Henry VIII
July 1536, 6-10

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Institute of Historical Research

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James Gairdner (editor)

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1888

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19, 20, 21, 22, 23, 24, 25, 26, 27, 28, 29

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'Henry VIII: July 1536, 6-10', Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, Henry VIII, Volume 11: July-December 1536 (1888), pp. 19-29. URL: http://www.british-history.ac.uk/report.aspx?compid=75463 Date accessed: 17 September 2014.


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July 1536, 6-10

6 July.
R. O.
37. John Whalley to Cromwell.
Is informed by Master Wingfield that before his last coming to Dover, the master of the Maison Dieu had left to speak with the duke of Norfolk. Cannot tell on what business; if on the King's affairs Cromwell will know. He has been away 12 days. Hears the King is coming to Dover. Two French men of war have lain in Dover harbour these two days and this morning went to sea. Thinks some ordnance should be sent for defence of the harbour and town. Dover, 6 July.
Hol., p. 1. Add.: Lord Privy Seal. Endd.
7 July.38. Edward Seymour, Viscount Beauchamp.
See Grants in July, No. 12.
7 July.
R. O.
39. Sir Chr. Mores to Lord Lisle.
Desires him to aid Robt. and John Owen, gunfounders, sent by the King to Calais to finish the works they have begun there, and that if Harry Johnson do come to Calais he may have no powder to make proof of guns until the writer either comes himself or sends word. Begs him to order Thos. Forten to deliver to the said brothers a culverin of brass of their casting, "which came off the wall from Wenlockes quarter," and he shall have a piece of like weight delivered to him. London, 7 July. Signed.
P. 1. Add.: Deputy of Calais.
8 July.
Vienna Archives.
40. Chapuys to Charles V.
Wrote on the 1st very fully. Next day the French ambassador and I were in Court, and soon after dinner the Chancellor brought me into the King's presence, whither we were immediatety followed by the dukes of Norfolk and Suffolk and the rest of the Council, not one remaining with the ambassador of France in the antechamber. The King being come I explained to him how you had been pleased to send me the rejoinder to the answer made by the French king to your speech in Consistory for the express purpose that I might communicate it to him, as the prince who, by his prudence, virtue, and experience, would know best the truth and importance of the matters which had for the most part passed through his hands, and as one towards whom your Majesty desired to be fully justified; that by this rejoinder, besides the innumerable injuries by which you had been provoked, he would see the futility of the French king's reply and also of the arguments used by the French ambassador on Sunday. And hereupon I repeated to him in summary the grounds alleged by the said ambassador with the answer to each. Nevertheless the King sought to maintain the said ambassador's quarrel to some extent, saying that the French king, not recognising a superior, had no occasion to proceed by justice against the duke of Savoy who was not a true subject of your Majesty, even if he was of the Empire, and although he were, and the king of France had invaded him, that your Majesty might lawfully chase the French out of Piedmont, but he (Henry) had no occasion, either on that account or on account of the French invasions of your frontiers, to invade France even on the side nearest to him, for the preservation of which the treaties between him and France appeared to be specially drawn up. He added that they had had several treaties with the French since that of Cambray, made between you and him, which he confessed still remained in force, and finally said that if your Majesty would lay aside your arms, some arrangement might be made. After he had said this and other things to the like effect, I said that I was sure that there was no one living who knew better the justice of your Majesty's cause, not only in repelling the violence done to you, but also in avenging yourself and proceeding by war for the full satisfaction of the wrongs done you by them, and that the objections he had started were only to try my wit; but to obey his desire I would answer, which I did pretty fully, not without several interruptions and replies from him, in which he persisted with some obstinacy. And seeing that he could not reasonably resist the truth, he entered into other matter and began to say he would have as lawful occasion to complain of your Majesty and of the rupture of the. amity as you had of the king of France, seeing that lately a subject of his had been imprisoned at Seville for having produced and exhibited in judgment a certain power in which among other titles given to him was that of sovereign head under God of the Church of England, and that he knew not what injury could be greater than to take away from him that title and prerogative which God and reason had given him. Although I might have reasonably justified the said act of imprisonment, yet as it was not convenient to enter into such discussions, I told him simply that the affair was new to me, and that if a memorial of it was given me I would write to your Majesty, who I was sure would reply in such style that he would have reason to be satisfied. He requested me also to write about it to the Empress and to those of the Inquisition, which I promised to do, but he has not yet sent me the said memorial, and from what I have heard, the man who was imprisoned was released in eight days. After this I came back upon the former subject, wishing to know of him if he intended when the army of Flanders marched into France to declare himself in any wise against your Majesty. He replied that his wish was to observe the treaties which he had with your Majesty as well as those he had with France, and that what he had disputed with me was not for final decision, for he did not yet consider himself fully informed of the affair; and I think, as Cromwell, indeed, confesses, the King maintains an opposite opinion, both because his natural inclination is to oppose all things debateable, taking great pride in persuading himself that he makes the world believe one thing instead of another, and also to make your Majesty feel the more grateful if he come to declare himself for you.
Owing to what Cromwell and the duke of Norfolk had told me, that the King was surprised and somewhat sorry that so long after the beginning of the negociations for the amity no answer had been received from you, I began to relate the whole progress of the affair from the beginning, showing clearly that it was not owing to your Majesty that the matter had not been concluded, and I further reminded him of the times and the manner in which he and his ministers had delayed it. To which the King could make no answer, except that if your Majesty's will had been such as I said, you would have sent me a copy of the past treaties with power sufficient to treat. To this I replied that as the originals were here there was no need of such copies, and as to the power there was no occasion to send it until the articles had been discussed on both sides, and, as your Majesty had already declared what you wanted, it rested with him to do the same. He replied that he was continually urged to speak, and he would do nothing, for that belonged to those who required it and who had treated him badly, and hereupon he repeated that the treaties would be as ill kept towards him as they were after the capture of the king of France. By these words and by what I have been able to learn elsewhere, it appears to me that he expects you to return to the original agreement to make him king of France, and thinks it very strange that no indication has been given to encourage him in this hope.
He dismissed me graciously, saying he would speak with his Council, and that he would call me another time to see the said reply of your Majesty; nevertheless he desired me immediately to communicate the said reply to his Council. I then left the King's chamber, and the whole Council immediately followed me. Then the said ambassador went in to speak to the King, but did not remain the tenth part of the time I had done, and left less cheerful than he had been on entering, and abruptly left the Court without speaking to any of the Councillors who were seated with me to hear the reading of the said reply. I read it slowly and distinctly, so that not a word passed but it was well noted and weighed, and the whole was very much praised by all, a marvellous thing. And almost at every clause the Councillors broke out into exclamations of praise, except the duke of Norfolk, who was not too well pleased at it, the pension from France having obscured his judgment, and the cessation of that which he used to have from your Majesty. Cromwell has told me that the said Duke does not bear you illwill, yet he is a little variable and a little greedy, and will sometimes show that he has not his pension from France for nothing. After the reading of the said reply with the declarations, additions, and apostyles necessary, I begged the company that they would exhort the King to declare himself on the side of your Majesty according to the former treaties, from which would result, besides being a service to God, the peace of Christendom, for reasons I had several times declared. I further explained to them in summary what had taken place as to the negociations for amity, enlarging on the importance and necessity of it and your great desire for it, and urging them to advance it. On this the duke of Norfolk said that your Majesty must begin by declaring your demands. And on my replying that you had done so, requesting that the King would declare himself against France, and if former treaties were not sufficient for this that new ones should be made more strict, he answered that that was entering into business, and that they would report it to the King and do their best in both points. I think it necessary to declare the progress of the said negociations because the duke of Norfolk told me that the King took it ill that Cromwell and I had discussed the matter so long without any result, and that the said Cromwell was in such a position (en estoit de sorte) that henceforth he would not dare to speak a word to the King about it; and, as Cromwell told me two days afterwards, the Duke spoke thus out of envy that I had not addressed him on these matters. Moreover, it was true that before I spoke to the King this last time, he seemed somewhat displeased with him about this, but everything was set right since. Moreover as I have been told, that the day before I was in Court, when the French ambassador left the Court, he said to Norfolk that he had done a good day's work, and also by what the Duke had said to me, that your Majesty was aiming at the monarchy, I fear those here have a bad impression of your Majesty's affairs. For this reason I took Cromwell apart and informed him of the above, but he told me it was of no importance, and that upon his life and honour the King his master had never intended to declare himself against your Majesty, and that I must not mind about what the duke of Norfolk said. Yet I cannot help thinking that the insinuation about monarchy was intended to suggest that to abate this suspicion your Majesty must offer to the English a part in France. I spoke also to Cromwell about the French ships which haunted this coast, about which he said he would make good provision, and petition the King as of himself without showing either to the King or anyone else that I had suggested it to him.
Having on the 5th inst. received your Majesty's letters of the 8th [June?] ("dudit huitieme de l'autre"), I sent immediately to inform Cromwell, desiring to speak with the King, but with him first; and he at once sent to tell me that I might find him at his lodging about vespers, and have access to the King next day. I was at his lodging at the hour appointed, and he had just arrived from Court, where the French ambassador had been negociating all the morning, and according to Cromwell's account had been filling the ears of the King with their accustomed braveries,—that your Majesty's forces in Italy were insignificant, and that they would soon bring them to the test,—till Cromwell could stand it no longer, and gave him two or three home thrusts (fn. 1) which at once made him silent. On this Cromwell showed me a packet which he was despatching into France, telling me that it contained a reply with which the king of France might perhaps not be satisfied; nevertheless it was so reasonable and so well put that they could take no exception to it; and I might be assured that the matters we were treating together would go on well, but means and ceremonies must be employed to protect the honour of the King his master, who the day before, about 4 p.m., returning from a marriage in masquerade dressed en la Turquesque, had come to him, and they had scarcely spoken about anything but this establishment of friendship. He had found the King well disposed, and as to the Councillors, there was not one except the duke of Norfolk, who did not beseech him to get the King to take your Majesty's side. Afterwards, from one thing to another he went on to tell me that this morning, having informed the King of our having been together that day, he charged [him] to complain of the coolness shown in giving effect to our negociations, telling him he should provoke me a little (il me debuoit ung peu picquer) on this subject. I said that some martial influence must prevail, for I also came intending to lament their coolness and to provoke and instigate him (le picquer et agoulonner), and for this combat I came well armed with letters which I had received that morning from your Majesty, as well as some earlier ones. And hereupon I began to read some of the said last letters; and he was much pleased that you had written to me so plainly of the obligation of this King to assist you. And seeing that I complained from the same feeling, of the slowness of our negociations, both because your Majesty might impute some blame to me, and because, while the time was being lost, a beginning might already be made of something for the good of Christendom, he said that he always thought, and now still more, that there was no dissimulation on your Majesty's side. I assured him so with oaths, and he said that that very hour he would speak more frankly to his master, and that I should soon see the result. He said further that the French were using diverse artifices to draw them over to their side, and he thought that the secretary of Venice, either at the instigation of the French ambassador, or from some French leaning of his own, had come to him when they were making up the despatch for France, and had related to him a thousand idle stories (mil braveures, qu. mille braveries ?) of the Turk, casting some doubt for this reason on the affairs of your Majesty, in order, perhaps, that the reply to the said despatch might be more favorable to the French.
Cromwell said he would have advised your Majesty to write a letter to this King recounting not only the injuries your Majesty has received from France, but also some of those which this King might have received, and to exhort him to renew old alliances and arm himself against his old enemy. But on my showing him that your Majesty had charged me by several letters to do that and more, as I have done, he was content. To say what I think, it would seem they want these letters to make their profit of them with the French, to whom they are still somewhat tied by fear of the Pope. Cromwell also told me that I could not have audience of the King his master next day, because he and the Queen were to visit the Princess secretly, three miles hence, and that it would be far better for the advancement of business that I should speak to him after his return, knowing well that after seeing the beauty, goodness, prudence, and virtue of the same Princess, the King would be more inclined to the matters in question; and it would lose no time, for he would the better ascertain the King's intention and would advise me of the means I should use with the King for the good of affairs. Cromwell, although he had informed me that Fossan had promised to surrender if not succoured in a month, desired yet to show me the letters; and certainly, as far as I can see, these news of Fossan which came since I was in Court, have greatly softened this King, of which, after having spoken to him, I may write more accurately to your Majesty.
The day before yesterday, the 6th instant, the King and Queen left this with a small and secret company to visit the Princess three miles from here, where they remained till yesterday about vespers. The kindness shown by the King to the Princess was inconceiveable, regretting that he had been so long separated from her. He made good amends for it in the little time he was with her, continually talking with her with every sign of affection, and with ever so many fine promises. The Queen gave her a beautiful diamond, and the King about 1,000 crowns in money for her little pleasures, telling her to have no anxiety about money, for she should have as much as she could wish. She was served at table and otherwise with more ceremony than she had ever been. On leaving, the King told her that he would send to her in three or four days Mr. Secretary Cromwell and other persons to appoint her estate, and begged her to have patience and to remain at the lodging where she was before, while he went to Dover and that coast, and on his return he would call her to Court. She will, no doubt, by her great prudence remedy many things. Even if she has long to wait, yet it would be very important to secure a match for her, and I shall lose no opportunity of putting forward the infant Don Loys, which as yet has not taken form (nest venu en taille). [The news] was quite common that the King was to declare her heir apparent, but he has changed his mind and has got a statute passed that it should be in his power, in case he had not lawful children, to declare whomsoever he pleased as heir, and that his said declaration should be as good as an Act of Parliament, and there is little fear that the lot will fall on the Princess, especially failing the duke of Richmond, who, in the judgment of physicians is consumptive (tysique), and incurable. Cromwell told me that the Sieur de Vely had reported in France of the army which was preparing in Flanders under the charge of Nassau, and that the French were in terrible dread of it. The duke of Suffolk showed himself continually ardent in the service of your Majesty, and would like, as I have written before, to show his zeal in deeds. He told me lately that he had been informed that the emperor Maximilian used to say when there was a talk of an expedition against the Turk that there was no more real Turk nor one who better deserved to be punished than a king of France; which, with still better justice, might be said of the present King who, he thought, according to old prophecies would be the first of his name and the last of his race.
I must not omit to mention that the Chancellor after reading your Majesty's reply, began to say openly, in presence of the Council, it was a pretty game that of the French who had first addressed themselves to the Pope whom they knew to be their master's (Henry's) enemy, and had been negociating God knows what, and then came hither, not for friendship or confidence, but because they knew not how to recover themselves. I had already touched somewhat on that subject in detail, but I then began to enrich the story, giving particulars of the French negociations to their disadvantage, which the French king tries to excuse by his answers, and the invasion of Navarre contrary to the declaration of Calais; on which the Chancellor and almost all the Councillors said that by that one might judge the remainder of the answer to be full of falsehood. London, 8 July 1536.
Fr., from a modern copy, pp. 12.
8 July.
Vienna Archives.
41. Chapuys to [Granvelle].
When last in Court I heard that the duke of Norfolk had affirmed and assured to the ambassador of France what I wrote to his Majesty by my second last letters touching the Scotch marriage, of which in my last I wrote doubtfully to you. Cromwell is certainly doing his best to promote this amity, and says that having carried it into effect he will die proud both of this and of having reconciled the Princess and her father, and that he would not wish to live one hour longer. He gives me good hope of it by what he says, that Master Valoup, who is ambassador in France, will be immediately despatched to his Majesty, to whom the King and Cromwell know him to be much devoted.
Some of the Princess's servants have told the late Queen's physician they fear the King will compel the Princess to marry here, lest when once she was abroad she should annul what she has done in confirmation of the wicked statutes, when by the Emperor's aid she might easily dethrone the King. They fear particularly that he will give her to Cromwell, which I cannot in the least believe, and I think that Cromwell himself, even if the King desired it, would decline. What has raised their suspicions is the favour shown him by the King on returning from the Princess, as you will see by what follows.
The King, after returning from the Princess, has given the office of Privy Seal, which has been taken away from Wiltshire, to the Secretary Cromwell. It is worth, in ordinary wages, four ducats a day, and carries with it the title of mylord, while the Secretary is only addressed as master. The King has also given him a great lordship (une signourie principalle), of which I know not the name, and certainly his great services deserve that he should not only bear the title but also have full possession of it. The statute declaring the Concubine's daughter princess and lawful heir has been repealed, and she has been declared bastard,—not as being the daughter of Master Noris, as might have been more honorably said, but because the marriage between the King and the Concubine was invalid, because the King had carnally known the said Concubine's sister; on which ground the archbishop of Canterbury, one or two days before the said Concubine's execution, pronounced the sentence of divorce—of which, as you know, there was little need when the sword divorced them absolutely. It would have been more honorable to have alleged that she had been previously married to another, but God has been pleased to reveal still greater abomination, which is the more inexcusable as ignorance could not be alleged either of the law or of the fact. God grant that may be the end of follies!
Since writing the above, I have asked the late Queen's physician who were the authors of the news about the Princess's marriage, and he has named to me a lord and a gentleman, both honest persons, anxious for the Princess's welfare. Still I do not the more believe about Cromwell marrying her, though I think, as I have written above, that [the King] will not marry her out of the realm, and I am sure she would not consent to it herself, unless it were to Master Reynold Pole, who is at Venice, or to the son (fn. 2) of my lord Montague.
He who told me yesterday what I wrote to his Majesty touching the humanity of this King towards the Princess, was a servant whom she had been accustomed to send to me; and on his making her recommendations to me and declaring ("prefeussant" ?) those news, I thought he had spoken to herself. But I suspect not, and that it was on the report of another; and from what I have been told, among so much honey of humanity there was a dram of gall; but we must condone this to a father's authority and pray God to enlighten him to conduct himself better towards the said Princess than many expect, and also to study more sincerely the amplification of the league with his Majesty, in which, as you know, he has always dissembled and had recourse to subterfuges.
Thanks him for a matter relating to the Master of Toledo. London, 8 July 1536.
Fr., from a modern copy, pp. 3.
8 July.
Vienna Archives.
42. Chapuys to [Anthoine Perrenot].
Was much pleased to learn by his second last letters that the rejoinder of his Majesty to the replies of France would be printed; otherwise would have hesitated to give it to those here who have made the greatest solicitation for it, although he had no reason to think it a thing to be kept from publication, it was so wise, cogent, and truthful, so well composed, and well calculated to extinguish the calumnies and inventions of their opponents. Cannot express how it has been praised and esteemed by several of the English Council, especially by Cromwell, who has got it translated into English for insertion in certain chronicles which he is composing. Fears the messenger who reported to him what he writes en clair to the Emperor about the Princess was a little mistaken, yet he came as her messenger, and brought Chapuys some venison a day or two after. Cannot believe that God will permit that those mentioned in the cipher of his correspondent's letter of the 19th ult. "facent chose quil doigent en nul endroit, et que sa divine justice vuille avoir matiere pour soy y adoperer."
It is a lamentable thing to see a legion of monks and nuns who have been chased from their monasteries wandering miserably hither and thither seeking means to live, and several honest men have told me that what with monks, nuns, and persons dependent on the monasteries suppressed, there were over 20,000 who knew not how to live. Doubts not God will one day hear their complaints and avenge them.
Is very glad of the arrival of his man, who he trusts will bring him back news "dela curée, &c." In any case the husband of the one-eyed woman must be grateful to the Mæcenas for his good will. London, 8 July, 1536.
Fr., from a modern copy, pp. 2. Begins: Monsieur le Secretaire.
8 July.
Otho. C. x. 283. B. M. Hearne's Sylloge. 130.
43. Princess Mary to [Henry VIII.].
Unable as I am to express my thanks "for your gracious mercy and fatherly pity surmounting mine offences, at this time extended towards me, I shall, prostrate at your most noble feet, humbly, and with the very bottom of my stomach," beseech you to believe what I have professed, i.e. "that, as I am now in such merciful sort recovered, being more than almost lost with mine own folly, that your Majesty may as well accept me justly your bounden slave by redemption as your most humble faithful and obedient child and subject by the course of nature planted in this your most noble realm." Promises to continue in obedience according to her promises, both spoken and written, made to the King. "I beseech our Lord to preserve your Grace in health with my very natural mother the Queen, and to send you shortly issue; which I shall as gladly and willingly serve with my hands under their feet as ever did poor subject their most gracious sovereign." Hunsdon, 8 July.
Hol. Mutilated.
8 July.
R. O.
44. Cromwell to Sir John Harding, parish priest of Harding. (fn. 3)
The King's command is that he repair to Cromwell immediately. The Rolls, 8 July. Signed.
P. 1. Add. Endd.: "Resayd ye morrow after St. Mary Mawdlen day." and in another hand "My lord's letter to Sir John Harding, parish priest of Harding."
R. O.45. The Coinage.
Assay of silver made in the Star Chamber at Westminster,—28 (fn. 4) Hen. VIII. in presence of Sir Thos. Audeley, Chancellor, Thos. duke of Norfolk, treasurer, Charles duke of Suffolk, [Thos. earl of Wiltshire,] (fn. 5) John earl of Oxford, Rob. earl of Sussex, Thos. lord Crumwell, secretary, (fn. 6) [Steph. bp. of Winchester,] (fn. 5) [Sir Rob. Norwiche,] (fn. 5) chief justice of the Common Pleas, John Baldwin, (fn. 7) [Edw. Fox,] (fn. 5) the King's almoner, Sir Will. Kyngeston, Sir Ric. Weston, and Sir Jo. Dauncey.
A roll of paper.
8 July.
R. O.
46. John Husee to [Lord Lisle].
This day I have received your letter by Rob. Amner, showing that you would gladly see the King at Dover. But I can get no answer from Mr. Secretary, except that he has spoken to the King, who will consider it; so he answered me again this day. If I can get no comfort of him to-morrow I will desire Mr. Russell and Mr. Treasurer to know the King's pleasure. I wonder his Majesty makes such stay in it. Here are many reports of his coming to Dover—as that he has deferred it till after the Parliament, which will not break up for 15 days; but I am told it will be prorogued on Wednesday next. Others think he will not go till after the progress. I look daily when my lord Chancellor, Mr. Secretary, and Mr. Treasurer will be in hand with the discussion of your lordship's patent, Mr. Porter's and Mr. Whethill's. Mr. Treasurer advises you to write a gentle letter to my lord Chancellor for his lawful favor in it. I am confident Satan shall have a fall. As to your own suit to the King, I get small comfort from your advocates, but Mr. Secretary says he has got the King's promise to look to it. I hope you may come over to me yourself. As to the Marsh and Mr. Wingfield's patent, it is in hand in the Parliament House, and will immediately pass as you would have it. I have spoken again with Hide's man and his friend Butten. He rests now on six years' purchase, and requires your answer. Mr. Smythe and his brother have consulted me on this matter. If your lordship will let him, Mr. Wynsor will ride to him; but I fear if he be much sought he will make less esteem of it. Your ship has arrived, laden with merchants' goods of this city, from Roan, and the purser is left there, so that the master knows not what to do. Here is an honest man willing to serve both as purser, mariner, and gunner. To-day my lord Fewaren is made earl of Bath, and Mr. Secretary is lord Cromwell of Wimbledon. London, 8 July.
Mr. Secretary says the King has signed certain letters which will be directed to you for the ordering of ships of both parts, both of the Empire and France, repairing to that haven.
Hol., pp. 2.
8 July.
R. O.
47. John Husee to Lady Lisle.
I have received your letter this day by Rob. Amner. The world is such that money cannot be borrowed without great losses and good assurance. I trust if my lord might meet the King he shall solicit his own causes; but no man yet knows whether his Grace is going, or when. If he goes the Queen will go with him. If your ladyship wish to see her Highness, you must prepare in season and meet her there. I will apply to Mr. Tuke when I can get him at leisure. I hope he will favor your sureties, or else you have been dissembled with in times past; "but I see this world is but every man to serve his turn." I cannot see that Hide will pass the six years' purchase he has offered. I have written to my lord, and he may do his pleasure. As to preferring your daughter to the Queen, you had better wait. The Coronation will not be till after All Hallow tide. Send Bremelcom a livery coat. London, 8 July.
Hol., p. 1. Add.
R. O.48. Lord Thomas Howard.
The lord Thomas examined how long he hath loved the lady Margaret; answers, about a twelvemonth. (2) What tokens he has given her within this twelvemonth—none but a crampring. (3) What tokens he has received of her—none but her "phisnamye," painted, and a diamond. (4) When the first communication was of the contract—only since Easter. (5) Who was of counsel—heard that she told it the next day after the contract to lord William's wife that now is, and he lately told it to Hastings, his mother's servant.
P. 1. In Wriothesley's hand. Endd.: Examination of the lord Thomas Howard.
R. O.2. John Ashley examined how long he hath known any love between the lady Margaret and the lord Thomas says about a quarter of a year.
Thomas Smyth says the same, and that he never carried any tokens between them and never was made of counsel by either party, nor knows nor suspects any who were of counsel except her women. Examined when he first knew that there was a contract; says she told him yesterday (in margin, 8 July), saying she expected he would be thereupon examined. Being asked whether he had seen him (lord Thomas) resort unto her when my lady of Richmond was present; he says divers times, insomuch that he would watch till my lady Boleyn was gone, and then steal into her chamber. Examined whether he hath been there with him (lord Thomas); he answers, sundry times, but never heard any communication of any such matter.
Pp. 2. In Wriothesley's hand. Endd.
9 July.49. Thomas Baron Cromwell.
See Grants in July, No. 14.
9 July.50. John Bourchier Earl of Bath.
See Grants in July, No. 15.
9 July.
Vesp. F. xiii., 88 b. B. M.
51. Dorothe [Countess of] Derby to Cromwell.
Has obtained the advowson of Stockport, Cheshire, of the patron, Laurence Warren, for the use of her chaplain, Thos. Bradshawe. Is informed that Mr. Lawe, a priest, has since obtained another advowson of the same benefice, which is thought to be of none effect. But Lawe, by his feigned surmises, has induced Dr. Smythe, the parson, to resign, and obtained Cromwell's letters to the Bishop to give him institution. Requests a commission of quid dicunt. 9 July. Signed.
P. 1. Add.: Lord Privy Seal.
9 July.
Vatican Archives.
52. Bishop of Faenza to Mons. Ambrogio.
Wallop complained very confidentially that he learns by letters of merchants from England that Parliament has not been finished, but only prorogued; which, he says, is a sign that his King does not wish his daughter to be declared princess; and that some preachers of the worse sort, whom the bishop of London attempted to stop, having had a commission from the King to that effect, said that they would continue as they were authorised to do so by the vicar-general Cromwell. If this be so, for he has no letters himself yet, he thinks little good is to be hoped for, and the King and French lords say the same; for facts show that "traditus est in reprobum sensum."
* * * * * *
The bailly of Troyes returned to-day from England.
Ital., p. 1. Extract copy from a register, p 1. Headed: Di Mons. di Faenza di ix di Luglio 1536, da Lione.
Add. 8715, f. 269 b. B. M.2. Modern copy of the whole letter.
Pp. 7.
10 July.53. Christopher Hales, Master of the Rolls.
See Grants in July, No. 17.
10 July.54. John Baker, Attorney-General.
See Grants in July, No. 18.
10 July.
R. O.
55. Cromwell to Lord Lisle.
Has received his letters, by which he perceives that Lisle takes unkindly Cromwell's letters lately sent to him. Meant no ill. Perceives that they did not understand each other. Wrote more plainly to give him the occasion of setting forward that weighty business as the necessity thereof did then require, as a perfect friend might do. Has been in hand with the King that Lisle might come over to meet him at Dover. When he has a definite answer, will advertise the same by Huse. The Rolls, 10 July. Signed.
P. 1. Add. Endd.: My lord Privy Seallis.
10 July.
R. O.
56. Lord Lisle.
"The names of the wagonners that brought my lord hay, anno r. R. H. VIII. xxviij°.
A list of 70 names divided under the parishes of St. Peter's, Colham, Mark, Oye, Olderkyrke, Newkyrke, and Howscyrke. Opposite some of the names are the marginal dates 4, 5, 8, and 10 July. "Summa of wagons in all, 71."
Large paper, pp. 2.
R. O.2. An earlier copy, headed: "The names of them that bringeth hay for my lord Deputy," with some slight differences.
The year in this copy is not given, but the days are indicated as Tuesday (Martis), 4 July, Wednesday, 5 July, &c.
Pp. 4.

Footnotes

1 The word in the original is "actentes," i.e., atteintes.
2 An error apparently, as it is not known that lord Montague had any son. He certainly died without heir male, and when his attainder was reversed under Mary, the barony of Montague was left in abeyance.
3 No doubt John Harding, vicar of Overton subtus Arderne, Leic. See Valor Eccl. IV., 181.
4 Originally written "xxvij," but another "j" has been added.
5 Struck out.
6 Altered from Thos. Cromwell, esq., Secretary.
7 This name is substituted for Norwich.