Henry VIII
June 1535, 1-10


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'Henry VIII: June 1535, 1-10', Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, Henry VIII, Volume 8: January-July 1535 (1885), pp. 305-325. URL: http://www.british-history.ac.uk/report.aspx?compid=75537 Date accessed: 19 April 2014. Add to my bookshelf


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June 1535, 1-10

1 June.
R. O.
803. The Royal Supremacy.
Renunciation of papal jurisdiction (similar to those in Nos. 190, 311, and 494), by Henry bishop of St. Asaph's. Dated Wrexham, 1 June 1535, 27 Hen. VIII. Present: Hugh Pylston, bachelor in decrees, perpetual vicar of Wrexham, Alex. Standishe, rector of Llanormon, and Ric. Eton. Seal good.
1 June.
R. O.
804. The Mayor, Aldermen, And Sheriffs of York to Cromwell.
Thank him for the great pains he has often taken in behalf of the city, and for his goodness in their old dispute with the earl of Rutland, which he has brought to pass after such fashion that they and the child ungotten will have cause to pray for him. Agree to his request that Percival Selby shall have the office of mace-bearer when next vacant by the death or resignation of John Burton. York, 1 June.
P. 1. Add.: Mr. Cromwell, Chief Secretary unto the King's Highness, and master of his Grace's rolls. Endd.: Julii.
1 June.
R. O.
805. Sir Francis Bryan to [Cromwell].
Learnt, at his coming into the country, that the prior of Chyksand, Beds, is deceased. Desires to have the preferment of the next prior. Ampthyll, 1 June. Signed.
P. 1. Add.: Secretary to the King. Endd.
1 June.
R. O.
806. Sir Gregory da Casale to the Duke of Norfolk.
I received letters today from Master Secretary, directing me, as I had written of certain lawyers who are about the Pope and who are favourable to the King's cause, to ascertain if the Pope would declare the justice of the King's cause in opposition to what was done before. Went to see the Pope as if for other things, and said it would be the greatest glory to him to correct what had been done wrong against the King. He asked what I would advise. I said, to call learned men to examine the question, and not to conceal the truth, as Clement VII. did; but not to consult with Simonetta or other auditors of the Rota, who, to please Clement, both spoke and passed sentence against the King. Recommended him to send for some men from France. The Pope said he did not object to this, but would take advice. He showed the best disposition, and good ought to come of it, but he is very deliberate.
No news yet of the Emperor having left Spain. It is said he has 200 ships, and will go first to Africa, because he can never be without Andera Doria and part of the fleet, with which, if necessary, to attack Barbarossa. He will then go into Sicily. The Marquis Vasti, with the rest of the fleet, has left Naples with 200 noble Neapolitan youths. The grandees of the whole kingdom are to meet at Naples on the Emperor's arrival on St. John's day. An imperial messenger, who had gone to the duke of Urbino to persuade him to arrange matters with the Pope, reports that the Duke desired a settlement, but was determined never to give up Camerino.
At the request of the Imperialists and some cardinals who complained that nothing was done to gratify them, the Pope has created the prothonotary Caraccioli a cardinal in place of him whose nomination he reserved to himself at last election after taking the votes of the College. He had intended the archbishop of Milan, brother of the duke of Mantua, but if this matter be settled the cardinals will vote for him too. Rome, 1 June 1535. Signed.
Lat., pp. 3. Add.
1 June.
R. O.
St. P. vii. 605.
807. Sir G. da Casale to Cromwell.
Did not receive until today, by the factor of John Giraldi, his letter of 10 April. As the courier is going to France tonight, cannot write as much as he would wish.
Went immediately to the Pope, on the pretext that he was going to complain about certain letters brought from France, of which he heard that a copy had been read in consistory. Taking an opportunity, said to the Pope that if he would allow his good intentions toward the King to take effect, he hoped that great benefit and special honour to His Holiness would result; and on the Pope's asking his advice, went on to suggest that he should find out the truth from learned men, and then not conceal and wrest it as Clement did, but manifest it to the world. Simonetta and the auditors of the Rota, who declared their malicious mind against the King at the time of the sentence, ought not to be consulted. Mentioned several learned men, and said others might be sent for from France. The Pope was not displeased at this advice. He said he would consider the matter further, and wait for an answer to what he had said to the French ambassador, meanwhile omitting nothing which might tend to the furtherance of this business, which he desired ardently to settle.
Did not conceal from him that the proposal about Cambray which he had made to the French ambassador, was not a hopeful one. The Pope is by nature slow in deliberation. Will not act as if he spoke by the King's wish but rather for the sake of the Roman Court. Will urge the French not to be slothful.
The French ambassador has received letters about certain monks executed in England for denying the King's supremacy. The letter, which was read in consistory, stated that they answered the King's council wisely and holily. There was much talk about this in Rome, and some cardinals said they envied such a death. Told them, if that were so, they might go to England and imitate the monks' folly. Is surprised that the French ambassador showed these letters, and does not quite know what he means. Latinus says that the French king remarked to him that the king of England was demanding what it was impossible for him to get; but he was so much bound to him that he must ask the Pope for him. As to the condemned monks, the French show the greatest astonishment.
By the letters from Spain, it appears that the Emperor had not yet embarked. He had 200 ships, on board of which the cavalry and other troops already were. Almost everyone thinks he will first go to Africa, which will be an opportunity of attacking Barbarossa. If he goes in any other direction, he will take with him Andrea Doria, and with the force thus divided, it would be useless to attack Barbarossa. It is thought that the Emperor will go to Sicily after leaving Africa. The Marquis of Guasto went from Naples with the other fleet, with 200 Neapolitan nobles; all the nobles have been ordered to meet at Naples by St. John's Day to prepare for the Emperor's coming. The Emperor sent an envoy to the duke of Urbino to urge him to settle his quarrel with the Pope; and he brought back as an answer, that the Duke was anxious for a settlement, but would never give up Camerino.
Being pressed by the Imperialists, the Pope has promoted to the cardinalate the prothonotary Caracciolo, the Imperial Chancellor in Milan, in place of the archbishop of Milan, because the duke of Ferrara has sent no answer about the money for which his ambassador and the Pope were disputing. If this matter is settled, the College will not refuse to promote the Archbishop as well.
Hears from Vienna that his brother, the Prothonotary, is strictly imprisoned. Ferdinand's ambassador says he attempted to escape, but Casale believes this to be merely a pretence to excuse his conduct. Thinks his brother will be badly treated, unless the King will speak to the Imperial ambassador.
Hears that directly after Fisher's election, the Imperial ambassador sent a courier to Flanders with orders in the first letters written into England to boast that he has made a cardinal by Imperialist influence. Rome, 1 June 1535. Signed.
Lat., pp. 5. Part cipher. Add.
R. O.2. Abstract in English of part of the above, and decipher of the portion in cipher.
Pp. 3.
1 June.
R. O.
808. Sir Gregory da Casale to Cromwell.
Since writing his other letters, there came letters from Vienna, written by the secretary of the Nuncio in his absence, stating that the prothonotary Casali had been captured, but managed to escape, along with Andrea Corsino, on the way to Vienna. Thinks this true, though the ambassador of the king of the Romans and others say he was brought to Vienna. As the credentials of our King must either have been destroyed by the Prothonotary or intercepted, requests Cromwell to procure other letters to king John, which Sir Gregory will transmit into Hungary. The secretary writes that the ambassadors of king John had come to Vienna with great pomp, and would have come with greater if Ferdinand had suffered them; also that the Turkish ambassador was there, and they had begun to treat of peace. King John will probably meet the Turkish prince, for he has sent a messenger about it; who, however, was very nearly killed by robbers in Moravia, the country being subject to Ferdinand. Rome, 1 June 1535. Signed.
Lat., pp. 2. Add.
2 June.
R. O.
809. Katharine of Arragon.
i. Of Henry Roche, of Bristowe, "whitawer" (widower), aged 40, before Roger Coke, mayor, and others named, among whom is Will. Shipman, late mayor, touching the saying of Hugh Lathbury, hermit, that he was lately in Lincolnshire with Katharine the Queen of Fortune, and she would make 10 men against the King's one.
ii. Of Thomas Stockbridge and Will Jonys to the same effect.
iii. Affirmation of the said Lathbury before the said mayor, &c. that he was late with Katharine late Queen of Fortune, and he trusteth that she shall be hereafter Queen again.
P 1. Headed: "ijdo die Junii anno R. R. II. viii. xxvijo."
2 June.
R. O.
810. Nich. [Shaxton], Bishop of Salisbury, to Cromwell.
Whereas it is your pleasure that John Clerke should be elected prior of Thetford, as this has not been done previously, but the bishop of Norwich sets one in, you must consider whether an election be needful now, or else to use this as a donative. If it must be done by the King's authority he must have your licence and commission, or the election will be informal. Murtelack, 2 June.
Hol., p. 1. Add.: Secretary. Endd.
2 June.
R. O.
811. Will. Abbot of York to Cromwell.
I send you your half year's fee. We are glad to hear of your amendment. Myton, 2 June. Signed.
P. 1. Add.: Secretary. Sealed. Endd.
2 June.
Paris Bibl. Nat. Mss. Fr. 19,577.
812. Bishop of Mâcon to Cardinal du Bellay.
The Pope asks him to intercede in favor of Rochester. He is extremely sorry for these executions.
French. Copy. Abstract by Mr. Friedmann.
2 June.
Paris Bibl. Nat. MSS. Fr. 19, 751, fo. 1186.
813. Sir Gregory da Casale to Cardinal du Bellay.
The Pope asks Francis to interfere for Rochester. The Pope says that he did not know the Bishop was in prison. Rochester ought to be obliged to accept the statutes and then set free; which would be very advantageous for Henry and for Francis.
Italian. Copy. Abstract by Mr. Friedmann.
3 June.
R. O.
814. Sir Thomas More.
His answers to questions put by Thomas Audeley, Lord Chancellor, and others, 3 June 27 Hen. VIII.
1. Whether he knew the statute making the King supreme head, &c. Replied that he did.
2. When asked whether the King was, as by statute decreed, head of the Church [in England] or not, he answered that "the [statute made in the Parliament] whereby the Kynges Highnes was made supreme hedd as ys aforsayd [was like unto a sword] with too edges, for yf he seyd that the same lawe werre [not] (fn. 1) good then [yt] was daungerous to the soule. And yf he seyd contrary to the seyd estatute [then] yt was deth to the body; wherfor he would make thereto none other answer by ca[use] … old not .. f … of the shortyng of his lif."
ii. The effect of the conversation between Richard R[iche] and the seyd Sir Thomas More, in presence of Edward Walsyngham, Richard Southwell, Palmer and — (fn. 2) Derleght (?). (The conversation described seems to have been that which took place on the 12 June. See the record of More's trial, 1 July.)
Pp. 2. Much mutilated. Large paper. On two separate leaves found apart.
[3 June.]
More's Eng. Works, 1452.
815. Sir Thos. More to Margaret Roper.
Writes, as it is likely she has heard that he was before the Council this day. Perceives little difference between this time and the last. As far as he can see, the whole purpose is to drive him to say precisely one way or the other. My lord of Canterbury, my Lord Chancellor, lords Suffolk and Wiltshire, and Mr. Secretary, were here. Mr. Secretary said he had told the King about More's answer, and he was not content, but thought More had been the occasion of much grudge in the realm, and had an obstinate mind and an evil towards him, and he had sent them to command him to make a determinate answer whether he thought the statute lawful or no, and that he should either confess it lawful that the King should be Supreme Head of the Church of England, or else utter plainly his malignity. Answered that he had no malignity, and therefore could none utter, and could make no answer but what he had made before. Is sorry that the King had such an opinion of him, but comforts himself, knowing that the time shall come when God shall declare his truth towards the King. His case is such that he can have no harm, though he may have pain, "for a man may in such a case lose his head, and have no harm." Has always truly used himself, looking first upon God and next upon the King, according to the lesson his Highness taught him at first coming to his service. Can go no further and make no other answer. To this the Lord Chancellor and Secretary said that the King might by his laws compel him to give an answer. Said this seemed hard, if his conscience were against it, to compel him to speak either to the loss of his soul or the destruction of his body. Mr. Secretary referred to More's having compelled heretics to answer whether they believed the Pope to be Head of the Church or not, and asked why the King should not similarly compel him? Replied that there was a difference between what was taken for an undoubted thing throughout Christendom, and a thing that was merely agreed in this realm, and the contrary taken for truth elsewhere. Mr. Secretary answered that they were as well burned for denying that, as they were beheaded for denying this, and therefore as good reason to compel men to answer one as the other. Answered that a man is not so bound in conscience by a law of one realm as by a law of Christendom; the reasonableness or unreasonableness of binding a man to answer stands not in the difference between heading and burning, but in the difference between heading and hell. In conclusion they offered him an oath to answer truly what was asked him on the King's behalf concerning his person. Said he never purposed to swear any book oath while he lived. They said he was very obstinate to refuse that, for every man does it in the Star Chamber and elsewhere. Replied that he could well conjecture what would be part of his interrogatories, and it was as well to refuse them at first as afterward. The interrogatories were then shown him, and they were two;—whether he had seen the statute, and whether he thought it a lawful made statute or not. Refused the oath, and said he had already confessed the first and would not answer the second. Was thereupon sent away. In the communication before, it was said that it was marvel that the stuck so much in his conscience while he was not sure therein. Said he was sure that his own conscience might very well stand with his own salvation. It was also said to him that if he had as soon be out of the world as in it, why did he not speak plain out against the statute; it was clear that he was not content to die, though he said so. Answered that he has not been a man of such holy living that he might be bold to offer himself for death, lest God, for his presumption, might suffer him to fall. In conclusion, Mr. Secretary said he liked him worse than the last time, for them he pitied him, but now he thought he meant not well. God knows he means well. Wishes his friends to be of good cheer and pray for him.
Headed: Another letter written and sent by Sir Thos. More to his daughter Mistress Rooper, written A.D. 1535, 27 Hen. VIII.
3 June.
R. O.
816. Sir Thomas Palmer to [Cromwell].
Has made many such requests to Cromwell. Is 500 mks. worse than nought, and so does but dishonor the King and shame himself. Begs Cromwell to declare his poverty to the King, so that His Highness may help him, or else give his room to some man of worship who shall be charged to pay his debts. Will be well contented to serve the King at all times in France or Flanders. Begs Cromwell's favor in the above. Cales, 3 June. Signed.
P. 1. Add.: Secretary [and Master] of the Rolls. Endd.
3 June.
Royal MS., 18 B. VI. 4.
B. M.
817. James V. to Francis I.
Thanks him for his letters stating that he is willing that the proposed marriage between his daughter Magdalene and James be consummated, unless there are reasonable impediments. His servant will inform Francis of his mind concerning the often proposed marriage with Mary of Bourbon, the eldest daughter of the duke of Vendôme. Stirling, 3 June 1535.
Lat., p. 1. Copy.
Royal MS. 18 B. VI. 30.
B. M.
818. James V. to the Admiral of France.
Thanks him for his services in preserving the alliance between France and Scotland, and desires credence for the bearer. "Ex regia nostra."
Lat., p. 1. Copy. At the foot of the page is an impression of an ancient seal bearing a three-masted ship.
Ibid. f. 40.
B. M.
2. Another copy.
4 June.819. Earl of Northumberland.
See Grants in June, No. 5.
4 June.
Cleopatra, E. vii. 233. (fn. 3)
B. M.
Cranmer's Letters, 306.
820. Cranmer to [Cromwell]
Today, June 4, I have received the King's letters, dated Greenwich, 3 June, concerning the diligent declaration of the King's title and stile of Supreme Head in Earth, immediately under God, of the Church of England. Will satisfy the King's command to the best of my power. I desire you to send me a resolution of such doubts as the bearer shall open to you. Lambeth, 4 June. Signed.
P. 1.
4 June.
Cleopatra, E. vi. 258.
B. M.
Strype's Eccl. Mem.I. ii.204.
821. Nicholas Shaxton, Bishop of Salisbury, to Cromwell.
Has received the King's letters sent by Cromwell. Rejoices that it has pleased his Highness to write so earnestly to his bishops in this so earnest a cause. Prays Cromwell, whose wisdom, no doubt, stirred him to it, to persevere till the usurped power of that man of Rome be clean abolished.
Has taken leave of the King and Queen, and begs Cromwell when he next repairs to Court to remember his custodias temporalium with a discharge for taking any oath of the residentiaries of Sarum, which they will otherwise exact of him. Will seal new obligations tomorrow if Cromwell will send them by the bearer. Mortlake, 4 June. Signed.
Add.: Secretary. Endd.
4 June.
Cleopatra, E. iv. 10. B. M.
Wright's Suppression, 156.
822. Richard Layton to [Cromwell].
Asks that himself and Dr. Lee may be Cromwell's commissaries for the North Country at his approaching visitation. Proposes to begin at Lincoln diocese, and go to the borders of Scotland, down one side and up the other. Assures him that he will not find monk, canon, friar, prior, abbot, or any other, who will do the King such good service, nor be so trusty to him. As the King has given him sole authority for the reformation of the clergy, he must choose persons whom he can trust as himself. Both Lee and Layton have been preferred to the King's service by Cromwell, and look upon him as their only patron; and both of them have familiar acquaintance within 10 or 12 miles of every religious house, so that no knavery can be hid from them, nor can they suffer any injury. They know the fashion of the country and the readiness of the people. Their friends and kinsfolk are dispersed in every place ready to assist them, if any stubborn or sturdy carl proves rebellious. The interrogatories in the book of articles which Layton sent him for his visitation a year ago will detect all coloured sanctity, superstitious rules of pretented religious and other detestable abuses, cloaked by the so-called reformation of every religion, who have found crafty means to be their own visitors, and do not intend any reformation nor increase of good religion, but only to keep sec[ret] all matters of mischief, selling their jewels and plate at half their value for ready money. The ruin of their houses must increase unless Cromwell sets to his hand. Friday 4 June.
Hol., pp. 2.
4 June.
R. O.
823. Edward Foxe to Cromwell.
Thanks for his kind remembrance of him in his letters to the duke of Norfolk and Mr. Treasurer. Had nothing worth writing previously but what was contained in their common letter to the King. Knowing the nature of Frenchmen, he perceives they are desirous "to bring us into the bryars." In only two things can they "do us any gratuyte"; the one the declaration of their opinions on the King's marriage, which he perceives will never be of such sort as to be available to the King, "and in that case it wer as good to be undoon"; the other "thempechement of the indiction of the Generall Counsail," which they can certainly do, but under what terms he does not know.
Since his coming to Calais, he has had George Joye lodging with him. Joye will never again say anything contrary to the present belief concerning the sacrament, and is conformable in all points as a Christian man should be; he has therefore promised to be a mean for him with the King. Asks Cromwell to set forth this to the King. Calais, 1 June.
Hol., pp. 2. Add.: Chief Secretary.
4 June.
R. O.
824. Thomas, Abbot of Abingdon, to Cromwell.
Is in readiness for the commissioners who are to sit between him and John Audelett. It would be a great favor if Cromwell would get them sert to him on the 14th June. Wishes also a licence for Robert Burgoyn, Mr. Walwyn's clerk, to come with them, as he has been of the Abbot's counsel before. Hopes, if all four commissioners cannot be spared, Cromwell will licence as many to come as possible, that the matter may be settled before the King and Cromwell leave Abingdon. Abingdon, 4 June. Signed.
P. 1. Add.: Mr. Cromwell, chief secretary to the King's Highness. Endd.
R. O.825. George Nevyll Lord Abergavenny. (fn. 3)
"The petitions to your Highness by your most humble subject and servant George Nevyll, knight, lord of Bergevenny."First, he prays that, in case of his death, his son and their apparent, Henry Nevyll, who is a minor, may be committed to the custody of such of his friends as he shall appoint. Secondly, that he may know whether the King will permit his friends to have the marriage of the said Henry, and for what sum. Thirdly, that because he has many daughters to marry to his importable charges, and is otherwise was indebted, and his houses are unbuilded and in great decay, the King's pleasure may be known as to what, portion in yearly value of the lands of the petitioner he would accept in recompense of the lands which would appertain to him by the nonage of the said Henry; so that the petitioner may be able to declare his last will.
P. 1. Endd.
5 June.
Vienna Archives.
826. Chapuys to Charles V.
After the two first communications between the deputies of these two Kings, lord Rochford left Calais, and arrived here on the 25th ult. Before speaking to the King he went to the Lady, his sister, and conversed with her a long time. He could not have brought back from Calais anything agreeable to himself; for, as I am told by the Grand Esquire, (fn. 4) both then and several times since she has been in a bad humour, and said a thousand shameful words of the king of France, and generally of the whole nation. On the 25th and on the 27th, Corpus Christi Day, the King and his Council were exceedingly busy, consulting, as it is supposed, on the message brought by Rochford, and were unable to dissemble their great dissatisfaction. The French ambassador has had his share of dissatisfaction also, because Rochford did not bring him any news, and because he was not called to Court, although on Corpus Christi Day he waited at Cromwell's lodging till 10 at night, expecting that Cromwell would return from Court and tell him the news. Indeed, Cromwell himself informs me he despatched him in two words, and he left greatly dissatisfied.
On the 28th Cromwell came twice to my lodging, not having found me the first time; and, anxious and troubled as he showed himself, he told me that when the French came to Calais they began by protesting that they would not speak of war, and they continued this language till Rochford left; but afterwards, as the duke of Norfolk wrote, they entirely changed their tone, and were very desirous of war. He said he would not specify in what quarter; not withstanding he immediately observed to me that it was for Milan. Further, in the way of confidence, Cromwell showed me a writing, which, he said, had been enclosed in a letter sent to him by the admiral of France, although it bore no signature or appearance of being an inclosure. He allowed me to read it in full. The purport was that Francis, having carefully examined the question of the validity of the two marriages of the king of England, found the first unlawful and the other valid, and promised to defend the latter, and procure revocation of the sentence given to the contrary by the Holy See. On reading it I smiled, and said the French knew well what they were doing, and did not promise things without knowing for how much an ell, and, having obtained what they wanted, knew how to wash their hands of their promises. And for this they had several means sufficiently apparent, especially as there would be time enough, before they were called on to fulfil their promises. I added that since the said king of France had taken so much trouble in examining matrimonial questions, this King had no occasion to send lately to Calais; and that, having the promise of such a prince as the king of France, who is not only so great but allied to the Queen, this King, who alleged the fear that princes entertained of the kindred and affinity of your Majesty, ought to make no difficulty in submitting to the determination of the Council. To this he made no reply. In truth I should doubt that the said writing had been drawn up by the English, who want to impute it to the king of France, for otherwise it would not agree with what a very good person has sent to inform the Princess, i.e. that the French insisted on having her for the Dauphin; and this is said commonly at the lodging of the French ambassador. It seems the more probable from what the King said lately, that the Admiral had written on his arrival at Calais, that there was nothing so true as that your Majesty had previously offered them the said Princess.
As to what Cromwell said to me about war against Milan, I told him that it was not likely that Francis would disturb your Majesty's holy enterprise; that the conquest of Milan was more difficult than it had ever been; that the French professed that they meant to keep treaties; and that, even if Francis did conquer Milan, he would have more need of your Majesty's friendship to keep it than he had now, and that he would refuse no condition for that purpose. This I said that they might not imagine you would be moved by such menaces to do whatever they wished. I used every means I could to ascertain the conditions asked in return for the aforesaid offers; and, among other things, I asked him if the French did not require hostages, seeing that the girl was still young, or a cessation of their pensions in the meantime. He said as to the first nothing had been said; as to the second, "Yes, indeed!" en grondissant, without saying more; but next day he added that if the French wanted to cheat them of their pension (ses jouoyent de vouloir avoir leur pension) they would presently have "la passion," i.e. war. I talked about hostages, because I had been told that the French demanded the Princess as a hostage. To give me to understand that there was no fear of the French not complying with all their demands, Cromwell told me they would never think of doing otherwise, seeing they were excluded from the friendship of all other princes, and that they had lost all hope on the side of Germany, and did not know how they stood with the Swiss. I confirmed all that he said, saying that as God had given him so much sense and intelligence it would be the more shame to him if he did not know how to use successfully such an opportunity. This I said to him for the mystery which your Majesty will very well understand. Afterwards he told me that, notwithstanding the offers made to them by the French, if there appeared any hope of a renewal of amity with your Majesty the French should have a very short answer, although they always wished to preserve the friendship of the French, and that, awaiting news from your Majesty, he had caused the said Rochford to stay here, (fn. 5) to the great regret of the French admiral; and finally, hoping for some good fruit of the things we had discussed together, he would take care that Rochford did not return so soon to Calais, and especially that nothing was treated to the disadvantage of your Majesty or to the hindrance of the new alliance; telling me what their ambassador in France had notified to the King his master, that Likerke, having heard the answer to the overtures made on behalf of your Majesty, had sent to you in haste, and hoped for a favourable answer, provided that your Majesty had not left Barcelona before the 26th ult.; and that this King and those of his Council (who were, in this matter, at their wits' end) desired that meanwhile I would consider the terms and means for this noble and necessary work, the restoration of amity, giving me to understand that I could do it very well, and better than the whole of them, and that I would in this show myself a good and true counsellor of the King.
To encourage them in these communications, I did not insist that there was no other means than that which was indicated in the said overtures, but told Cromwell, after excusing my insufficiency, that I would give it full consideration; but that I did not see as yet how they understood matters, seeing that there was no amendment in the treatment of the Queen and Princess, and that the King his master always showed himself colder than he had done heretofore; and that I remembered that when the earl of Wiltshire went in embassy towards your Majesty, the duke of Norfolk declared that this King was ready to make himself, so to speak, a slave of your Majesty if you would consent to the divorce; and that to get rid of the blame and doubt that might be attached to it, the King, for the service of God and benefit of all Christendom, would have been glad to spend part of his goods; and now that the cause was settled at Rome, and they ought to make greater offers, I did not see that stricter alliances ought to be spoken of. Moreover, the last time I spoke to the King his master, when I alluded to his predecessors, who had formerly conquered Rhodes and done a thousand brave things in the conquest of the Holy Land, saying that he also was able to do like them, he had made me a very cold answer, that he had not the same advantage as his predecessors, who were nearer at hand because they held Guienne. Nevertheless I had not cared to inform your Majesty of this answer, but rather of what the King his master had affirmed publicly, not only to the admiral of France, but also to several of his company, viz., that the money that he took and meant to take from churchmen he intended to apply against the Infidels or in some other pious works. Cromwell answered, that as soon as he had some hope of this re-establishment of cordiality, the Queen and Princess would be most favourably treated; and that, with regard to what the King had said to me, that it was too far to send against the Infidels, the King remembered very well having said it, as the King himself had lately told him; but one must not think too much of that, but rather believe that, matters being accommodated, he is as ready to go in person against the Infidels as anyone in the world, and would moreover bring a very great company, for he had taken measures to get an inestimable treasure, as Cromwell assured me that, besides what he had received from the benefices which he has bestowed since January last, he had bonds for more than full payment, which amounted to more than 500,000 ducats; and, to be frank, his master had become very greedy, and unless some other way were found to spend his money he would collect in his treasure all the money of the kingdom, to the great injury of private persons. Moreover, not only England, but also Flanders and France, were sore about the money which the King his master spent in his wars with France, and for this reason he and the other counsellors wished to find means to make him spend it for the general good, thinking this would also moderate his greediness. Cromwell also told me that the German of whom I lately wrote was sent hither by the duke of Mecklenburg, and that for his despatch he had given him a letter of credence to the said Duke, and the present which the King had ordered to be given him for his trouble in coming, but had never wished to speak with him. He also told me that the secretary of Lubeck was despatched at the same time, as the King would no longer trouble himself with the business of the Lubeckers, which could not go on well, seeing that the town was divided into three parties. The King afterwards told me that he did not properly know whether the said German was despatched (uyde, qu. vuidé?), and he immediately changed the subject of conversation.
On Saturday, 29th ult., I received your letters of the 10th, with those addressed to the King. I immediately informed Cromwell, who would have liked me to go and present them at Court next day, but I excused myself, saying I required to take medicine. I did so because everybody is at Court on Sunday, and most of those present, seeing me present letters from your Majesty, would have been easily induced by those about the King to believe that your Majesty was reconciled to the said King, and treated the interests of the Queen and Princess as secondary. I presented the letters on Monday after dinner. The King received me most kindly, and, after reading them, asked me if I had any other news. I said only that your Majesty had commanded that his ambassador and that of France, for their greater convenience, should have a galley. At which he showed great pleasure, saying he was surprised that his ambassador had not mentioned it in letters of the 12th. After these and other conversations, the King spoke about the news received of the defeat of the Turk by the Sophi, saying he considered all that I had published to be fables, and that he had heard the contrary, both from Venice and from France and Spain; moreover, that it was not likely such a powerful prince could have been subdued by the Sophi, and that, even if the Turk had lost two or three hundred thousand men, he would not feel it, he was so rich and powerful. Not content with asserting this as if it had been certain, to show his inclination he told me that many were much deceived in thinking that it would be easy to conquer the countries held by the Turk in Europe, supposing that there were some Christians in those countries; which was a lie, for he was told by many of his subjects who traded there that if there had been any Christians in Coron or thereabout it might have been much more easily kept. I replied that as to the news of the Turk, they had come from so many quarters that there must be some truth in them; and whether they were true or not was needless to debate; and that I was sure, whatever he said, that he wished the said Turk to be defeated, knowing well that the matter concerned not only your Majesty but all Christian princes; and for the rest, whoever informed him that there was not a Christian in Greece deserved to be very well punished; and as to the loss of Coron, I told him what your Majesty was pleased to write to me, adding that, if there had been no other cause for it, it was owing to the fact that many men and even princes said it would be a useless irritation of the Turk. To this he did not know what to answer, but went on to speak of the quadrireme of your Majesty with 27 benches, saying he would make one with 100 benches, and in a shape unknown to prince André Doria. I asked how many oars he would allow to each bench; and he replied, one, insisting obstinately that in a galley there could not and ought not to be more than one oar to each bench. He was, in short, for the time, quite fixed in paradoxes. The King made a great deal of these legions which had been raised in France, and of the fortifications the French were daily making on their frontiers, saying that the said legions had been principally appointed for the keeping of the kingdom in case the king of France should be occupied in Italy or elsewhere, and that the said ordinance had been projected at the interview in Calais. He spoke also of the unrivalled fortification which he has constructed at Calais, and of that which he has begun at Dover, with the most triumphant air imaginable; which words only caused me to give the greater faith to what has been reported to the Princess, that the King was reckoning that if he were left in peace this summer, winter would secure him, and that next summer he hoped to be provided in such fashion that he need fear no one.
The King also told me that your Majesty had thought it better to go to Naples than to Tunis, and that the latter was too great a risk to your person, on whom so much depended. Perceiving that he avoided speaking of the proposed negotiations, I touched upon them myself, saying I had no doubt that Cromwell had informed him of our conversations, and therefore I would only say that he would find your Majesty fully inclined to listen to any proposed alliance as far as honor and conscience would allow. He then told me he wished he could be assured of being able to make arrangements with your Majesty, and in confidence of some favorable answer he had detained Rochford, but that he could not keep him longer, for the Admiral was in despair from the great delay, and that the French bragged that they meant to make war on the duchy of Milan, and pressed him strongly to join the dance; to which he had refused to listen. He wished also to make me believe that what the Pope was doing against the duke of Urbino was not without an understanding with the French; and on my showing him, by the reasons I had declared to Cromwell, and other arguments, that it was not likely the French would move war, he said to me that the truth might be anything (que tout pouvoit estre); nevertheless, they (the French?) expressed it as above. Hereupon he asked me what the cardinal of Liege was doing, and if the duke of Gueldres was on good terms with your Majesty (estoit bien de vre. Mate); and on my telling him that I knew nothing but good, he said the French boasted that the said Duke had revoked all the treaties made with your Majesty, and intended to make the king of France his heir; and though it would be difficult for Francis to take possession of the duchy, it would be always a matter of contention. I told him that as your Majesty held the country of Utrecht and Over Yssel, the duke of Gueldres had no mind to be fractious ((regipper, qu. regimber?), and in order to be paid some arrears the Duke will have advanced the said practises. The King replied that if other news did not come from your Majesty he feared he could not avoid treating with the French. I said that as they were both princes of virtue and honor, it was not to be feared that they would treat matters in prejudice of the treaties made with your Majesty. At which reply he remained astonished, thinking I was going to beg him to break off their negotiations, and give him some hope of obtaining from your Majesty what he demanded.
As to what your Majesty wrote to me about gaining time with the English, and keeping up practises skilfully during the assembly at Calais and the voyage of your Majesty, I will take all possible pains; likewise to reply in conformity with your Majesty's letters, if I am asked about the disturbances in Ireland, without forgetting to inquire about means of carrying away the Princess. She and the Queen, her mother, have been much consoled by hearing of the prosperity of your Majesty, and of the thought you have given to their affairs, for which they do not cease to pray God for your welfare.
I forgot to write that, having occasion to speak of the marriage of duke Frederic, Palatine, he said he wondered what title he meant to take in the kingdom of Denmark; for, since that kingdom was elective, his wife could make no pretension thereto. I said that if the Duke desired to obtain the kingdom he had a better title than those of Lubeck, doing everything as administrator for his father-in-law; and in elective kingdoms the election commonly does not take place when there is issue capable of succeeding. He kept silence.
Cromwell told me that if the King's lady knew the freedom with which we conversed together she would procure some trouble, and that only three days ago they had had words together, and that she had said she would like to see his head cut off, but he had such confidence in the King, his master, that he thought she could do nothing to him. I suspect he invented this to raise the value of his goods; for I told him all the world regarded him as her right hand, although I am informed on good authority that the said lady does not cease night or day to procure the disgrace of the duke of Norfolk, whether it be because he has spoken too freely of her or because Cromwell, desiring to lower the great ones, wishes to commence with him.
About a score of Dutch Anabaptists have been taken here, of whom 13 have been condemned to the fire, and will be burnt in different parts of the kingdom, as the King and Cromwell have informed me. The others, who have been reconciled to the Church, will be sent into Flanders to the Queen to be dealt with as seems right. London, 5 June 1535.
Fr., from a modern copy, pp. 9.
5 June.
Vienna Archives.
827. Chapuys to [Granvelle].
As far as I can make out, what the English say about the French urging them to war is an invention, to improve their position with us. It is true that the French ambassador said the other day that he hoped soon to be governor of Savoy, and to see Savoy destroyed, but this was an expression of his wish without other foundation.
The King says he is daily expecting a gentleman from the French king, named St. Ambroz. It is he who was arrested at Brussels on his return from carrying money to the duke of Gueldres. A letter was seen in the hands of the secretary of Lubeck, addressed to the said St. Ambroz, sealed (?) with the arms of the duke of Gueldres, or something like them.
It has been discovered in Scotland that certain gentlemen had intelligence with the English during the war. Two of them, relations of the earl of Angus, are already condemned.
The son of the governor of Ireland, who came here the other day for money, said that Kildare had retreated to a bog where they could not follow him, but when the dry season came he could not escape.
Suppose Granvelle will hear what is treated at Calais sooner from France, for he understands from Cromwell that Norfolk had charge to inform the ambassador in France that he might know how to conduct the practise he has commenced with the Imperial ambassador, who will know how affairs go, as the English ambassador is well disposed to the Emperor.
The English do not like negociating with people who know them and the state of affairs here. Wherefore, they prefer treating with Mons. de Likerke, instead of Chapuys; and the more so, as the latter is attached to these good ladies. However, the King has lately thanked him for his good offices in this behalf. London, 5 June 1535.
Fr., from a modern copy, pp. 2.
5 June.
R. O.
828. William Byrlyngham to Cromwell.
I am much comforted to hear of the great goodness spoken of you by all men,—especially poor men, whom you are always glad to help. You desired me, when I last saw you to wait an answer of my bill; and I staid a fortnight in London, when I could wait no longer, and desired Mr. Poplar to make my excuse to you. At Easter, when I came again, you were crased, but I rejoice to hear you are now amended. As I have always desired to be priest, I beg you to take me as your scholar, and help me with some small thing towards my living. By the help of Dr. Aldryge, chaplain to the King, I became an officer of King's College, Cambridge, whereof Dr. Fox, the King's almoner, is master, but for lack of friends I am fain to go to service. Cambridge, 5 June.
Hol., p. 1 (broadsheet). Add.. Secretary.
5 June.
R. O.
829. Lord Lisle to Cromwell.
Together with the King's other commissioners, has searched out the extent and yearly value of all the spiritual benefices and promotions on this side the sea, with the exception of the abbey of Sandingfild, the master of which refuses to declare the ordinary rent or lands of the house. As the Admiral of France is here, who favours him highly, thought it good to meddle no further with him till the King's pleasure be known. Thos. Brooke should have been with Cromwell before this, but, being the maker of the books, he could not be spared till they were finished. Has received from Husee the 40 marks Cromwell gave him for Mr. Hackett's funerals as his bequest. Trusts to employ the money for his soul's health. Calais, 5 June. Signed.
P. 1. Add.: Principal Secretary. Endd.
5 June.
Add. MS. 28,587, f. 323.
B. M.
830. Cardinal Contarino to Charles V.
Has been created cardinal, without having either procured or expected it. Has known by report for many years, and by continual and familiar conversation for many months, the Englishman, Rainaldo Polo, great by his noble birth and descent from the royal blood, but greater still by his virtue, learning, and religion. Seeing that England and the King are deceived by error, and have separated from the Church, he has determined to assist them, not by arms, but by peace and persuasion. The bearer, a gentleman of Pole's, will explain his method of action. Venice, 5 June 1535.
Ital., pp. 4. Modern copy.
6 June.
Vit. B. xxi. 114.
B. M.
831. Jacobus Gislenus Thalas[Sius] to [Cromwell.]
"In postremis literis quas ad tuam gratiam s[cripsi, Princeps illus-] trissime, partim a me explorata, partim vero .................. intellecta continebantur, verum interea temp ............... tu dignum apud nos contigit, nisi Lantgravium ............. ex curia Ferdinandi regis cum stipendio 9 milium f[lorenorum] aureorum annuo super Anstriæ archiducatu domum reversu ..... na pompa atque triumpho, acceptum a suis honorific ...... ipsius beneficio Ferdinandi ac Cæsaris totius fere Germaniæ [op] primendæ libidinem extinctam. Experti sunt enim unius [Lant] gravii principis apud nos exigui potentiam, cui tota Austria, [Bo]hemia, Alsatia, Moravia, et Slesia resistere non potuerunt. Ces[ari] ac regi solus ille restitit, multisque annis a Ferdinando oc[cu]patam provinciam ex Austria faucibus ereptam hæredi vero recuperavit." What, think you, would take place if all Germany were to defy the Emperor? Surely what formerly happened to Conrad of Nassau, Ferdinand, and Christiern king of Denmark, viz., that the one would lose his empire, the other his kingdoms. But now, taught by danger, he will consult his safety, not his treasury.
The Landgrave and Ulrich duke of Wirtemberg have met Louis count palatine of the Rhine at Heidelberg to treat of religious councils, and to hunt and feast. The Palatine is now known for certain to favour the Gospel, and allows priests to marry and the Gospel to be preached in his dominions. He was the only prince of Germany who opposed Lutheranism with all his force, fearing the hatred of the Emperor or Ferdinand. Now there is no obstacle to Christian truth, and the death of the beast of Babylon is at hand. Rome has drunk enough human blood; the impostures of monks and Romans will come to light. "Liberabimur aliquando a papist[is] vide ......... regnum florentissimum regis proind[e] ..... opulentissimum sed diris Romanorum pontificum vinculis ...... licitum Angliæ imperium, ereptum a teterrima peste, libe[rat]um a sacratissimis illis cardinalium prostibulis et libidinum omnium fœdissimarum sacrario, ubi scelera cuncta decoquebantur, trium inquam, regis, archiepiscopi Cantuariensis, tuique, principis optimi, clementia, vigiliis laboribusque." I often relate to the noble and learned men of Heidelberg how last summer in England I heard the Archbp. preaching at London, Leicester, Worcester, Croydon, and other places, exhorting the people to piety, advising monks, bishops, and priests in a friendly manner to leave their deceits and avarice, adopt brotherly love and care for the people's salvation, instead of gain. I tell them of the dress and institutes of the English episcopate, and they congratulate the country on its King, and reflect what injury has been done to Germany by their ignorant, idle, and luxurious bishops. I am filled with joy at the opening of the eyes of the Palatine, and hope that we shall soon confess Christ freely together. The dispute between the cardinal of Mayence and the senate of Frankfürt has been settled before the Palatine. The Cardinal wished the old state of things to be restored, and the possessions of the churches and monks to be returned to them. The matter is referred to the General Council, which is expected to meet at Metz. A fortnight ago 20 men were killed by hail at Undehem, and next day the rain was so heavy, "ut plus .............. s pecoribus torr * * * viri divites qui verebantur ne vina in ipsorum ................. vilius quam arbitrabantur venundari deberent." Heidelbergæ Palatini, 6 Ju[nii]. (fn. 6)
Signed: Gratiæ tuæ deditissim[us], Jacobus Gislenus Thalas[sius], famulus reverendissimi [Ar]chiepis. Cantuariensis, &c.
Hol., Lat., mutilated, pp. 3.
6 June.
R. O.
832. John Bishop of Bangor to Henry VIII.
I received your Grace's letters, 5 June, concerning the diligent setting forth and sincere preaching within the diocese of Bangor of your most just title of Supreme Head of the Church of England, and the abolition of the usurped power of the bishop of Rome, which I will do or cause to be done with all celerity. Hide monastery, 6 June. Signed.
P. 1. Add. Endd. by Tuke.
6 June.
R. O.
833. John Bishop of Bangor to Cromwell.
I received the King's letters on 5 June, and have certified to his Grace by letters, of which I enclose a copy. Will do my best to accomplish the King's pleasure, but as to setting forth this matter in the diocese of Bangor, as "I can not" the language of the country, I desire to know if it will be sufficient to cause it to be done by others. Hide, 6 June. Signed.
P. 1. Add.: Secretary. Endd.
6 June.
R. O.
834. Nich. Shaxton, Bishop of Salisbury, to Cromwell.
I beg your favor for this poor man, and the poor priory of Thetford, whereof, at the contemplation of the Queen's token, you commanded him to be as minister until ye were more thoroughly instructed of the thing. The house is in great decay because former priors made their hands, and so departed to other livings, four of whom are still alive. To make this bringer the fifth by election would be too great a charge to the house. As it has been usual for the bishop to send one thither at his pleasure, commanding the canons to receive him at the church door, bring him to the choir, and install him without more solemnity, it would be strange if the King could not do the same. Murtelack, 6 June.
Hol., p. 1. Add.: Secretary. Endd.
6 June.
R. O.
835. Robt. Bishop of Chichester to Henry VIII.
I have received your letters and commandment, which I will put in execution to the best of my power, and besides "declare myself for your other most dread commandments past heretofore," so that you shall be satisfied. Aldingbourne, 6 June. Signed.
P. 1. Add. Endd.
6 June.
R. O.
836. Robt. Bishop of Chichester to Cromwell.
According to your letters, I have received the King's commandment, which I shall put in execution with diligence to the best of my power; and that done, I shall not only send his Grace a declaration of my deeds, but declare myself for such things as be past, I trust, to his satisfaction. Aldingbourne, 6 June. Signed.
P. 1. Add.. Secretary.
6 June.
Add. MS. 8715. f. 67 b.
B. M.
837. Bishop of Faenza to M. Ambrogio.
* * * Spoke at length to the French king of the Pope's concern about Fisher (Rossense instead of Roffense), and begged him to use his influence with the king of England for his liberation, for he ought to be able to obtain a greater thing than that from him. He replied that there was no need to speak of his virtues, which were known to all the world, both by his books, for no one had written better than he against the Lutherans, and by his innumerable virtues. His Holiness might be sure he would do what he could for his liberation; but he doubted his success, for he feared this hat would cause him much injury, according to what he heard from England, where they have been using strange methods against the Carthusians. He added that the king of England was the hardest friend to bear in the world; at one time unstable, and at another time obstinate and proud, so that it was almost impossible to bear with him. "Sometimes," said Francis, "he almost treats me like a subject, e vero dico che come mi rolte anch' in egli caglia: in effect, he is the strangest man in the world, and I fear I can do no good with him, but I must put up with him, as it is no time to lose friends" He would, however, do what he could for Fisher's (Rossetto) liberation. Offered to give the King the brief and hat for Fisher, and that all should be put in the Grand Master's hands, so that it might be done sooner according to the Pope's will. He told the Bishop to keep them, and he would be asked for them when it was time. The card. du Bellay (il Rmo. Bellier) has also promised to do what he can, but he fears this Cardinalate will make Fisher a martyr. They will try to find some means to make the king of England take it as he ought.
Will lose no time, and do all he can for his liberation. Would rather see Fisher in Rome than be a cardinal himself, for he hears on every side that his virtue is not less than what the world wants now, "ne sua Beatitudine potra fare in queste bande cosa piu degna di lei."
The Admiral is still at Calais. Does not think that anything will be done of much importance. Nothing more is said about the interview. * * *
Two days ago the King was very angry with the English ambassador. Spoke to the Grand Master, who said that the English wished the King to do things that touched his conscience; but they must not think the French would do anything against the Church, but rather defend it against oppressors. In fact, the king of England is enraged and desperate because the French will not imitate him, and he sees himself alone in his opinions. The King told him, and the Imperial ambassador showed him a letter to the same effect, that the king of England went disguised to the Charterhouse, of which they have treated some members so badly, and urged them with many reasons to take him for Head of the Church, and not the Pope. To which they replied unanimously that he might do with their persons what he would, but they would never consent to what they considered unjust. There is no news of anything being done against them yet. Du Bellay thinks the marriage with England will take place. Is of opinion that, whatever Francis may do so as not to be alone, he is so impressed with the instability, madness, and impiety of the King that at some time he expects, without fail, to have him as an enemy according to the custom of the country. * *
The English ambassador, having spoken to the King, who in public was vexed and angry with him, went to Calais, perhaps sent there by his master on the business there, about which, until now, 29 June (sic), in the morning, nothing has been heard of moment, but it is clear that difficulties will not lack.
Ital., pp. 11. Modern copy. Headed: Al Sig. Monsig. Ambrogio, ut supra (i.e. 6 June.)
R. O.2. Official copy from the Vatican Archives of some passages in the original letter, which is in cipher. Abbeville, 6 June 1535.
Pp. 3.
7 June.
R. O. Letters, 307.
838. Cranmer to Cromwell.
I send you the priest who, reading the Act concerning the tenth part of the spiritualty, bid a vengeance on the King; as also the woman who said that since this new queen was made there was never so much pilling and polling in this realm, asking a vengeance also upon her. Lambeth, 7 June. Signed.
Add.: Secretary. Endd.
7 June.
R. O.
839. Roland Lee, Bishop of Coventry and Lichfield, to Cromwell.
Yesternight I received the King's letter for preaching against the usurped power of the bishop of Rome. That no dissimulation might appear in me, or anything contrary to my promise, I will send for my horses and repair to my diocese; and in my own person, though I was never heretofore in pulpit, and by others, will execute the declaration. Let me know your mind by the bearer in certain points. I shall leave Mr. Englefield sole. You will perceive what justice has been done upon robbers of churches, &c. Gloucester, 7 June.
Hol., p. 1. Add.: Mr. Secretary. Endd.
7 June.
R. O.
840. Wm. Fynche, Prior of Bromer, to Cromwell.
Desires the continuance of his favor. Proffers of service from him and his house. Bromer, 7 June.
Hol., p. 1. Add.: Mr. Secretary.
7 June.
R. O.
841. Letters of Administration.
Grant by Cranmer, dated Lambeth, 3 June 1535, of letters of administration to Cristina Justice of the effects of her late husband Nic. Justice, of Newbury; with a confirmation of the same by Henry VIII., dated 7 June 27 Hen. VIII.
Two documents on parchment.
7 June.
Acts of Parl. of Scotld. ii. 339.
842. Parliament of Scotland.
Edinburgh, 7 June 1535.
10 June.—Lords of the Articles chosen.
11 June.—The accused Borderers to be kept in ward till they can be brought before a condign assize what time and place the King thinks expedient. Answer to be made to the duke of Holster, and in accordance with his request that the King should write to the king of England, desiring him to desist from interfering with Denmark or other lands belonging to the Duke, and from aiding the Lubeckers against him. Also that James should send a messenger to Lubeck to inquire the cause of the war, and desire them to desist.
12 June.—Ordinances. (1). For the freedom of Halikirk. (2). Against heretics. (3). For distraining the goods of persons who have lain under a curse 40 days. (4). For a general council of the realm to be held at the Blackfriars, Edinburgh, 1 March next, by the Archbishop of St. Andrews. Here the archbishop of Glasgow's Chancellor asked instruments to preserve the privileges of his archbishopric. (5). Tax of 6,000l. to be levied on spiritualty and temporalty. (6). Against exportation of coin. (7). For planting of woods and orchards. (8). Against destroying green wood. (9). For keeping forests. (10–18). Against slaughter of does, and other domestic acts. (19). "Of walpinschawingis." (20). For hagbuts and small artillery to be provided by every landed man. (21). Merchants compelled to import them. (22). Fortresses to be built on the border. (23). "Ostillaris" to provide accommodation for travellers. (24). No man to buy English horses; (25) or sell cattle to Englishmen. (26–33). Touching forestallers, slaughters, beggars, and other domestic matters. (34). No one to sail into Flanders oftener than twice a year. (35, 36). Touching burgh officers. (37). My Lord Chancellor to sit once a week.
17 June.—Legal matters, &c.
8 June.
R. O.
843. Roland Lee, Bishop of Coventry and Lichfield, to Cromwell.
I beg your favour for this bearer, doctor Boothe, in his reasonable suit. Gloucester, 8 June. Signed.
P. 1. Add.: Mr. Secretary. Endd.
[8 June.]
R. O.
844. Sir Walter Stonore to Cromwell.
I thank you for my good fortune in recovering the poor house at Stonore, with all the manors it has pleased the King to give me. I shall be his faithful servant to the utmost of my power. I send you by my brother John the sayings of all the witnesses examined before me on June 8, and the words spoken by Margery Cowpland (fn. 7) against the King and the Queen. She utterly denies them; but I think they are true, for she is a marvellous drunken woman, somewhat "straght" of her wits, and her husband is out of his mind. Wynbok, one of her accusers, was brought up by her from a child, and for her love to him she has delivered him a lease of a mill that her husband and she have of the prior of Bursetter, on condition of being found in meat and drink, and to have yearly a mark in money paid by Wynbok. This has led to a dispute between them, as appears by the depositions of John Lambourn and Nic. White. These words were not revealed till long after by Wynbok, who thinks by this means to obtain the mill. I have, however, sent her to the gaol at Wallingford till I know the King's pleasure.
P.S.—Let me know your pleasure, as the said Margery is aged and lacks wit, and there is no one to attend upon her husband, who is mad. Signed.
P. 1. Add.: Mr. Secretary. Endd.
8 June.
R. O.
845. Florys [Count of Buren] to Henry VIII.
Recommends Michiel Marcator, a native of his country, who is bringing a musical instrument made by himself as a present to the King. Brussels, 8 June 1535. Signed.
Fr., p. 1. Add.: Au Roy.
8 June.
Vatican Archives.
846. Bishop of Faenza to M. Ambrogio.
Hears that the reason Francis was angry with the English was for insisting that the duke of Angoulême should go to England, alleging that he had promised it; which he denies, and says he will not send a son to be hostage in England, with other disdainful words. Nevertheless, knows that the King has said that the marriage will take place. Hears that the Carthusians whom the King himself tried to persuade to recognise him as Head of the Church are in prison with chains round their necks, and will certainly be put to death, but perhaps not so publicly, for fear of the displeasure of the people, which was shown at the death of the others. They have also taken in England about 25 Anabaptists, with whom Cranmer, (Dr. Chramuel,) and others of the Court disputed; and, not knowing how to defend themselves, they said that the Holy Spirit inclined them to it. For this several of them have been already executed, and it appears that the King intends to persecute this sect as much as he can, as it already has firm footing in England. Amiens, 8 June.
Ital., pp. 2. From a modern transcript.
Ib.2. Brief abstract of Faenza's letters of the 6th and 8th of June.
Ital., from a modern transcript. p. 1.
8 June.
Paris, Bibl. Nat., MSS. Fr., 19, 577.
847. Ph. Chabot de Bryon to Cardinal du Bellay.
Is sick of his mission. Should be glad to see the end of it on account of the haggling and carping of the English. Will act according to the contents of the last paragraph of Du Bellay's letter.
French, copy. Abstract by Mr. Friedmann.
9 June.
Wilkins, iii. 772. Soc. Ant. Proclam., i. 78.
848. The Pope.
Proclamation against the supremacy of the bishop of Rome; charging also the bishops to set forth, every Sunday and other high feast thoughout the year, the King's title, and raze out of every book the name of the bishop of Rome. Westminster, 9 June.
9 June.
R. O.
849. Cuthbert Bishop of Durham.
His acknowledgment of having received, 9 June 27 Hen. VIII., from Sir Fras. Bygod, the Kings's letters of admonition for declaration of his Grace's title of Supreme Head of the Church of England, and for the extirpation of the authority of the bishop of Rome in his diocese; the letters being dated at Greenwich, 3rd inst., and delivered him on the 9th, between 8 and 9 p.m.
Hol., p. 1. Endd.
10 June.
R. O. St. P. i. 430.
850. Gardiner to Cromwell.
Wrote, with his letters of answer to the King, to ask how the bishop of London had proceeded in executing the King's commandment. Thinking that Cromwell's business might delay the answer, has made out commandments throughout his diocese, as the bearer will show. Anything that Cromwell wishes added can soon be supplied. Has delivered the enclosed verses, to be learned by the scholars of Winchester. To other petty teachers gives commandment in general. "And although, as I have devised the words to be spoken, I preach the matter upon Sunday next in every man's mouth, yet will I preach also, omitting all other respects of myself rather than I should be otherwise taken than I am, that is to say, openly to swear one thing, and privily to work, say, or do otherwise; whereof I was never guilty." Has great cause to desire rest for the health of his body. Intended to abstain from books and writing, having finished the translation of SS. Luke and John. Has stayed the levying of the subsidy, the commissions of sewers and musters, at Cromwell's advertisement. Waltham, 10 June.
Hol., pp. 2. Add.: Secretary. Endd.
10 June.
R. O.
851. Harry Huttoft to [Cromwell].
I have been to lord Audeley's, and all the houses are in good order; but provision must be made for the reparation, and chiefly for covering in divers places to prevent great ruin and decay. I have viewed the park, wherein are 70 deer. Four or five persons remain of the lord Audeley's, with stuff and cattle. I beg I may have something there, keeping the place and park, with such fee as you shall think fit, and also the demesnes in farm at the same rent as lord Audeley leased them to one Dowce, as it would be to my discommodity to be "extinct" therefrom. Please send your commands to my son, and remember the money for Portsmouth, of which there is great need. If it be 1,000l. we shall not soon trouble you again. Before the Harry be hanged upon her shores she will cost 500l. 10 June.
Hol., pp. 2. Endd.
10 June.
R. O.
852. John Barstabull, Abbot of Shurborne, to Cromwell.
Thank you for my preferment to be abbot of Shurborne. According to your letter I am content to permit the prior of the said house to enjoy the office of prior, and also to occupy two other offices generally separated from the priorship. All these offices amount yearly to the sum of 40l. Whereas you have been asked to augment the Prior's living, please to remember the great charges of this poor house in paying the King's first fruits and the yearly payment of the tenth, according to the Acts of Parliament, and the 40l. to be paid to my predecessor during his life. His living is already augmented by these two offices 20l. yearly. Shurborne, 10 June. Signed.
P. 1. Add.: Mr. Secretary. Endd.
10 June.
R. O.
853. Anne Basset to Lady Lisle.
It is now eight days since Madame de Rieu has allowed her to spend the time with the daughter of Madame de Bours. Bours, 10 June.
Begs to be remembered to her father, brothers, and sisters. Madame de Bours recommends herself to you. Signed: Anne Bassistes.
Fr., p. 1. In the hand of Madame de Bours. Add.


1 Apparently crossed out.
2 Blank.
3 His will, according to Dngrlule, was dated 4 June 1535.
4 Otherwise called Master of the Horse, Sir Nie. Carew.
5 II avoit icy fait sur journee (qu. séjourner?) ledit Rochefort.
6 modern marginal note.
7 See Vol. VII., No. 1,609, which it appears should have been dated 8 June [1535.]