in which you charged
me, besides recommendations, to speak of the offers (partiz) mentioned
therein. He thanked your Majesty many times for your goodwill, saying
that the said offers were very honorable, but even if he had not been
married he could not have chosen either of the two by reason of the
proximity of blood. Still he was none the less bound to you. |
|---|
| On his return from mass I accompanied the King to the chamber of the
Queen, whom, for the King's satisfaction, I kissed, and congratulated her on her
marriage, and said that her predecessor had borne the device La plus heureuse,
but that she would bear the reality, and that I was sure your Majesty would
be immeasurably pleased that the King had found so good and virtuous a
wife, especially as her brother had been in your Majesty's service, and the
satisfaction of this people with the marriage was incredible, especially at the
restoration of the Princess to the King's favor and to her former condition;
and, among other congratulations, I told the Queen that it was not her least
happiness that, without having had the labour of giving birth to her, she had
such a daughter as the Princess, of whom she would receive more joy and
consolation than of all those she could have herself; and I begged her to
favor her interests; which she said she would do, and especially that she
would labour to obtain that honorable name I wished for her of "pacific,"
i.e., of author and conservatrix of the peace. After speaking to the Queen,
the King, who had been talking to the other ladies, approached, and wished to
excuse her, saying I was the first ambassador to whom she had spoken, and
she was not accustomed to it, that he quite believed she desired to obtain
the name of "pacific," for, besides that her nature was gentle and inclined
to peace, she would not for the world that he were engaged in war, that she
might not be separated from him. After dinner I went to speak with the
King in his chamber, and protesting "pour non lui altérer son cerveaul," that
I would not for the present object to the answers made by Cromwell, I
begged him to take in good part that which I should say about the conversations Cromwell and I had had together. He desired that I would speak
boldly. And I began to make part of the remonstrances I had made to
Cromwell. He replied that it was true that the leagues and confederacies
between your Majesty and him are far more ancient and better grounded
than those with France; and, that notwithstanding it was true that the cause
for which they had been made with France had ceased, he could not on that
account fail in the promise he had made, for he was bound to both parties to
defend the party attacked, and the French pretended that they were entitled
to do what they had done against the duke of Savoy, because he had refused
to restore Nice, which was only a surety, without violating the peace, and it
was quite another thing to invade one of those comprehended in the peace
from what it was to invade the subjects and dominions of a principal con
trahent. And he begged your Majesty would look to this, lest by attacking
France you might be called the aggressor, and he should be compelled by
treaty to defend the party attacked, which would be disagreeable for him.
On my showing him the articles in which the French had infringed the peace,
he replied, as to Gueldres he was not informed, but he knew that a French
gentleman who had been conveying money to Gueldres on the part of
Francis had been taken at Brussels, and he did not think your Majesty
would pretend a rupture on that account, seeing that you had made no
mention of it in your statement at Rome. As to Wirtemberg, he tried to
excuse the French, saying the Duke had gone to seek them, and the money
the French had delivered was for the purchase of certain lands, and that the
Duke was only subject to your Majesty much in the same way as the duke of
Savoy. He attaches more importance to what the French have done "en
lendroit de loccupateur de Mirandula;" but in the end he gave up almost
every point, although he wished somehow to excuse an incursion lately made
by the French on the frontiers of Artois, saying it was done by peasants of
their own accord. After much talk the King notified to me that it would
be necessary, in order to soften both parties, to tell them their wrong and
show some "braverie," begging your Majesty to consider the good that
would come of a new peace; and instead of commanding, he begged me to
do my duty in this matter, not once but at least ten times, saying to me
"Monsieur, je vous supplie, considerez, faictez, ecrivez, &c.," which was
quite extravagant courtesy. At last, seeing that it was no use pressing
him to declare himself, I asked him what, in conclusion, I was to write
to your Majesty. He replied that I ought to know better than he;
but since I asked him he thought I should write that if you were willing
that he should mediate this peace he would do it willingly, and would
take care to allow no article that was not honorable to your Majesty.
I said he ought to bid me write another article, viz., that in case he
found the French to be violators of the peace or aggressors, or that
they would not agree to a reasonable peace, he should declare himself for
your Majesty. He replied cheerfully and distinctly that I might boldly
assure your Majesty of it. He did not repeat what he had said before, that
it was necessary also that he should use such "braverie" towards your
Majesty in case you were wrong, nor that it must be considered if new
conditions more unreasonable than the previous were put forward he
should consider himself mocked by the parties unless it was owing to
expenses since incurred, or a change in the situation. The King having
explained to me as above I told him he might hold it certain that he would find
all the fault was on the side of the French, as he would see clearly if he would
weigh a little what I had said to him. Moreover, the French would never
consent to honorable conditions. I therefore begged him to consider from
this time about making a new treaty with your Majesty, and that he would
declare to me what he would demand on his part in like case. He said to
me he had certainly not considered about it, and for the haste of this
despatch, as he had not all his council, he could not at present determine,
but I might write to your Majesty that I would inform you of everything
by the first despatch. |
|---|
| The King had said to me before with great protestations that it was not
by way of reproach, and he begged me not to inform you about it if I did
not think it for the benefit of affairs; that, because the promise formerly made
to him to continue the war against the king of France, even to the privation
of the Crown, had not been kept, he feared that when they came to treat
it would be the same thing again. But I satisfied him on this point by
several reasons. |
|---|
| On my leaving the King he called several of his Council who were there
in the chamber, and repeated to them our communications. Meanwhile I
went to talk with this Queen's brother, whom I left very well informed of
the great good it would be, not only to the Queen his sister and all their kin,
but also to the realm and all Christendom likewise, if the Princess were
restored to her rights; and I am sure he will use his good offices therein.
The duke of Norfolk afterwards, leaving, told me that I should see without
being told that the King his master had no need of Chancellor or Council to
make his replies and take his determinations, for he did all his business
himself. I afterwards spoke to Cromwell, reporting the brusque words the
King had used to me, but excusing him because he had already taken upon
himself the office of an arbiter, who to bring the parties to an agreement
imputes blame to both. Cromwell replied that I had spoken truly, and he
thought it a great advantage that I understood the nature and artifice of the
King his master, and that he could assure me all would go well; and he
prayed God that during these interludes your Majesty's army might make
notable progress, and that if the Princess were restored, which he hoped
would be by Saturday next, all the rest could be easily settled; and that the
Queen, after leaving me, had spoken to the King as warmly as possible in
favor of the Princess, putting before him the greatness and goodness of all
her kindred. Cromwell would advise your Majesty to write a rather long
letter to the King about the injuries done you by the king of France, your
efforts for peace, the expences you have incurred, and offering still to accept
a sure and honorable peace, especially for the King's sake; and that you might
send me the conditions apart if you did not think proper to write them to
the King, among which conditions Cromwell presupposes would be the
demand for Burgundy. |
|---|
| I have delivered the letters of credence to the three dukes, who thank you
very humbly and promise to use their best offices for the matter in question
and all other things, especially the duke of Suffolk, who has again sent for
leave to take a command of Englishmen for the service of your Majesty. The
duke of Norfolk inclines more to the side of France; I know not whether
owing to conformity of conditions, or because the pension assigned to him by
your Majesty was never paid. The interview of the two kings is forgotten.
The king of Scots, after the example of his "patrisant et matrisant," has also
aken to wife "une sienne amoreuse," and laughs at the French who had
failed in their promise to him. |
|---|
| Not being too well assured by the words of those here, I thought it my
duty not merely to write simply how matters stood, but to add some of the
circumstances, that your Majesty might judge more clearly the intentions of
these men; for which reason I beg you to excuse my prolixity. London,
6 June 1536.
Fr., from a modern copy, pp. 31. |
|---|
6 June.
Vienna Archives. | 1070. Chapuys to [Granvelle]. |
|---|
| Thanks him for his kindness, as shown in the letters received from
George. Writes fully in cipher to the Emperor. The King wishes to be
mediator of the peace, and, if not, to have a just occasion and honorable
means to declare against France. Does not think he will join France
against the Emperor unless the French will renounce their obedience to the
Pope. The Council are very pleased at being free from their subjection to
France, which led them by the nose. Advises the Emperor to write the
King letters of congratulation and thanks for what he has done for the
Princess. It would be well also to write to the Treasurer Fitzwilliam, a
man of sense and a good servant of the Princess. |
|---|
| Sends a copy of a letter he wrote to the King a little after the arrest of
the lady (Anne Boleyn). Showed it to Cromwell before sending it, but he
altered nothing. The King was pleased with it, as Chapuys writes to the
Emperor. |
|---|
| The night before Anne was beheaded she talked and jested, saying, among
other things, that those bragging, clever persons who had invented an
unheard-of name for the good Queen would not find it hard to invent one for
her, for they would call her "la Royne Anne sans teste;" and then she
laughed heartily, though she knew she must die the next day. She said, the
day before she was executed, and when they came to lead her to the scaffold,
that she did not consider that she was condemned by Divine judgment, except
for having been the cause of the ill-treatment of the Princess, and for having
conspired her death. |
|---|
| Though he has perceived nothing, thinks that the English in making a
new treaty would stipulate for the restitution of what France occupies of
theirs, and perhaps would wish to be assured that the Emperor would not
molest them for their disobedience to the Holy See. Wishes to know how
to act if this be so. One of the King's chamber said to one of Chapuys'
men that the day after the execution the ambassadors offered Madame
Magdalene to the King. He replied that she was too young for him, and he
had too much experience of French bringing up in the case of the concubine.
The same person said also that the woman whom the king of Scots had
now taken had formerly given him a bastard. Having married her to
another person, who has long lived with her, he now wishes to marry her; at
which this King is displeased. |
|---|
| The Emperor already had the hearts of all here, but this affection is much
increased by what he said in Consistory. The duke of Suffolk said it would
profit his Majesty more than gaining one or two great battles. Though
Suffolk is a pensioner of France and a knight of the Order, he hates the
French on account of their intelligence with the Turk. London, 6 June
1535 (sic). |
|---|
| The King said casually and quite courteously that the French said that all
the treaties they had made had been compulsory and in fear. Shut his
mouth by reminding him how often the French king had said, both in writing
and by word of mouth, that he would observe the treaties, and he said so
still.
Fr., from a modern copy, pp. 3. |
|---|
[June.]
Vienna Archives. | 1071. [Chapuys to Henry VIII.] |
|---|
| Would have waited on him before, but for an attack of fever. Cannot
yet safely go out. Writes, however, to express his zeal for the promotion
of an inviolable amity, and to congratulate the King on this new felicity,
rejoicing at the removal of obstacles to the long desired alliance. God has
shown special care for Henry. Many great and good men, even emperors
and kings, have suffered from the arts of wicked women. It is greatly to
Henry's credit that he has detected and punished conspiracy before it came
to light otherwise. Enlarges on this at considerable length, and assures
Henry that he may rely on the firm friendship of the Emperor.
Lat., pp. 4. |
|---|
| 1072. Neutrality of England. |
|---|
| R. O. | Commission to —to retain for the King's service—men whose
names he shall certify in a bill of parchment, signed by the King and
subscribed by himself and delivered to the King's secretary; with power to
supply vacancies as they arise. It is stated in the preamble that the King
is at peace with all princes, but having leagues with other princes for mutual
defence requires to be prepared to furnish assistance, if asked, and to take
steps for the more ready furniture of a crew for the town of Calais.
On parchment. |
|---|
6 June.
R. O. | 1073. William Reppes, Bishop of Norwich. |
|---|
| Royal assent to the election of William Reppes, S.T.P., abbot of
St. Bennet Hulme, as bp. of Norwich. Signed by the King.
Endd. by Wriothesley: Apud Grenwiche vito Junii anno 28. "Wryothesley." |
|---|
6 June.
R. O. | 1074. J. Husee to Lord Lisle. |
|---|
| I have received your letters of the 2nd and 3rd June. In answer to
the first, touching Sir Ric. Whethill, Mr. Prysley this night delivered him
your letter, and declared your pleasure, to which he only hummed and hawed,
but at last said he had made many friends; so that apparently he means to
persevere in his malicious suit. Mr. Prisley, however, still hopes he will
take further advisement. The negligence about your Lordship's hosen was
owing to my bedfellow Fyssher, who would not suffer me to send them by
any other than himself. He deserves to sit three days in the stocks for it,
but it rests with your Lordship to qualify the punishment. As for the parson
of St. Martin's, I stayed 40s. in my hands for the tenth, before your Lordship's
letter came to hand. As to your other letter I shall deliver Mr. Hennage
your Lordship's letter, and motion him of my lady's daughter. As to the
nomination of an abbey, I wrote by Petley, and will make further search.
When I have set these matters in frame I will follow your affairs in Hampshire. The proxy I shall deliver the second day of the Parliament, as the
custom is. Snowden is a diligent waiter, but Mr. Treasurer has not yet
motioned the King in his cause. I hope he will be earnest when he begins.
As for the Marsh, though the matter has been taken by Water's information
not after the true meaning, Mr. Secretary says the letter I send with this is
wholly the King's pleasure, and will satisfy you. Wriothesley had this letter
five days, and never told me till today at Court, but delivered it to me this
night at Stepney. Mr. Secretary was not a little displeased at this, but in
truth Wriothesley favored the party, or he would not have kept it. If you
send lord Dawbny a piece of wine it would do no harm. As to my check,
your Lordship's letter to Mr. Treasurer will ease it. I will certify
Mrs. Medcalff of your pleasure touching Lyssle: You will receive a letter of
the King's for Peretrey's pardon along with this other letter of the King's
sent herewith. Remember Mr. Secretary's wine. I cannot yet know what
answer the King made him touching your suit. The Queen's brother is
today created viscount Beauchamp. London, 6 June.
Hol., pp. 2. Add. Endd. |
|---|
6 June.
R. O. | 1075. John Husee to Lady Lisle. |
|---|
| I have your three sundry letters. I can hear nothing of the liveries
you sent to John Davy. I think one of Mr. Marshall's servants has the
conveyance of them, but Mr. Degory's livery I have delivered to Mr. Chichester.
I am glad the gentlewoman has arrived. The bowls, I assure you, cost no
farthing less, and if you like them not the poor man that made them will
take them back. Mine host hopes you will appoint him some venison; but
one thing you may be sure of, "that my hostess is the honest man." As for
Antony Husee's wife's cushion, I shall do as your Ladyship shall command
me. I am much bound for the pains you have taken about my check.
When I deliver my Lord's letter to Mr. Hennage I will move the preferment
of your daughter to the Queen, which I hope will be easily obtained. It
might be well to send lord Dawbny a piece of wine, but Mr. Sulyard must
not be forgotten. The Queen's brother was this day created viscount
Beauchamp. Mr. Tayler sends commendations. It was reported here that
Mr. Rockwood was dead. Your gown shall be made with all speed.
London, 6 June. |
|---|
| Cranewell, Harwod, and Myller desire you to remember their liveries.
Hol., pp. 2. Add. |
|---|
6 June.
R. O. | 1076. Sir William Fitzwilliam to Lord Lisle and others. |
|---|
| Has received their letter in favor of Henry Mounteney and Thos.
Bradfield, the bearers, to be walkers and overseers of the forest of Guisnes,
as, considering its extent, three persons are few enough. Wonders they
would charge the King with the maintenance of three keepers, seeing his
Grace has not been charged with any, and need not have been if they had
done their duties; but understanding that the woods were decayed, and that
there was one keeper in the days of Henry VII., he appointed Sextyn.
Cannot ask the King to undertake further charges, but advises the deputy to
promote the men within the town of Calais, according to the new Acts.
Greenwich, 6 June. Signed.
P. 1. Sealed. Add.: To my very good lord the viscount Lisle, the
King's deputy of the town and marches of Calais, the lord Edmund Howard,
comptroller of the same, Sir Richard Graynfeld, knight, high marshal of the
said town and marches, Sir [Thomas Palmer], knight, p[orter of the said]
town, and to Robert Fowler, squire, vice-treasurer there. |
|---|
6 June.
R. O. | 1077. Cardinal Campeggio to [his Brother Marcantonio]. |
|---|
| For months, or rather years, I have been anxious to visit the king of
England, to whom you know how much I am bound. And now that the
King has put aside evil counsels, and is more ready to listen to truth, does
not wish to delay longer. Gives his brother, who has sustained so much
labor on his account, this additional charge:—First, to provide money with
all haste from the revenues of the Cardinal's abbey of Orbais, (fn. 3) or by way of
Lyons from John Bonguilelmo. Then to go to Boulogne, and, by aid of the
deputy of Calais, procure a safeconduct for the Cardinal; afterwards to
cross to England, procure an introduction to the King, and declare the
Cardinal's wish to serve him, presenting his letters; or, if his audience be
deferred, to address himself to the most influential councillors. Is to
express the Cardinal's gratitude for having been twice received as legate in
England, and for the infinite benefits the King has conferred upon him.
He is then to try whether it will be of any use supplicating for the restitution of the fruits of the bishopric of Salisbury to the Cardinal, or else of
their being kept meanwhile in the hands of the collectors; or, if he find it
advisable, to leave the matter to some better opportunity. He is to use all
opportunities of advancing the Cardinal's interests with those whom he
judges favorable to them; and, in conversation, he may refer to the Council
to be celebrated at Mantua next year, suggesting how important it would be
for the King to have some one there appointed Protector (the title with
which he formerly honored Campeggio) of known authority and experience.
And though the Cardinal's own interests are the principal ground of his
going into England, he must not omit any opportunity of suggesting to men
of influence that, for the peace of the kingdom and the health of simple souls
easily led into error, his Majesty should be reconciled to the Holy See; with
which views preachers of new heresies should be restrained and mischievous
books prohibited, and the King, as Defender of the Faith, should confirm
his own books. He may also offer the Cardinal's services in procuring
absolution for the King, such as some of his ancestors have obtained to their
honor after many acts of disobedience. If this be well received he may go
further, and propose that if the King would write to the Cardinal, a practice
may be set on foot, so that ultimately a commission should be given to him
for the reconciliation with Rome, or some one might be despatched to the
Pope to act along with him. If this were ably managed it might bring his
brother into great credit. The Cardinal's friends in whom he chiefly trusts
are the dukes of Norfolk and Suffolk, the bishops of Bath, Durham, and
Winchester, and Polydore Vergil, his proctor. |
|---|
| That in these conversations he may be informed of the grounds of dispute
between the Emperor and the French king, sends copy of a long speech
made by the former on the second day of Easter before the Pope and
Cardinals, and the answer sent by the French king to the Pope on Ascension
Day. As the Cardinal has not been without enemies who have sought to
calumniate him with the King, he is constantly to maintain that, except in
giving his vote freely in the King's matrimonial cause, he has always sought
the King's honor, ascribing all the evil to bad councillors, and always hoping
that the King would one day see the truth. |
|---|
| From the Emperor's speech and the French king's answer you will see
wherein the difficulty of peace lies, and the danger in case the Turk should
attack the Christians; of which, though there is no fear this summer, yet,
if he made peace with the Sophi, he might easily turn his arms against us.
But if the king of England were reconciled to the Pope they would be able
to prescribe terms of peace to the glory of both; on which subject you
might remind him that Henry has always been arbiter of peace and war
among princes. You might also read English histories, especially those of
Polydore, for instances of quarrels and reconciliations with the Holy See;
and French histories, especially that of Emilianus. |
|---|
| Sends a cipher with instructions for communicating with safety. Recommends as a messenger into England Gherard Buoncourt, canon of S. Pol in
Liege, formerly master of the Cardinal's stable, who knows English. Sends
also his seal, that he may write and seal letters in the Cardinal's name if
necessary. Rome, 6 June 1536.
Lat. In Vannes' hand, pp. 7. |
|---|
| Vit.B. xiv. 222. B. M. | 2. Italian original of the preceding. Signed.
Mutilated. Add. |
|---|
7 June.
R. O. | 1078. Sir Edward Bray to the Duke of Norfolk. |
|---|
| On the last day of May, a "speneys" of St. Sebastian of Biscay
came to Brythemston, and sold a French boat laden with mackerel nets. The
men of the town asked my advice whether they should buy the boat, to
which I gave no answer, but they bought it. Immediately after they left,
tidings came along the coast that the King desired them to be taken.
On-June 3 three servants of Mr. Comptroller came to my house, assuring me
that they brought letters from the Lord Warden by the King's order, that
an attempt should be made to take the "speneys," and that the Lord
Warden had lever than 100l. they might be taken. An hour after the
"spenys" came afore Brythemston with three French boats laden with
nets and mackerel; whereupon I, with Mr. Gyfford and Mr. Shelly, took
her. The crew is 28 persons, well appointed for war. I wish to know the
King's pleasure and yours, and meantime they shall be treated as the King's
friends. As far as we know, they do no harm to Englishmen. 7 June.
Hol., pp. 7. Add. Endd. |
|---|
7 June.
Otho, C. x. 279. B. M. Hearne's Sylloge, 148. | 1079. Princess Mary to [Cromwell]. |
|---|
| "Good Mr. Secretary, I think so long to hear some comfort from
the King's grace, my father, whereby I may perceive his Grace of his
princely goodness and fatherly pity to have accepted my letter and withdrawn his displeasure towards me, that nature moveth me to be so bold to
send his Grace a token, which my servant, this bearer, hath to deliver to
you." Begs he will find means that the King may send her a token, which
will be her greatest comfort till she is permitted to come to his presence.
[From Hownsdon the 7 of J]une.
Hol. Mutilated. |
|---|
7 June.
R. O. | 1080. Sir Edward Seymour Lord Beauchamp. |
|---|
| Later copy of Grant in June, No. 5.
Pp.4. |
|---|
7 June.
Vit. B. xiv. 224. B. M. | 1081. — to Cromwell. |
|---|
| "Viro magnanimo benemeritoque serenissimi Regis Secretario ip . . .
Saluto in Christo Jesu. |
|---|
| "Si la mia carta serra apresso V. S. frivole et di poco importantia
. . . . . . . . . fatte mei non sinde fa memoria, serra di importantia apresso
de un . . . . . . . . . . . donato et buttato qua in quisto loco, como havesse
offeso la serenissima Ma[esta del Re] de Anglia per havire mia liberta, et
andare aservire Dio et lu mio studio ne . . . . . . . . . . Dilche vostra magnificentia per quista mia presente intendera como son quillo fratre . . . . . .
. . una littera di lu actu di Maystro Moro, quando fo decapitato; dove havi
. . . . . . . . cto per mia confessione; donde come recto jodice et magnifico
per mia con . . . . . . . . . . laudetur non si retrova cosa contumeliosa
contra el serenissimo re pu . . . . . . . . . . si cosa havisse commiso di
errore tutto lu reputireti in la mia ingnora[ntia] . . . . . havisse saputo che
simili litera era di inportantia, non laviria porta[to por tutto el] oro del
mundo, dilche, signor mio, son quasi passati doi mise che son carza [rato] . .
. . . . . . . la pena mia grande et lo perdimento del tempo per causa che me
son parti . . . . . . . . . . camino frustere decasa mia per studiare, ma vinto
di infirmita et . . . . . . . . . senza argento, si non che Dio me aprestato la
gratia, io fora sepellito. |
|---|
| "Dove, signor mio, si con honore di justicia me posseti donare la liberta
. . . . . . . . si non autem habbia alcona provisione di possere vivere per
che sto qua et . . . . . . . . . . Altro non dico, continuo prego al Signor per
vestra salute. Da le carzare de Cal[es, 7 June (fn. 4) ] 1536."
Hol. Mutilated. Add. Apparently by the writer of No. 925. |
|---|
7 June.
R. O. | 1082. Fraunces Harbart to Cromwell. |
|---|
| These parts are now in good peace, for the Deputy is at peace with
all the Irishmen here. He intends to set forward on 25 July against
O'Bren, who is banded with the Geraldines and Desmonds of those parts.
Want of money is a great hindrance, and has caused the soldiers to commit
extortion. Since he was made a captain, has not received 40l. from the
Treasurer, but has spent 100l. of his own on his men. Has remembered
Cromwell's words that if he died in his Prince's service, he died in the
service of God, and if he lived doing him service, he needed not to doubt
that he should thereby be made a man. Hopes to be rewarded for his
services as others are who have not so well deserved. Now is the time, for
the King has more in the land than he ever had before, by means of
parliament, and Harbart has assisted as one of the Commons House. Asks
for licence to come to England, but not till after this journey against O'Bren,
Thanks him for his preferment to be one of the King's council, but he is
not allowed to sit. Some about my Lord envy him because they see him
ever much towards Mr. Treasurer. Asks him to write to the Council
about it. Was not made privy to their last letters to the King. Dublin,
7 June.
Hol. pp.3. Add.: Chief Secretary. Endd. |
|---|
8 June.
Otho. C. x. 280. B. M. Hearne's Sylloge. 149. | 1083. Princess Mary to [Henry VIII.] |
|---|
| Begs his daily blessing. Though she understands, to her inestimable
comfort, that he has forgiven all her offences and withdrawn his displeasure
long time conceived against her, her joy will not be full till she is allowed to
come to his presence. Begs pardon for her continual suit and rude writing,
for nature will suffer her to do no otherwise. Hopes God will preserve him
and the Queen, and send them a prince. Hownsdon, 8 June.
Hol. Mutilated. |
|---|
8 June.
Add. MS. 25,114, f. 162. B.M. | 1084. Cromwell to Gardiner and Wallop. |
|---|
| The bailly of Troyes, lately sent by the French king, has treated only
of two points;—first, the King's opinion touching the summoning of a General
Council; second, to know the King's determination concerning the desired
contribution. Is commanded to signify to them that the King's answers
"as the same were conceived and translated into French, be now delivered
to the said bailly." 1. The King thinks the summoning of a free General
Council would be very expedient for the honor of God and the extirpation of
error, but that it is more than necessary for all princes to see that no Council
be held except in a safe and indifferent place; that an order should be taken
amongst Christian princes beforehand for the appointment of such a place and
for the manner and form of the indiction, and who shall be the minister in
the same, for the King has so clearly deciphered the usurpations of the
bishop of Rome that he cannot consent to any Council being indicted by
him. 2. Although the King will always be a sure and faithful friend
to France, as he perceives an inclination both in the Emperor and the French
king to refer their quarrel to his arbitration, he thinks the appointment
of any such contribution at this time would make him an unmeet umpire
between them. He would, therefore, defer it till the Emperor actually
invade France or refuse his mediation. He hopes speedily to receive such
articles from his said good brother as will enable him the more thoroughly to
feel the Emperor's inclination. Trusts they will give effect to the King's
answer. He neither intends greatly to seek nor to refuse the office of
mediator. If it be put to him, the Emperor's ambassador thinks his master
will condescend thereto, and the bailly of Troyes and Mons. de Tarbes think
the same as to Francis. Wallop is of himself to use his influence in the
matter with the Emperor's ambassador, and any others who, he thinks, may
advance it. The King was much offended at Gardiner's earnest suit for the
pension appointed to Master Brian, "taking it half unkindly that though
his Grace had no pretence of right in it, ye should labor so earnestly to
defeat his earnest promise." Advises him in his next letters to give the King
satisfaction. From the Rolls, 8 June. Signed.
Pp. 5. In Wriothesley's hand. Add. and Endd. |
|---|
| Calig. E. i. 123. B. M. | 1085. Henry VIII. and Francis I. |
|---|
| Reply of Henry to propositions made to him by Francis I. through
De Dinteville, bailly of Troyes, touching the proclamation of a General
Council, and their respective contributions to the war against the Emperor. |
|---|
| Henry thinks a Council General very necessary for the extirpation of the
present abuses and errors which darken God's truth, and injure the authority
of princes; but it must be held in a secure and indifferent place, so that not
only those present may express their opinions freely, "mais aussy que tous
les Chrestiens puissent accorder ensemble auparavant tant d . . . . et place
tel que dict est, que de la. . . . . . . . indiction, et qui en sera le ministre
. . . . . . . bien et parfaictement deschiffres les u[surpations que l'Evesque]
de Rome a attainct par la supremite . . . . . . . qui est totalement resolu
ne s'accorder a [aucun concile] dont l'indiction sera faicte par ledit Eves[que
ou par] aulcun autre potestat, sinon qu'il soit a[ccordé] . . . en la forme et
maniere dessus expresse. [Et le Roy] se fye veritablement que la grande
discre[tion] . . . . . quil cognoist en son bon frere apres avo[ir bien]
considere et contrepoyse les choses susdites se . . . vouloir et adviz." |
|---|
| As to the contribution, Francis ought to feel certain that he will always
find a sure friend in the King; but since Henry has asked [the Emperor] to
refer the matters at variance between them to him, and thinks Francis will
be ready to do the same, he thinks paying the contribution now would make
him suspected and less fit to mediate, and therefore thinks it had better be
deferred till the Emperor invades the dominions of Francis, or refuses to
abide by Henry's decision. He waits to hear that Francis is agreeable to
the articles already passed between them. Trusts he will make honorable
and reasonable offers and trust [more] in the King's friendship "en fin de
conclusion q[uil] na offert et commyz a levesque de Rome ou a aul[cun]
autre potestat ou ambassadeur." If he cannot induce the Emperor to listen
to reason, Henry will not fail to make such answer about the contribution
that all the world may see that he is the French king's friend.
Fr., mutilated, pp. 3. |
|---|
| Calig. E. III. 125. B. M. | 2. The opinion of the king of England on the two points proposed to him
by De Dinteville, to the same effect as the preceding, but more brief.
Fr., pp. 2, mutilated. |
|---|
8 June.
R. O. | 1086. John Bartelet to Cromwell. |
|---|
| In accordance with the Act of the last Parliament, the mayor and
aldermen have chosen Mr. Pryseley as burgess to attend Parliament. He
left within these eight days. Has made certain arrangements about the
passage into England, as the mayor and aldermen have not lately furnished
it with ships and vessels of their own according to their duty, taking,
nevertheless, the half passage to themselves. It is possible they may wish to
frustrate the letters patent granted to him three years ago, and have given
Pryseley instructions "contrary to my poor honesty." Asks Cromwell to
advertise him before he gives any credence to such matters. Calais,
8 June.
Hol., p. 1. Add.: Secretary and Master of the Rolls. Endd. |
|---|
8 June.
Statute Roll. | 1087. Parliament. |
|---|
| Begun at Westminster 8 June 28 Hen. VIII., Acts concerning:— |
|---|
| 1. The attainder of Thos. Fitzgerald and his five uncles [c. 18]. |
|---|
| 2. Assurance of the manor of Southwark to the King [c. 19]. |
|---|
| 3. Jointure of Dame Grace, wife of Sir Henry Parker, son and heir to
Henry lord Morley [c. 20]. |
|---|
| 4. Exchange between the King and the prior of St. Johns [c. 21]. |
|---|
| 5. Lands belonging to the earldom of Warwick [c. 22]. |
|---|
| 6. Pension to Robert Shurborn late bp. of Chichester [c. 23]. |
|---|
| 7. Attainder of lord Thomas Howard [c. 24]. |
|---|
| 8. Assurance of lands to viscount Beauchamp [c. 25]. |
|---|
| 9. Assurance of lands in Kew to viscount Beauchamp and lady Anne his
wife [c. 26]. |
|---|
| 10. Church of Elsingspittle to be the parish church of St. Alphes,
Cripplegate [c. 27]. |
|---|
| 11. Moiety of Ricard's Castle assured to John Onley [c. 28]. |
|---|
| 12. Exchange with the abbot of Westminster for Covent Garden [c. 29]. |
|---|
| 13. Purchase of Stanton Barry from Thomas Pope [c. 30]. |
|---|
| 14. Enlargement of St. Margaret's churchyard, Southwark [c. 31]. |
|---|
| 15. Lands at Westminster conveyed to the King by the churchwardens
of St. Martin's and St. Margaret's [c. 32]. |
|---|
| 16. Durham Place conveyed to the King by exchange [c. 33]. |
|---|
| 17. Baynard's Castle assured to the duke of Richmond [c. 34]. |
|---|
| 18. Exchange with lord Sandes [c. 35]. |
|---|
| 19. Award between Sir Adrian Fortescue and Sir Walter Stoner [c. 36]. |
|---|
| 20. Jointure of Dorothy, daughter to the earl of Huntingdon, to be
married to Ric. Devereux, son of lord Ferrers [c. 37]. |
|---|
| 20a. Assurance of Paris Garden, &c. to the Queen [c. 38]. |
|---|
| 21. Earldom of March [c. 39]. |
|---|
| 22. Lands assured to Edw. North [c. 40]. |
|---|
| 23. Manor of Birmingham assured to the King [c. 41]. |
|---|
| 24. Exchange with the abbot of Abingdon [c. 42]. |
|---|
| 25. Lands assured to Thos. Jermyn [c. 43]. |
|---|
| 26. Manor of Haselyngfeld assured to the Charter House [c. 44]. |
|---|
| 27. The Queen's jointure [c. 45]. |
|---|
| 28. Lands assured to Thos. Hatclyff, clerk of the Green Cloth [c. 46]. |
|---|
| 29. Lands assured to John Gostwyke [c. 47]. |
|---|
| 30. Concerning a marriage to be had between lord Bulbeke, son and heir
apparent to the earl of Oxford, and Dorothy, eldest daughter of the earl of
Westmoreland [c. 48]. |
|---|
| 31. Exchange of Covent Garden with the abbot and convent of Westmoreland [c. 49]. |
|---|
| 32. Exchange between the King, the archbishop of Canterbury, and
Cromwell (Wimbledon, Mortlake, &c.) [c. 50]. |
|---|
| 33. Jointure of Katharine duchess of Suffolk [c. 51]. |
|---|
| 34. Lands of lord Rochford, Norris, and others [c. 52]. |
|---|
| 35. Benefit of clergy restricted [c. 1]. |
|---|
| 36. Against servants embezzling [c. 2]. |
|---|
| 37. Power to allot townships in Wales [c. 3]. |
|---|
| 38. Repeal of statute for dowlas and lokerams [c. 4]. |
|---|
| 39. For prentices [c. 5]. |
|---|
| 40. For continuing the Statute of Beggars and other Acts [c. 6]. |
|---|
| 41. The Succession [c. 7]. |
|---|
| 42. For continuing statutes against exportation of copper, &c. [c. 8]. |
|---|
| 43. For continuing statutes against perjury and others [c. 9]. |
|---|
| 44. For extinguishing the authority of the bishop of Rome [c. 10]. |
|---|
| 45. For restitution of first-fruits during vacancies to next incumbent [c. 11]. |
|---|
| 46. Declaring the limits of the King's palace of Westminster [c. 12]. |
|---|
| 47. Against non-residence of spiritual persons [c. 13]. |
|---|
| 48. Prices of wines [c. 14]. |
|---|
| 49. Punishment of pirates [c. 15]. |
|---|
| 50. Dispensations from Rome [c. 16]. |
|---|
| 51. The King's successors when 24 years of age to have power to annul
Acts of Parliament made during their minority [c. 51]. |
|---|
| 1088. Parliament. |
|---|
| R. O. | A list of peers, viz.:—
Bishops: My lords of Rochester, St. Asseye, Landaph, Exiter, Cicestre,
St. David.
Abbots: My lords of Ramesey, Glocestre, Tavestoke, Burton. |
|---|
| The archbishop of York, lord Lysley.
Barons: My lords Barkley, Mautraverse, Fitzwaren, Darcy, Mountegle,
Hussey, Wentworth, Stourton, Dudley.
P. 1. Commencement lost. Endd.: . . . . . at this Parliament. |
|---|
| R. O. | 1089. Against Papal Jurisdiction. |
|---|
| A suggestion for avoiding any further recognition of the bishop of
Rome or of the fact that his authority had been once respected in England,
which would be only too apparent from the clause quatenus jura et statuta,
&c. which it seems to have been proposed to insert in the King's grants
confirmatory of old bulls. It is proposed that the substance of every bull,
so far as it may be granted with the King's honor, should be excerpted and
passed by a grant from the King without any mention of the bishop of
Rome.
Pp. 2. Underneath the text, in Cromwell's hand, is scrawled, "My lord
of Wynch. The Staple." Endd.: For confirmacion of bulls. |
|---|
| R. O. | 1090. Against Papal Jurisdiction. |
|---|
| Draft preamble of an Act of Parliament apparently intended for the
"Act for extinguishing the authority of the bishop of Rome" (28 Hen. VIII.
cap. 10.), but differing from that which was adopted.
Large paper, pp. 2. Endd. |
|---|
| R. O. | 1091. Sir Walter Stonor to Sir Adrian Fortescue. (fn. 5) |
|---|
| In the possession of Sir Walter Stonore:—The manors of Dudcote
and Penyon Maysy, entailed by fine to heirs male, Michellescourt and
Pannellescourt in Burwardescote.—97l. |
|---|
| In the possession of Sir Adrian Fortescue:—Pushull Venables, Watcombe,
Warmodescombe, Bromesden, Byxgybwyn, and Condycote, Stonore, Sottwell Stonore, Settwell St. John, Boorton, Watlyngton, Cuxham, Thame,
Rycote, Standelf, Clayore, Tettysworth lands, Sadeler's lands, Lyncolne's
lands; lands in Reddyng, Tylehurst, Benesheves, Burghfelde, Erle,
Whittley and Shenyfelde, Parkes manor in Brytewell, Mowlsoos, Pushull
Napper.—144l. 0s. 4d. |
|---|
| In the possession of Dame Mary Englefelde:—Horton, by gift of Sir
Adrian Fortescue, 50l.; Ermyrgton, 66l. 13s. 4d. All these lands are
entailed to the heirs male, by fine or will. |
|---|
| In possession of Sir Adrian Fortescue, in right of his wife Anne, daughter
of Sir Wm. Stonore, to which Sir Walter Stonore makes no claim:—The
manors of Nurslyng, Wolfeston, Berkeden Hode, Womeforde, and Clyfto
Bernefelde, 138l. 19s. 5d. Bradeston in Berkeley Herons, 50l. Melrethe,
23l. Alveley, 44l. Paid him out of the Exchequer, 66l. 13s. 4d.
P.1. Large paper. Endd. |
|---|
| R. O. | 1092. Schoolmasters. |
|---|
| Bill in Parliament exempting the masters of free grammar schools
annexed to chantries from payment of first-fruits.
Large paper, pp. 2. Endd.: For the schole of Wycke and other lyke. |
|---|
8 June.
Poli Epist., 455. | 1093. Pole to Card. Contarini. |
|---|
| The person whom he sent with his book to the King has returned
with letters from the King to the effect that he is not displeased with what
Pole has written, but as their opinions differ in many points, or rather, in
everything, he desires him to return, that he may communicate with him.
Cromwell writes, urging him to do so as soon as possible. Answers to
this by a plain refusal, unless the King first returns to the Church. What
was said about the favor in which Tunstal and "Balsoriensis Episcopus"
were with the King is not true. Cromwell is the sole governor. Some
good things are said about the new bride. Despairs of England. Expects
to hear again from England as soon as the King knows he will not return.
Venice, 8 June.
Lat. |
|---|
8 June.
Vienna Archives. | 1094. Charles V. to Chapuys. |
|---|
| We received, on the 5th, your letters of the 19th ult., and take it as
very good service that you have so fully informed us of the contents besides
what you have written to Granvelle; desiring you to continue to keep us
informed of what you negociate on the matters of which we wrote to you
by the secretary of the English ambassador here, and since by your man
George, for until we have more certain knowledge we cannot tell what to
say. We trust to your discretion to advise and assist the Princess our
cousin as you have done hitherto. We send copies of the answer made by
the French king to the Pope in reply to what we lately said to his Holiness
at Rome, and also of the reply made by us to the said answer, which you may
use with the King and Cromwell as you think best. Asti, 8 June 1536.
Fr., from a modern copy, p. 1. |
|---|
| 9 June. | 1095. Cromwell.
See Grants in June, Nos. 11 and 26. |
|---|
| 9 June. | 1096. Bishopric of Norwich.
See Grants in June, No. 12. |
|---|
9 June.
R. O. | 1097. William Abbot of Waverley to Cromwell. |
|---|
| I received your letters on the 7th, and have endeavoured to accomplish
them. I send you the true extent and value of our monastery, beseeching
you to help in its preservation, that it may continue in the service of
Almighty Jesu. I am the bolder to ask this of you, because when I was
with you last year at Winchester you told me to repair to you on this
business. Waverley, 9 June.
Hol., p. 1. Add.: Secretary. Sealed. |
|---|
9 June.
R. O. | 1098. Mary Lady Guldeford to Cromwell. |
|---|
| I have lately received by a lacquey of my lady marquess of Exeter a
letter from you, showing that the King has given the keeping of Ledes and
Langley to Sir Edw. Neveyl, to whom you wish me to give the preferment
of my lease of the three mills in Ledes park and of the herbage and pannage
of Ledes and Langley. I received by the same messenger a letter from the
King to the like effect, and a third from Sir Edward. I think myself not
well handled in this by Sir Edward, who knows I cannot refuse either the
King or you who have been so kind to me. Nevertheless I will confer with
him at my leisure, hoping the King and you would not have me let it to my
loss. Beheworthe Castle, 9 June.
Hol., p. 1. Add.: Secretary. Endd. |
|---|
9 June.
R. O. | 1099. Thomas Bell, sheriff of Gloucester, to the Bishop of
London. |
|---|
| Whereas of late I put a bill into your hands of the disorderly and
colorable preaching of certain of the bp. of Worcester's preachers, since then
the enclosed bill of articles was presented to Mr. Tysen, official of Worcestershire, in the archdeacon's visitation at Miche Malvern by Will. Horton,
gent., of the par. of Stawnton, Will. Groundy, John Snede, John Kyng,
and John Clerke, of the said par., testifying that Jas. Ashe, parson of
Stawnton, has spoken slanderous words against the King. I desire that the
said articles may be submitted to the duke of Norfolk. Many people here
think that the bp. of Worcester does ill to admit such a light learned man to
preach. He will not suffer any D.D. or B.D. of the diocese to preach who
are known for discreet men and learned, but has admitted the warden of the
Grey Friars, Worcester, Sir Saunders, parish priest of Winchecombe,
Sir Benet and Sir Garret, his two chaplains, and divers other light persons
who follow the parson of Stawnton, to the disquiet of Christian people. The
said Benet preached at Gloucester on Sunday next before last May Day,
saying if the Purgatory priests do pray with their tongues till they be worn
to the stumps their prayers shall not help souls departed. He also said that
the mass was no help to departed souls. The said bp. has likewise admitted
a Black friar "called Two-year old," who was banished from the diocese of
Worcester by Dr. Bell, then chancellor, for his abominable living and
drunkenness; and a similar evil priest named Hen. Marshall he has promoted to a benefice and allowed him to preach in his diocese. We trust
that by you and the duke of Norfolk the premises will be redressed.
Gloucester, 9 June.
Hol., p. 1. Endd.: "The copy of Thomas Bellys lettre of Gloucetour
directed to the Busshop of London. |
|---|
9 June.
R.O. | 1100. John Husee to Lady Lisle. |
|---|
| You will receive of Hugh Colton one doz. quarter lings, in number 31.
I had laden the half cwt. ling and the cwt. haberdeyn, but in consequence of
your Ladyship's letters I got the fishmonger to take it again, giving him
53s. 4d. for the quartern. I bought it of Skerne the fishmonger, a kinsman
of Mr. Skerne, of Lincoln's Inn. Both ling and haberden were never so
dear. You shall have your gown against Corpus Christi day. Skut requires
half a yard more, 14 yards in all. Your bonnet I shall bespeak next working day. As yet I can get no answer of Mr. Hennage concerning your
Ladyship's daughter, but I have good hope your request will take effect.
London, 9 June.
Hol., p. 1. Add. |
|---|
9 June.
R. O. | 1101. Sir Ric. Whetthyll to Lord Lisle. |
|---|
| I have received your letter of the 2nd inst. in answer to one I
wrote to your Lordship that my son Robert might be admitted to the
late Thos. Prowde's room, but I perceive your Lordship will do all you
can to continue Snauden in the same spear's room. You inform me that
you gave it to Mr. Porter, and not to your servant, as I and mine had
reported, "and will enjoy the said room in despite of your Lordship;"
and also that my wife and son Robt. have behaved themselves unbecomingly to you and my Lady. Cannot understand their offence, but knows
that Calais tongues and pens often promote mischief, but truth and patience
will win at last. After the King granted the foresaid spear's room for
my son Robert, I showed him, if his Grace meant my son to have it, he
must direct letters to your Lordship, to discharge one that was admitted
and sworn in it. "His Grace said a was sure once, twice or thrice hit
was not so." I assured him it was true, and when he asked me who, I
told him Leonard Snauden, your servant. His Grace answered, "what, so
soon? so soon? well, said his Grace, resort unto us again." Two days after
I applied to know his pleasure, and he bade me cause a letter to be made and
sent to your Lordship, wherein I cannot yet be at an end. "But of your
goodness ye offer me the next room for my son, or else to spend 100l., and
still to continue in malice towards me." I have given you no cause for this,
but I have no doubt the King's Council will say that my son's gift is better
than Mr. Porter's, both because it was earlier and also by the ordinance
made by Mr. Treasurer and the other Commissioners that anyone giving
money for a room should lose it. Moreover, after the commencement of the
last Parliament, the Act stood in effect. You will therefore hold me excused
if I follow the King's grant. London, 9 June.
Hol., pp. 2. Add.: Deputy of Calais. Endd. |
|---|
9 June.
R. O. | 1102. Anthony Colley to [Cromwell]. |
|---|
| Wrote about the 25th May last by Rob. Cassy, of Dublin, respecting
the great cost to which the King was put with his army here, and though
they were endorsed to you, they were taken from the bearer and opened by
the lord Deputy, in fear lest they should contain matter displeasing to him,
and the writer was committed to prison, where he has been for 11 days and
not allowed to see any of his friends. Desires he will send an order that the
writer and his letters shall appear before him, as he is afraid that by the
subtlety of the Master of the Rolls Cromwell will never see his letters in
their unaltered form. This will prevent the truth from coming to his ear,
and no one will venture to write to him of the affairs in Ireland. It was the
policy of the late earl of Kildare to keep England in the dark on matters of
Ireland. He usually prepared matters for the Council, which were first
signed by his own followers there, and then by others; consequently the
Council of England was frequently misinformed, and those were blamed who
had never offended. Thinks he should send a commandment to the lord
Deputy not to stop any letters, for the King and his Council are not so
barren of understanding to need to have their letters construed and expounded. There are some here who do not wish that Cromwell should
meddle in anything without their advice, as though their wits exceeded all
men's. His said letters are written in the same "un-legible" hand that this
is. Mr. Treasurer is very good to the writer, but not so the lord Deputy.
If Cromwell will have him discharged of his service there, would be much
obliged, as nothing that he can do would satisfy the deputy. Dublin, 9 June.
Hol., pp. 2. Add.: [To the] right honorable Mr. [Cromwell]. |
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| 1103. Anthony Colly's Retinue. |
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| R. O. | Complaint by the retinue of Anthony Colly, which belonged to that
of Sir Wm. Skeffington, late lord Deputy of Ireland, showing that the present
lord Deputy, since the coming over of the Chief Justice of the King's Bench
here and John Alyn, Master of the Rolls, has committed their captain, the
said Anthony, to prison, on the ground that the said deputy (Skeffington)
is supposed to have sent one of the King's servants named Casy to him and
to lady Anne Skeffington to say that he was going into England, and
delivered letters to him for Cromwell and other of their friends; which
letters being taken from him and read by the said deputy (lord Leonard
Grey), he sent to lady Skeffington, the Lord Chancellor, the Chief Baron
and justice Lutterell, to urge her to deny "the same her writings," request
the good will of the said deputy, and promise never to write such things
again. They hope also to constrain Colly, who is still in prison, to deny the
truth of many things laid to his charge. It is a pity a man cannot write to
the King or to Cromwell but his letters will be intercepted and scanned by
his adversaries here. The present lord Deputy favors none of the late lord
Deputy's retinue. We beg that an impartial commissioner be sent over.
The last journey we ever made, some of us, without help of the said deputy,
took a prey from the King's enemies, in doing which several were sorely
wounded, and some lost horses worth 5l. sterling. Yet we brought the prey
to the said deputy, who distributed it among his own servants and would not
give us one cow thereof.
Signed by John Colly, petty captain, Thomas Skeffington, and 71 others.
Pp. 4. Add. at the head to Cromwell as Secretary. |
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| 1104. Dame Anne Skeffington. |
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| R. O. | "The articles of such ungentle demeanour as hath been showed in
Ireland to dame Anne Skeffyngton, wife of the late Sir William Skeffyngton,
knight, sith his departing, as followeth:" (1.) Lord Leonard Grey, by the
Council of Ireland chosen justice of the land after the death of Sir William
Skeffyngton, rebuked one Wyght, second baron of the Exchequer in Ireland,
for preferring a letter to be signed with the Council's hands to the King's
Grace of the late deputy's good service in Ireland. The baron asked lady
Skeffington for the letter and showed it to lord Leonard, who has retained
it by force. (2.) Lady Skeffington having household stuff at Mynowthe,
after her husband's death hired carts to bring it to her, but lord Leonard
would not suffer her to have any thence unless she would deliver him part
thereof, and he still keeps it. (3.) Lady Skeffington had of the deputy and
Council licence to send her son-in-law, Ant. Colly, into England with certain
hobbies to the King, the Queen, and others her good masters, to solicit her
causes. For this she hired a boat of Nich. Watkyn, but lord Leonard took
it from her; she then hired another of Robt. a Powell, now in England,
and paid beforehand, but lord Leonard arrested it for 14 days, and then commanded the said Antony not to go to England; in proof of which, Robt. a
Powell, who was Mr. Treasurer's servant, yet has 5l. 13s. 4d. paid him for
freight of the vessel. So the lady is without her money, and driven from
her suits and "to the great charge in keeping of her horses." (4.) When
Sir William Skeffington, at his last coming to Ireland, saw the country in
ruin with Thos. Fegarod's war, he was glad to retain to the King's service
as many Irishmen as he could. He retained one Arte Ogge, an Irish
captain, with his company, who was arrested by John Sersfelde, merchant of
Dewllynge, for debt; but Sir William, "seeing all the country in burning,
robbing, and in busy war," did detain him to serve the King. Lord Leonard,
being deputy, and divers of the Council, decreed that lady Skeffington, as
her husband's executor, should pay 40l. which the Irishman owed, because
her husband discharged him out of prison. (5.) A servant of the late Sir
William, named Wm. Wade, chanced to be hurt in a fray, and afterwards
"did hurt him which hurt the said William first." Wade has been imprisoned and fined 4l. off his wages. (6.) John Allyn, Master of the Rolls
in Ireland, lately obtained of the King the chancellorship of St. Patricks in
Dewllyng for a young brother of his, neither wise nor learned. Thomas
Cannon, servant to the late deputy, having said the brother was insufficient
for such a room, the Master of the Rolls imprisoned him in the castle for
four days, although, as one of the King's soldiers, he ought to be judged by
the marshal; "but such lordly ways these new masters take that they be
very busy to conquer every man with their authority."
Pp. 3. |
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9 June.
Brady's Episc. Succession. | 1105. Consistory at Rome. |
|---|
| "Fuerunt lectæ literæ de morte Reginæ imo concubinæ Regis Angliæ
quæ deprehensa in adulterio a Rege fuit tradita neci cum fratre et quatuor
nobilibus viris."
From Barberini MSS. |
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9 June.
Corpus Reform., iii. 89. | 1106. Melancthon to Joachim Camerarius. |
|---|
| Was detained after the departure of the English by the expectation of
meeting Bucer. They have modified their opinion, but it was thought safer
to settle nothing about concord lest more discord should be raised by the
dissent of the more earnest. Was much troubled by the affair, but the end
was peaceful enough. Will soon follow this letter. Is free from the projected journey to England, for, after these tragic occurrences there, plans
have greatly changed. The second Queen, more accused than convicted of
adultery, has been executed. These vicissitudes denounce the anger of God
against all men, and show him that their own misfortunes and dangers should
be borne with resignation. 5 id June.
Lat. |
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10 June.
Excerpta Hist., 261. | 1107. Anne Boleyn's Execution. |
|---|
| Anonymous letter giving an account of the execution on Wednesday
17th May of lord Rochford, Weston, Brereton, Norris, and Smeton, and on
Friday the 19th of Anne Boleyn; with a report of their speeches on the
scaffold. After her execution the Council declared that the Queen's daughter
was the child of her brother, and that she should be removed from her
place and the daughter of the former again acknowledged as princess and
successor in the kingdom; "and the King did so receive her with the utmost
graciousness." London, 10 June 1536.
Translation from a Portuguese original in the convent of Alcobaça. |
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| 2. "II successo in la Morte della Regina de Inghilterra con il consenso del
Consiglio di S. M., et la Morte di IIII. gran Baroni del Regno," &c.
London, 10 June 1536.
An Italian tract of 4 leaves identical in its contents with the preceding,
and printed in italic type clearly contemporary. (fn. 6) |
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10 June.
Otho, C. x. 262 b. B. M. Hearne's Sylloge, 125. | 1108. Princess Mary to Cromwell. |
|---|
| I send by the bearer, my servant, "both the King's Highness' letter, (fn. 7)
sealed, and the copy of the same, again to you." You will see I have
followed your advice, and will do so in all things concerning my duty to
the King, God and my conscience not offended; for I take you as one of
my chief friends next his Grace and the Queen. I desire you, for Christ's
passion, to find means that I be not moved to any further entry in this
matter than I have done; for I assure you I have done the utmost my
conscience will suffer me, and I neither desire nor intend to do less than I
have done. "But if I be put to any more (I am plain with you as with my
great friend) my said conscience will in no ways suffer me to consent thereunto." Except in this point, neither you nor any other shall be more
desirous to have me obey the King than I shall be ready to do so. I had
rather lose my life than displease him. I beg you to take this letter in good
part. I would not have troubled you so much, but that the end of your
letter caused me a little to fear I shall have more business hereafter.
Hownsdon, 10 June.
Hol. Mutilated. Add.: [To my go]od Master Secretary. |
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10 June.
Otho, C. x. 261. B. M. St. P. i. 455. Hearne's Sylloge, 124. | 1109. Princess Mary to [Henry VIII.] |
|---|
| Begs his daily blessing. Has already, she trusts, obtained forgiveness on her suit, with licence to write to him; but hopes for some token or
message of reconciliation, and that she may obtain her fervent desire of
access to his presence. Excuses her importunity. Begs him to accept his
penitent child, who henceforth puts her state and living in his mercy, next
to Almighty God, under whatever conditions. Prays God preserve him and
the Queen, and send them a prince. Hownsdon, 10 June.
Hol. Mutilated. |
|---|
| Ib. f. 281. | 2. Another copy, also holograph, dated like the preceding.
Mutilated. |
|---|
| Ib. f. 264. | 3. A third copy, also holograph, (fn. 8) dated Hownsdon, 13 June.
Mutilated. |
|---|
| Otho. C. x. 273. B. M. Hearne's Sylloge, 137. | 1110. Cromwell to Princess Mary. |
|---|
| "I have received your letters, whereby it appeareth you be in great discomfort, and do desire that I should find the means to speak with you."
Your discomfort can be no greater than mine, who upon your letters have
spoken so much of your repentance for your wilful obstinacy against the
King, and of your humble submission to obey his pleasure and laws in all
things without exception or qualification. Knowing how diversely and contrarily you have proceeded at the late being of his Majesty's Council with
you, I am ashamed of what I have said and afraid of what I have done.
What the sequel shall be God knows. With your folly you undo yourself,
and I say to you, as I have said elsewhere heretofore, it were pity you should
not be an example in punishment, "if you will make yourself an example
in the contempt of God, your natural father and his laws by your only
fantasie, contrary to the judgments and determinations of all men that ye
must confess do know and love God as well as you." To be plain with you,
I think you the most obstinate woman that ever was, and I dare not open
my lips to name you unless I have such a ground thereto that it may appear
you were mistaken, or at least that you repent your ingratitude and are ready
to do your duty. I have therefore sent you a book of articles to subscribe,
on receiving which from you again, with a letter declaring that you think in
your heart as you have subscribed with your hand, I will venture to speak
for your reconciliation. If you do not leave all sinister counsels, which
have brought you to the point of undoing, I take leave of you for ever, and
desire you to write to me no more; "for I will never think you other than
the most ungrate, unnatural, and most obstinate person living, both to God
and your most dear and benign father. And I advise you to nothing, but
I beseech God never to help me if I know it not so certainly to be your
bounden duty, by God's laws and man's laws, that I must needs judge that
person that shall refuse it not meet to live in a Christian congregation; to
the witness whereof I take Christ, whose mercy I refuse if I write anything
unto you that I have not professed in my heart and know to be true."
Mutilated draft. |
|---|
10 June.
R. O.
St. P. v. 54. | 1111. Henry VIII. to James V. |
|---|
| Has received his letter of the 21st, declaring his friendly stomach,
yet interlacing an argument about the place and time which the King had
supposed agreed upon. "Considering that purpose as now by your means
changed," we shall, without further dispute, "accomplish and perform as
much friendship towards you as ye do either promise to us, or as our
proximity of blood confirmed by treaty doth require." Desires credence for
Sir Adam Otterburn. Westminster, 10 June.
Draft, in Wriothesley's hand, with address at end. Endd. |
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10 June.
R. O. | 1112. Walter Cowley to Cromwell. |
|---|
| Has forborne to write to Cromwell, knowing that other persons did.
Is handled roughly for his truth, and untruly reported of in consequence
of his refusal to bear tales against Mr. Agard. Trusts in Cromwell's
judgment. |
|---|
| Excuses Agard for having written to Mr. Pole and "touched" Allen and
Aylmer. He was inflamed with excess of gladness at being restored to
Cromwell's favor. The strife between them is beginning to rise again. |
|---|
| Agard is known to be diligent, so that "great mish shold bee of hym."
Meddles not with Mr. Treasurer's praise; but no one could soon stint in
declaring his service, and he flees occasion of strife. |
|---|
| Lately Ossory, the Lord Treasurer, the bishop of Mith, the lord of Kilmaynam, and others, sent letters to Cromwell by Robt. Case, and they
were opened by the Deputy and others without Master Treasurer's knowledge. Case is now in England, and can be examined. Asks him to exhort
the Deputy to leave such conduct. |
|---|
| Nothing can be done until the army is out of debt, and no great power can
continue unless the revenues are sufficient to pay for it. The profits acquired
by this Parliament will draw to a good sum. A general reformation must
consist principally in inhabiting, and in building and repairing defences.
Meanwhile the Deputy, with Ossory, Butler, and the English Pale, should
endeavour to enfeeble the Irishry. |
|---|
| Disapproves of the King's granting away the lands now had by this Parliament. Those who make suit can be preferred to farms or other things
that do not diminish the King's inheritance. |
|---|
| Manors and castles in the Marches might well be given to hardy gentlemen in fee-farm. Ossory and his son deserve as a reward the restoration of
their old honor and inheritance, which exceeds not 100l. a year. |
|---|
| Hears that his father is like to have further preferment. He must be
exempted from any particular devises, and as having his only preferment by
the King, to dwell among the Council here in Dublin, devising only the
advancement of the King's affairs and profit. Dublin, 10 June.
Hol., pp. 7. Add.: Master Secretary. Endd. |
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10 June.
R. O. | 1113. Matthew Kyng to Cromwell. |
|---|
| Today, Thos. Canon, one of the late Deputy's retinue, arrived here
without a passport from the Lord Deputy or licence from the Council.
Believes he intends to declare to Cromwe untrue matters about the Lord
Deputy. Desires him not to believe such people until the truth be known.
"Troubled" the said Canon here in the King's behalf, till he alleged that he
was a suitor to Cromwell, and then let him pass. Waits for wind and
weather to go to the north of Ireland. Chester, Trinity Eve, 1536.
Hol., p. 1. Add.: Secretary. Endd. |
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10 June.
R. O. | 1114. Sir John Wallop to Lord Lisle. |
|---|
| I thank you for your letter and news. I think you know of the
Admiral's return out of Piedmont, and of the garrisons he has left behind
him. There has been no news since, except of skirmishes between those of
Turin and Anthony de Levay, in all of which the French had the better,
except in one reported yesterday, in which Mons. de Listney and another
gentleman were sore hurt, and Mons. de Trayvis was taken prisoner. The
Spaniards trained them out of the town. The chief rulers there are
Hanyball, Mons. de Legre and Burey, and the garrison contains the flower
of all the youth of the Court. In the second town, called Fossham, Monpesade is captain, and in the third, called Cony, the marquis of Salust. I
think these two towns could not be kept against the Emperor's army. The
Emperor has sent a defiance to the marquis of Salust, and has confiscated
his country, saying he is his subject, while the French king claims him as
his; so the war is now begun. The Emperor has already 50,000 foot.
His horse are at least 6,000, but have not all come from Almaigne. The
French king showed my lord of Winchester and me yesterday that he has
30,000 Swiss and Almains ready, and above 33,000 Frenchmen, legioners,
venturers, and Italians, and 2,000 men-of-arms. Consider what two battles
these will be if they join together! Mounte Jean within these two days
took Egobell (Aiguebelle), in Savoy, where 1,500 peasants were killed.
Lyons, 10 June. Signed. |
|---|
| The duke of Longfeld in returning home died on the 8th inst., on this
side Molynes. |
|---|
| "Copy of a letter come, written from Lwke, the 6th day of May 1536.
His Majesty shall be at Allexandre the 22nd day at the furthest, from which
place"—(ends abruptly).
Pp. 3. Add.: Deputy of Calais. |
|---|
10 June.
Add MS. 8715, f. 256, b. B. M. | 1115. Bishop of Faenza to Mons. Ambrogio. |
|---|
| Yesterday a courier came from England with news that the King has
taken to wife that lady for whom he showed the greatest preference even
during the life of the other (quella Dama che vivendo anche l'altra mostrava
che piu gli piacesse.) * * *
Ital., pp. 3. Modern copy. Headed: Al Signor Protonotario Ambrogio,
Di Lione, 10 Giugno 1536. |
|---|
10 June.
Paludan Müller, Aktstykke i. 558. | 1116. Marcus Meyer. |
|---|
| On Friday after Whitsunday, Marx Meier freely and without constraint confessed the following articles:— |
|---|
| Eleven articles are set forth, mainly relating to his dealings with Lubeck
and Wollenwever. Those relating to England are— |
|---|
| 1. That when he came from England to Lubeck he met with count
Oldenburg, Benedict von der Wisch, and Achim Buckwolt, who alone
secretly decreed the war with Wullebewer (sic) and announced it to him. |
|---|
| 10. He had requested of the King of England by Dirick Hagenaw, whom
he sent thither with a small vessel, two of the best ships with 500 men, and
was in hopes of obtaining them in the end, and if he had asked for more he
would have known how to get them. |
|---|
| ii. Twenty-four interrogatories founded on the above confession. |
|---|
| iii. Answers to the preceding interrogatories given under torture on
Saturday after Whitsunday. |
|---|
| 1. The king of England sent ambassadors to Warberg to negociate with
the duke [of Holstein], count [of Oldenburg], and those of Lubeck that he
might obtain a portion of land in Denmark; but when they lost hope of
obtaining this portion they negociated with "ko. w." (king Christian). The
money was to come to Hamburg. Dr. Poek promoted the matter by his
demands. 2. Gert von Oldenburg (should be Odingberg) and John von
Elpen brought 10,000 angelots from the king of England. It was they who
began the negociation with him, but they did not finish it. If the covenant
had been completed he would have sent the money. (fn. 9) The merchant was
obliged to give bonds for it. 3 and 4. To these articles he says little. The
3rd inquired how much help the King had already given or lent to Lubeck,
and for what purpose. The 4th relates to what he said about the Burgundians not seeking to injure king Christiern. 5 and 6. Concerning Ditmarsch,
Riga, &c. 7–24. Gives particulars as to his capture of Warberg, and as to
his relations with Lubeck, Wollenwever, &c.
Provincial German (Plattdeutsch). |
|---|