||492. Sir John Dudley to Sadler.|
7C. xvi., 151.
|Desires to be tenant of one of his houses at Hackney, either Mr. Heron's or any other he can spare, at the usual rent. “Scribbled in haste, being something accrased, at Cornwalles house this present Sunday.”|
Hol., p. 1. Add.: Mr. Ralph Sadler, one of the principal Secretaries.
||493. E. Duchess of Norfolk to the Earl of Westmoreland.|
||I shall never forget the pains you took for me. Make no more suit to my lord my husband, for no prisonment shall make me lie on myself; I am so used to it this 7 years that I care not for it. I send you by bearer 2 dishes of almond butter, and one to my sister and another to my niece Dorothy, and wafer cakes to you and my sister and the gentlewomen, and 4 doz. cakes to Mrs. Danyell; also to my sister a gold ring, and to my niece Dorothy a “bowid royall” of gold. If you see my uncle of Huntingdon, commend me to him and my aunt. I pray I may break my prisonment I have had this 7 years, that I may come abroad and see my friends. Redbourne, 11 April. Signed: sister in law.|
Hol., p. 1. Add. Endd.
||494. Bp. Roland Lee to Cromwell.|
||I have received your Lordship's letters, that I should command the commissioners for translating Denbigh land into shire ground to proceed, and also, that I should certify whether I think it expedient to be put in “ure” or no. My lord, I was never privy of any such commission. I trust you will not desire my opinion, for I am not of that perfectness to know what shall chance in time coming. I remember that Sir Ric. Herbert, deceased, when the question was first moved for shire ground, exhibited a bill of petitions from divers parts of Wales, which was delivered to your Lordship by Humph. Lloyde. I desire to know the King's pleasure by the bearer, to whom give credence. The murderers of Richard Johns have been executed; for their goods I would gladly know the King's pleasure. Ludlowe, 11 April. Signed.|
Pp. 2. Add.: Lord Crumwell, lord Privy Seal. Endd.
||495. Gregory Botolf.|
||Examinations of Edmund Bryndeholme and John Wooller.|
i. “Articles to be ministered unto Sir Edmond Bryndeholme, parish priest of Our Lady Church in Calais”:—1. Whether you know Sir Gregory — (blank), late chaplain to lord Lisle. 2. When you saw him. 3. When you heard from him. 4. If you have had any letter or message from him. 5. If you have spoken with any man of his of late. 6. If you have anything of his in your keeping. 7. If you have communed with him about the King's supremacy. 8. Or about the bp. of Rome or Pole. 9. If he ever showed you he would go to Rome. 10. If the said Sir Gregory never communed with you “concerning any living for the said Sir Edmond.” 11. Whom Sir Edmond knows to be of “trusty familiarity” with Sir Gregory. 12. Did you know Sir Gregory was lately at Rome, and, if so, from whom? 13. Did he show yon or send you word that he had obtained a living for you; and of whom; and who brought you word; or, if he showed it himself, when was it? 14. Did Corbet, Philpot, or others bring recommendations from him to you, and what were they? 15. Whether you have spoken with Corbet, Philpot, or others about Sir Gregory's journey.
ii. Prima examinatio et responcio:—Examination of Edmond Bryndholme, parish priest of Our Lady Church, Calais, 11 April 31 Hen. VIII., before the earl of Sussex, lord St. John, and other the King's Commissioners at Calais.
1. To the first article, says he knows Sir Gregory. 2. Spoke with him here one day between Passion Sunday and Palm Sunday; he left Calais on Palm Sunday last or the day before. 3. Heard by Corbet, servant to lord Lisle, the Monday or Tuesday after Palm Sunday. 4. Had a message by Corbet, which was for stuff. 5. Only with Corbet who came from him: asked how he did. Philpot showed him he had a “portes” from Sir Gregory for him; but has not yet received it. 6. Has nothing now. On Friday before Palm Sunday Sir Gregory delivered him gowns, &c. (named), which on the Tuesday or Wednesday following, be gave to Corbet's servant, who brought a bill from Sir Gregory for their delivery, 7. None. 8. None. 9. Never said he was going to Rome. Has heard him wish he was at Rome. That was in the churchyard of Our Lady Church about half a year ago. Deponent replied “he had rather it were afire and all that is in it.” 10. Sir Gregory said if he would come with him he would provide him a living. Replied he would go nowhere out of England; for he intended to go to the bp. of Salisbury. 11. Thinks Corbet and Philpot were most of his familiarity. 12. No. Sir Gregory said he came out of England and was going to Louvain if he could get leave from lord and lady Lisle. 13. Never. 14. Never. 15. Never. He told him he would go to Louvain.
Mem.—That after he had given the above answers, Sir Edmund was asked if he would abide by them, “and then he was commanded to write with his own hand what he knew in the premises”; and thereupon, in the chamber of Sir John Gage within the house of lady Banastyr in Calais, he wrote the matters hereafter in the next leaf ensuing which be now sent to the King's Council in England.
Here two leaves appear to have been cut out.
iii. “Secundi articuli:—Interrogatories to be ministered unto Sir Edmund Bryndeholme, priest”:—1. Did Sir Gregory Botolf, at his now last being in Calais, say he intended to be at Calais again next herring time or when? 2. Said he not he would shortly send you news? 3. Said he not he went about an enterprise he would not tell of? 4. If he showed you he trusted Philpot and Corbet. 5. Did he show you when last here what money he had in his purse? 6. Did he show you a friend had given him 200 crs., and name the friend? 7. Heard you him say “Pole was a Catholic man”? 8. Or that Pole counselled him not to tarry in Calais, but get leave “to go to school”? 9. Or that he had been with the bp. of Rome or Raynold Pole? 10. Or spoke with them in the bp. of Rome's chamber? 11. Or that he had a message for you from Rome; and from whom; and what message? 12. If before he went he showed you he would go to Rome. 13. If you said to him when he returned that he had made good speed to return so soon. 14. If you did not marvel he returned so soon. 15. “If ye have not warned your self out of your service, and for what cause ye have done so.” 16. If you purposed to leave Calais. 17. If you have offered to sell none of your goods at Calais. 18. If you intended not to go to Rome this summer. [19. If Sir Gregory said he had provided you a living at Rome, and of whom he had obtained it.] (fn. 1)
iv. “The second examination of Sir Edmund Bryndholme” (upon the preceding articles):—
1 and 2. No. 3. He showed him so about half a year ago. 4. He said he favoured Philpot well; but said little of Corbet. 5 and 6. Negatives. 7. No; but he said he wished himself “in the lap of Pole.” 8. No; but heard him say, as they walked about the walls, he could be worth 100 men. 9. Yes; but remembers not whether he said he had been with the Bishop or Pole. 10. Remembers that on Friday before Palm Sunday Botolf told him he had spoken with Pole; forgets whether he said he had spoken with the bp. of Rome. 11. Had a message that he should have a service at Rome; but from whom he was not told. 12. Half a year past Botolf told him he was determined to go, and would speak with Pole. 13. Yes. 14. He “said not so.” 15. Yes; to go into England. 16. Yes; to England. 17. Intended to sell all but his raiment; offered it to the town clerk of Calais. 18. No. Botolf said if he came he must bring a gelding. Replied ho had none, but could get one from his friend. Botolph asked if he did amble or trot. Answered he trotted, and Botolf said “Nay, he must be an ambler.” Each page signed by deponent.
v. Prima Examinatione:—Examination of John Wooller before Robt. earl of Sussex, Sir Wm. Poulet, lord St. John, and other the Commissioners at Calais, 11 April 31 Hen. VIII. (evidently answers to § i.).
“To the first article he saith he knew the said Sir Gregory.” 2. Saturday before Palm Sunday last. 3. Heard from him by Corbett's servant, who said he brought him to Gawnt. 4. None but that Sir Gregory “challenged ijs. of him.” 5. No. 6. No. Knows of no one who has unless it be Corbet or Philpot. 7, 8, and 9. Never. 11. Philpot. 12. No.
Herbert showed him on Palm Sunday Even that Sir Gregory had a letter of recommendation from lord Lisle directed to Burborow Abbey beside Gravelyn. Went with Sir Gregory to Gravelyn and lay with him at the sign of the Cheker. On Saturday before Palm Sunday Sir Gregory showed him and Corbet, outside the gates walking down to the little park, “upon a xiiij. double ducats and one single ducat.” Three weeks or a month before Shrovetide last he went to England: Sir Gregory was then in Calais. Left at 2 in the morning; was at the Rose besides Mr. Prysley; Sir Gregory was there playing at tables with Edw. Seryeant, and went up to his chamber about 2 in the morning. [“Which leaf is sent to the King's Highness, nevertheless the copy thereof is in the place thereof as followeth.”] (fn. 2)
vj. Rough draft of § iii.
Pp. 17. All in the same hand. Endd.: Sir Edmund.
||496. [Edmund Bryndeholme].|
||Sir Gregory on Friday morning before Palm Sunday told me me that the bp. of Rome would have given a certain bishop the house there called St. Thomas' hospital, if Raynold Pole had not stayed the matter. “Also where I wrote upon Sunday (fn. 3) in my book how that Sir Gregory said that he would into England before he went to Rome,” he said it was because his brother owed him 10l. which he put Fylpot in trust to receive, but feared he would not get it till he went himself. (In margin: “Sir Edmund.”)|
||497. Diet at Spires.|
|Indiction by Charles V. of a diet to begin 6 July next at Spires, or in some neighbouring city if the plague be in Spires. Ghent, 11 April 1540.|
32 Hen. VIII.
|Begun at Westminster 28 April 31 Hen. VIII., and continued by various prorogations until 12 April in that year, and then held until 11 May 32 Hen. VIII., and then prorogued until 25 May, and then held until 24 July next following, when it was dissolved. In the following summary the legislation (fn. 4) between 12 April and 24 July is classified under three heads, viz.:—|
I. Acts entered on the Parliament Roll:—
1 [cap. 1]. How lands may be willed by testament.
2 [c. 2]. Limitation of prescription.
3 [c. 3]. For continuation of Acts.
4 [c. 4]. Trial of treasons in Wales.
5 [c. 5]. Contentation of debts upon executions.
6 [c. 11]. Stealing of hawks' eggs, conies, and deer.
7 [c. 6]. Conveying horses into Scotland.
8 [c. 7]. Payment of tithes.
9 [c. 8]. Against the sale of pheasants and partridges.
10 [c. 9]. Against maintenance, embracery, buying of titles, &c.
11 [c. 10]. For moderation of the punishment, under the Six Articles, of incontinence of priests.
12 [c. 12.] Sanctuaries (to be henceforth only at Wells, Westminster, Manchester, Northampton, Norwich, York, Derby, and Launceston).
13 [c. 13]. Breed of horses.
14 [c. 14]. Maintenance of the navy.
15 [c. 15]. Commissions to be made to bishops, chancellors, commissaries, archdeacons, &c., concerning Christian religion. (An extension of the commissions provided by the Act of the Six Articles.) (fn. 5)
16 [c. 16]. Strangers.
17 [c. 17]. For paving of Holborne and other places (specified).
18 [c. 18]. For re-edifying of towns (in the East and North party).
19 [c. 19]. For re-edifying of towns westward (in the West).
20 [c. 20]. Liberties.
21 [c. 21]. Trinity term.
22 [c. 22]. For bishops, concerning payment of tithes.
23 [c. 23]. The subsidy of the clergy of Canterbury.
24 [c. 24]. Suppression of the hospitals of St. John of Jerusalem in England and Ireland.
25 [c. 28]. That lessees may enjoy their farms.
26 [c. 29]. Abolishing a custom used in the lordship and soke of Oswaldebeck, Notts.
27 [c. 30]. Mispleading jeofailes, &c.
28 [c. 25]. Dissolution of the marriage with Anne of Cleves.
29 [c. 26]. For Christ's religion. (Decisions of the committee of the clergy now appointed or of the whole clergy, confirmed by the King, to be valid.) (fn. 6)
30 [c. 27]. Resumption of letters patent, &c., at Calais, Berwick, and Wales.
31 [c. 51]. Authorising the King to make gifts of land to the Prince, &c.
32 [c. 48]. Dover Castle.
33 (fn. 7) [c. 52]. Cofferer of the Household. The income provided by Act 22 Hen. VIII. cap. 18. having decayed, the sums required are to be levied as they were before that Act. Edm. Peckham, esq., cofferer, exonerated from liability for certain sums unpaid. (The original of this Act is not “wanting,” as stated in the Statutes at Large. It is numbered 50 among the original Acts preserved in the Parliament Office at Westminster).
34 (fn. 7) [c. 53]. The King's manor of Newelme alias Ewelme, Oxon, to be henceforth the honour of Newelme alias Ewelme, and the honour and castle of Wallingford to be severed from the Duchy of Cornwall and called the manor and castle of Wallingford, and united to the honour of Newelme. Prince Edward and his successors, dukes of Cornwall, to have, in recompense for Wallingford, the manors of West Taunton, Portloo, Northill, Portpighan, Laundren, Trelowia, Tregannire, Trelugon, Croftehobe, Trevithen Courtency, Landulph, Lighduraunt, and Tynton, Cornw., in the King's hands by the attainder of Henry late marquis of Exeter; Austell, Fentregan, Tremanyon alias Tremagnon, Fowey, Gredyowe, and Portheapriour, Cornw., parcel of Tywardreth priory; and Bradford, Canedon, Clymeslond Prior, Treworthgye, Stratton, Estwey, Bowyton, Bradrissey, Bucklawren, and Bonyalue (or Bonyaluey), Cornw., parcel of Launceston priory.
35 (fn. 7) [c. 54]. Annexation to Windsor Castle of the manors and lordships of Langley Marres and Wyrardisburie, Bucks, Cookham and Bray, Berks, parcel of the lands of the late queen Jane; Taplow and Upton, with Upton parsonage, parcel of the late monastery of Merton; Dachett, Bucks, which belonged to St. Helen's nunnery in London; Holmer and Burneham, with the parsonage of Burneham and all lands in Burnham, Stoke, Eton, Boveney, Beccamsfeld, Dorney, and Holmer, Bucks, which belonged to the late monastery of Burneham.
36 (fn. 8) [c. 55]. Annexation to the honour of Hampton Court of the manor of Nonsuch, Surrey, which the King purchased from Ric. Codington; Ewell, East Chayham, and Westchayham, Surrey, purchased of the abp. of Canterbury; the lands in Coddington and Ewell which belonged to the late monastery of Merton; lands in Ewell and Maldon purchased of Ric. Saunders, Edw. Martyn, John St. John and Thos. Compton; the manors of Bansted, Walton super Montem, Sutton and Ebbissham, Benyngton, aud Cullesdon, which came to the King by the attainder of Sir Nic. Carew; the manors of Wimbledon (members named), Dounesford, and Balams, Surrey, purchased of lord Cromwell, Lord Privy Seal; the manors of Wandsworth and Batrichesey, Surrey, Halughford, Echelforth, and Laleham, Midd., which belonged to the late monastery of Westminster; the site of the late monastery of Sion and the manor or hundred of Isleworlh (members named), which belonged to Sion; and all other lands which the King may hereafter acquire in the places aforenamed, or in Hampton, Sunbury, Walton, Hanworth, Shepperton, Feltham, Kingston upon Thames, Brentford (Braineford), Hounslow, and Hanworth (sic); upon certain stated conditions.
37 (fn. 8) [c. 56]. Annexation to the honour of Petworth, Sussex, of the manors of Estergate, Addrington alias Baliscourts, Fysbourne, Hampton and Tottington, Suss., which belonged to the late monastery of Sion; Feltham alias Felgham and Bedenham, and all lands in Feltham, Anoughton, Flamesham, Wyke, Byddenham, Kyrdeford, and Fittelworth, Suss., which belonged to Shaftesbury nunnery; Bynderton, Suss., which belonged to Tarraunte monastery; Appledram, Suss., which belonged to Battle abbey; Dughton alias Donyngton, which belonged to Hyde abbey; all possessions of the late monastery of Tartyngton in Loddesworth, Ludgarshall, Madenhurste, and Benynghurst, Suss.; Halnaked and Walberton, Suss., with appurtenances in divers places (named), purchased of Thomas lord Delawarr; the site or manor of the late priory of Boxgrave with appurtenances in Boxgrave, Kyrford, Southstoke, and Arundell; Fisheborne which belonged to Southwick Abbey; Duddelfolde, Suss., which came to the King by the treason of the late abbot of Reading; Ryver and other lands in Ryver, Tollyngton, Loddesworth, and Lurgarsale, purchased of Sir wm. Goryng, John Dawtree, and Joan his wife and Chr. Moore; and all lands which the King shall hereafter acquire in the places aforenamed, and in Petworth, Wullavington, Slyndon, Bersted, Tangmer, Estlavant, Bowyng, Ertham, Westhampnett, Fitleworthe, Stoke, Stoughton, Nytymbr, Westergate, Barnebam, Middlelavant, Westlavant, Bossney, Middleton, Sharpewike, Stedeham, Strode, Byworthe, Sutton, Forde, Slynfold, Rugewike, Belinghurst, Farnehurst, Estegrenestede, Pemsey, Kydeford, Chiltington, Estdeane, Sellinghurst, Shillingley, Wigenholt, Eglesden, Aldewyke, Ashefolde, Bognour, Barlavington, Bigneu alias Bignour, Bury, Bestover, Crymesham, Charlton, Clympyng, Coleworth, Chilgrove, Deane, Deddisham, Estbourne, Egeden, Gressham, Hurst, Ilsham, Lavante, Lymester, Walham, Merston, Northbersted, Newefishebourne, Oldefishebourne, Oving, Palantyne, Chichester, Pagham, Romboldeswicke, Southbersted, Shripney, Southmonden, Stopeham, Sonde, Shovelstrode, Turwicke, Wethering, Wisboro Grene, Westburton, Walteham, Verdeley, Wodyer, Watergate, Pulborowe, Barneham, Westangmering, Wethering, Hurston, and Sountyng, Suss.
38 (fn. 8) [c. 57]. Annexation to the duchy of Lancaster of the possessions of the late abbey of Furness.
39 [c. 45]. Establishment of the court of First Fruits and Tenths.
40 [c. 46]. Establishment of the Court of Wards.
41 [c. 47]. Act charging the bishop of Norwich with the tenths.
42 [c. 35]. Justices of forests to make deputies.
43 [c. 36]. Exposition of the Statute of Fines.
44 [c. 37]. For recovering of arrearages by executors and administrators.
45 [c. 38]. Precontracts and degrees of consanguinity. (fn. 10)
46 [c. 39]. Jurisdiction of the Great Master.
47 [c. 40]. Exemptions granted to the president and fellows of the corporation of physicians of London.
48 [c. 41]. Baking of horsebread.
49 [c. 42]. Barbers and surgeons.
50 [c. 43]. County days in Chester.
51 [c. 44]. Parish of Royston.
52 [c. 31]. Avoiding of recoveries by collusion.
53 [c. 32]. Joint tenants for life or years.
54 [c. 33]. Wrongful disseasin to be no descent.
55 [c. 34]. Grants of reversions.
56 (fn. 9) [c. 58]. Attainder of Giles Heron, late of Hackney, and forfeiture of all lands he held on or after 28 Jan. 30 Hen. VIII.; with saving clause respecting the right of Sir John Williams in the lordships of Great and Little Rycotts, Oxon.
57 (fn. 9) [c. 59]. Attainder of Ric. Fetherston, late of London, clk., Thos. Abell, late of London, clk., Edw. Powell, late of New Salisbury, clk., and Wm. Horne, late of London, yeoman; who have refused the King's supremacy; and Margaret Tyrrell, wife of Wm. Tyrrell, of Essex, esquire, who has denied Prince Edward to be prince of England and next inheritable to the Crown; and Laurence Cook, late of Doncaster, clk., who adhered to the late arrogant traitor Robert Aske in his rebellion; and forfeiture of all possessions held after 18 April 30 Hen. VIII. by the five former, or after 17 Jan. 28 Hen. VIII. by Cooke.
58 (fn. 9) [c. 60]. Attainder of Gregory Butolph, late of Canterbury, clk., Adam Damplip, late of London, clk., Edm. Bryndeholme, late of London, clk., and Clement Philpott, late of Calais, gentleman, who have adhered to the King's enemy the bishop of Rome and assisted Raynold Poole, an abominable and arrogant traitor, compassing the surprise of the town of Calais; Darby Gynnyng, late of Dublin, who has maintained divers of the King's enemies in Ireland, especially Fitz Garrard whom he succoured and accompanied. Also Robert Barnes, late of London, clk., Thos. Garrard, late of London, clk., and Wm. Jerome, late of Stepney, clk., who being detestable heretics have openly preached erroneous opinions and perverted many texts of Scripture (for which heresies Barnes and Garrard have been before this abjured), and who are to suffer death as heretics by burning or otherwise, and forfeit all possessions they have held since 20 March 31 Hen. VIII. Also Charles Carow, late of Benyngton, Surr., gentleman, who has, with other mischievous persons, thieves and felons, at Benyngton, committed an abominable robbery and with great violence spoiled and robbed—(blank) Carewe, widow, to her utter undoing, which robbery the said Charles has confessed.
59 (fn. 9) [c. 61]. Attainder of Wm. Byrde, clk., vicar of Brodford, Wilts, who was of counsel with the rebels at the commotion time in the North, and, 12 Oct. 28 Henry VIII., when his kinsman Wm. Williams, of Brodford, was going to the subduing of the said rebels, said, at Fikelton, Wilts, “I am sorry therefor; seest thou not how the King plucketh down abbeys and images every day? And if the King go thither himself he will never come home again, ne none of them all which do go with him: and in truth it were pity he should ever come home again.” Again when one John Mason said, at Fikelton, 20 Nov. 28 Hen. VIII., “O good Lord! I ween the world will be heretics in a while,” Byrde answered “Dost thou marvel at that? I tell thee it is no marvel, for the great master of all is an heretic and such one that is not his like in the world.” Also of Walter lord Hungerford who, to comfort the said Byrde in his detestable opinions, caused him, 20 Oct. 28 Hen. VIII., to be arrested and brought to him at Farlegh, and did retain him as his chaplain for a quarter of a year; and moreover, 22 March 28 Hen. VIII. and since, has procured Sir Hugh Woodes, chaplain, and Dr. Mawdelyn, and one Mother Roche to conjure and show how long the King should live; and moreover has practised the abominable vice of buggery with Wm. Maister, Thos. Smith, and other his servants; who shall suffer death as a traitor and forfeit all possessions he has held since 22 March 28 Hen. VIII.
|60 (fn. 11) [c. 62]. Attainder of Thomas Crumwell, earl of Essex, whom the King has raised from a very base and low degree to the state of an earl, and who nevertheless, as is proved by many “personages of great honor, worship, and discretion,” has been the most detestable traitor that has been seen during the King's reign, and has of his own authority set at liberty divers persons convicted of misprision of treason and others apprehended upon suspicion of treason; and also has, for sums of money, granted licences for the export of money, corn, &c., contrary to the King's proclamations; and also has appointed commissioners in important affairs without the King's knowledge; and also “being a person of as poor and low degree as few be” within this realm, has said publicly, “That he was sure of you” (i.e. the King), and it is detestable that any subject should speak so of his sovereign; and also has give passports to divers persons to go over sea without search; and also, being a detestable heretic, has dispersed into all shires false and erroneous books, many of which were printed beyond seas, tending to the discredit of the blessed sacrament of the altar and other articles of religion declared by the King by the authority of Parliament, and has caused parts of the said books to be translated into English, and although the report made by the translator thereof has been that the matter was expressly against the sacrament of the altar, has, after reading the translation, affirmed the heresy so translated to be good; and also has obstinately maintained that every Christian may be a minister of the said sacrament as well as a priest; and also, being the King's vicegerent to reform errors and direct ecclesiastical causes, has, without the King's knowledge, licensed heretics to preach and teach, and has actually written to sheriffs in sundry shires, as if it were the King's pleasure, to set at large many false heretics; and also upon complaints being made to him of heretics, has defended the said heretics, and rebuked the credible persons, their accusers, &c.; and moreover, 31 March 30 Hen. VIII., in the parish of St. Peter the Poor in London, upon information made to him against certain new preachers, as Robert Barnes and other, whereof part be now in the Tower for preaching against the King's proclamations, did arrogantly say in defence of their preaching, “That if the King would turn from it, yet I would not turn; and if the King did turn and all his people I would fight in the field in my own person with my sword in my hand against him and all other,” and held up his dagger saying, “Or else this dagger thrust me to the heart if I would not die in that quarrel against them all; and I trust if I live one year or two it shall not lie in the King's power to resist or let it if he would,” and affirming the words by a great oath, &c.; and moreover by bribery and extortion he obtained innumerable sums of money, and, being so enriched, has held the nobles of the Realm in great disdain, “and being put in remembrance of others of his estate which your Highness hath called him unto offending in like treasons,” said, 31 Jan. 31 Hen. VIII., in the parish of St. Martin in the Fields, Midd., “That if the lords would handle him so, that he would give them such a breakfast as never was made in England, and that the proudest of them should know.” To suffer as a heretic or traitor, at the King's pleasure, and forfeit all property held since 31 March 30 Hen. VIII. Saving clause excepting the deanery of Wells from forfeiture.|
II. Acts printed in the Statutes at Large, but not entered on the Parliament Roll:—.
Cap. 49 [original no. (fn. 12) 46]. The King's general pardon.
Exception is made of heretical opinions touching the sacrament, treason, murder, and some other crimes. It is not to extend to the following persons:—Cromwell, Marg. countess of Salisbury, Arthur lord Lisle, and Honor his wife, Leonard lord Gray, Walter lord Hungerford, Ric. bp. of Chichester, Edw. Courteney son to the late marquis of Exeter, Henry Pole son of Lord Montagew, Nich. Wilson, priest, Wm. Byrde vicar of Bradforde, Giles Heron, Marg. wife of Wm. Tyrrell, Ric. Fetherston, Thos. Abell, Edw. Powell, priest, Laur. Coke late prior of Dancaster, Wm. Horne late lay brother of the Charterhouse, Chr. Joy, Clement Philpot, John Wollar, Edw. Corbet now prisoner, John Browne his servant, Edm. Bryndeholme, priest, Thos. Tytchet, Wm. Stevens, Wm. Hawkyns late of Calais, Robt. Barnes, priest, Thos. Garrard parson of Hony Lane, Wm. Jerome, priest. Ric. Manchester, priest, Wm. More, harper, Darby Gynnyng, Edm. Sexton, Charles Carowe, Ant. Bowgegood, Adam Damplyp, Hen. Goderyk parson of Hothefeld in Kent, and all persons who have been attainted by Act of Parliament, or excepted by name out of previous pardons, or have fled the realm for treason, and also John Gynden. A proviso is added excepting all treasons committed beyond sea and the following heresies: (1) that infants ought not to be baptised or should be re-baptised on reaching lawful age, (2) that a Christian may not bear rule in the commonwealth, (3) “that no man's laws ought to be obeyed,” (4) that a Christian may not take oath before a judge, (5) “that Christ took no bodily substance of our blessed Lady,” (6) “that sinners after baptism cannot be restored by repentance,” (7) that every man's death is predetermined by God, so that neither prince's sword nor man's own wilfulness can change it, (8) “that all things be common and nothing several”; and also excepting Gregory Buttolph, priest, Ric. Farmour of Eston, Ntht., and Robt. Jewet late keeper of Newgate. (fn. 13)
C. 50 [o. n. 78]. The Bill for the Subsidy.
|III. Acts not entered on the Parliament Roll nor printed:—|
C. 63 [o. n. 48]. Confirmation of the enclosure within the King's park called Marybourne Park, Midd., of certain lands of Rugmere prebend, in St. Paul's Cathedral, of which Thos. Benett, clk., is prebendary, and John Palmer, farmer. In recompense, the parsonage of Throwley alias Threwleigh, Kent, which belonged to Sion monastery, is assured to the prebendary and his successors at 4l. 18s. 4d. rent; and the other lands of the prebend in co. Midd., assured to the said farmer in fee simple.
C. 64 [o. n. 49]. Union of the two parishes of St. Margaret and St. Mary Magdalene Overey, in Southwark, with the enjoyment of the church of the late monastery of St. Mary Overey (to be henceforth called the parish church of St. Saviour of Southwark) for their parish church, and the commodities of the fraternity of the Assumption of Our Lady in St. Margaret's parish, and with obligation upon the Leathersellers Company of London to maintain the foundation of John Scragges, leatherseller, dec., in the parish church of St. Mary Magdalene Overey. The preamble states that the erection of the said fraternity and its endowment with 20 mks. a year was licensed by patent 9 May 27 Hen. VI.; that the Parliament of 28 Hen. VIII. [c. 31] enacted that the parishioners of St. Margaret's parish should be a body corporate, &c.; that the monastery of St. Mary Overey is dissolved, and the parish church of St. Margaret prostrated and converted to another use; that the parishioners of both parishes now repair jointly to the late monastery church of St. Mary Overey to hear divine service, &c., which said church is very great and costly to maintain.
C. 66 [o. n. 51]. Confirmation of an indenture of 26 March 31 Hen. VIII., by which Sir Ric. Riche sold to the Crown his manor of Little Badoo, Essex, in exchange for the manor of Moche Waltham and a park called Lytlehey Park, Essex, parcel of the duchy of Lancaster, and woods called Lighwood in Mochelyes, Essex.
C. 67 [o. n. 53]. Assurance of the manor of Rotherfeld Grey, Oxon, to Fras. Knolles, Esq., and Katharine his wife, in tail male of the former, immediately upon the death of Letyce Lee; it having been granted by pat. 25 Jan. 9 Hen. VIII., to Robt. Knollys, gentleman usher, and Letyce his wife, for life, and afterwards, by pat. 4 Oct. 30 Hen. VIII., the reversion of it after the said Letyce, then wife of Sir Robt. Lee, to the said Fras. Knolles for life. Saving clause for Fras. Inggelfeld, esq., and the heirs male of his father, Sir Thos. Inggelfeld, to whom the reversion of the premises was granted, by pat. 9 July 16 Hen. VIII., in tail male.
C. 68 [o. n. 55]. Assurance, for life, to Eliz. Hill, of the dissolved priory of Wyntney, &c., Hants., granted 4 June 30 Hon. VIII. to Ric. Hyll, now dec., and the said Elizabeth his wife, in tail male of the said Richard, who has issue male, viz., Hen. Hyll, now living. Also where the said Richard, in his death sickness, begged the King to pay his debts and take in recompense his chief messuage of Odeham, Hants, and the King has since paid 500l. of his debts; the said chief messuage and its lands in Odyham and Wildmore are assured to the Crown, and annexed to the manor of Odyham, and the said Henry Hyll shall enjoy, in recompense, “lands now Sir Henry Isley,” in Chevenyng, Kent, now in tenure of Ric. Permenger.
C. 69 [o. n. 57]. Audrye Hare, daughter and heir of Wm. Hare, of Beston St. Laurence, Norf., dec., and sister and heir of Thos. Hare, dec., who is seised in fee of lands in Norfolk, Suffolk, and the city of London and is of the age of 18 years “and somewhat more,” enabled to alienate the said lands and transact affairs as if of the full age of 21 years.
C. 70 [o. n. 58]. Sir Ric. Longe to hold in fee simple the commandry of Shyngay, Camb., which was assured to him by Parliament of 31 Hen. VIII. [c. 24] in tail male.
C. 71 [o. n. 59]. Assurance to Sir Edw. Baynton and Dame Isabell his wife, in survivorship, of the manors of Cheryngdon alias Steplelauyngton, Glouc., Falleston alias Fallersdon, Wilts, and Chylton Candevere, Hants, of which they now take the profits; with remainder to Henry Baynton, their eldest son, in tail male; with remainder to the heirs male of the said Sir Edward and Dame Isabell; with remainder to the right heirs of the said Sir Edward.
C. 72 [o. n. 66]. Assurance to George Harper, in fee simple, of the manor of Horoneplace and lands in Appledore, Brodgare and Otford which he has in right of his wife Lucy, sister and heiress of Reynold Pekham, dec.; and also his lands in Kynardyngton, Kent, in tenure of Walter Henley. Saving clause for Reynold Pekham, of Yeldham, and the heirs male of James Pekham, his father.
C. 73 [o. n. 67]. Confirmation of sale to the Crown, 1 April 31 Hen. VIII. by Thos. duke of Norfolk, of the manors of Byrdehurst, Wilts, and Kencote and Hardewyke, Oxon, granted by patent 1 Feb. 5 Hen. VIII., to Thos. late duke of Norfolk in tail male, and the manors of Wydeford, Oxon and Glouc., and Brunesnorton and Cogges, Oxon, granted to the same, in tail male, by Act of Parliament of 5 Feb. 5 Hen. VIII. Rights of Agnes, widow of the said Thos. late duke of Norfolk in the premises to be clearly barred, and she to have in recompense the manors of Sheringham, Welles, Wyveton, Warram, Stafford Barnyngham and Heccham, Norf., for life.
C. 74 [o. n. 69]. Confirmation of grant to Thos. lord Lawarr and Eliz. his wife, made 24 March 31 Hen. VIII. (see No. 436 (72)), to stand to the said Thomas and Eliz. and the heirs of the body of the said Thomas; with remainder to Sir Owen West, “brother of the half blood” to the said Thomas, in tail male; with remainder to Sir Geo. West, now dec., another of the half brothers of the said Thomas, in tail male; with similar remainder to Leonard West, another half brother; with contingent remainders to the heirs male, the heirs of the body and the right heirs of Thomas West lord Lawarr, father of the present lord.
C. 75 [o. n. 70]. Confirmation to Sir Thos. Wyatt of his possession of the manors, purchased by him, of Hoo and Ailesford, Kent, and Greys Thurrock, Essex, which were in variance between Geo. Zouche, esq., of the one part, and Sir John lord Zouche, Sir Thos. Cornewall and Thos. Newport, of the other part, as possessions of Henry late lord Grey, of Codnor.
C. 76 [o. n. 71]. Confirmation of a sale by Sir Thos. Poynings and Katharine his wife to lord Chancellor Audeley of the manors of Layer Marney and Gyberake, Essex, which the said Thos. and Katharine his wife, late wife of Geo. Ratclyff, dec., held by virtue of a [partit]yon made between them and Thomas Howard, 2nd son of Thos. duke of Norfolk, and Eliz. his wife, confirmed by Act of Parliament of 4 Feb. 27 Hen. VIII. (c. 46).
C. 77 [o. n. 73]. Exchange between the King and Sir Thos. Wyatt, Thos. Wyatt his son and heir apparent, and Jane his (the latter's) wife; by which they grant to the King the manors of Otterpole, Snave, Warehorne and Blakmanston, Kent, which were confirmed to them by Act of Parliament 31 Hen. VIII. [c. 28], and also the manors of Kerielles, Twidale and Frogenhall, Kent, and also the manor of Swanton Court, Kent, belonging to Ralph Fane, with all the said Ralph's lands in Bradgare, Bickenor and Wormesel now in tenure of Thos. Lake; receiving in recompense the manor of Hooe which belonged to Boxley monastery, the manor of Windhill which belonged to Reading monastery, and confirmation in the manors of Combe and Southcourte and all lands of Sir Thos. Wyatt in the hundred of Hoo and Eynesford except the manor of Hoo, late of Henry lord Grey of Codnor.
C. 78 [o. n. 74]. Grant to the earl of Hertford that the lands he now holds in fee simple may descend as follows:—The manors of Mochelney, Drayton, Westhover, Yerneshill, Camell, Downehed, Kylcombe, and Fyffec, Soms., to the heirs male of himself and lady Anne, his wife, or any future wife he may have; with contingent remainders in tail male to Edward Seymour, his son by his late wife, Katharine, dec., one of the daughters of Sir Wm. Fylolle, dec., to Henry Seymour, brother of the Earl, and to Sir Thos. Seymour, youngest brother of the Earl; with remainder to heirs female of the Earl's body; with remainder to the right heirs of the said Edward Seymour. All other his possessions which he has or hereafter may hold to be judged to descend in the same manner. Provision for alienation, &c.
C. 79 [o. n. 75]. Grant to the marquis of Dorset to set aside the provisions of his father's will, assigning lands to each of his younger sons, for life, on their severally attaining the age of 21 years, viz., lord John Grey (the manor of Lysthorpe alias Leysthorpe, Leic.), lord Thomas Grey (Bardon park, Leic., and the manor of Stok Denysse, Soms., during the life only of Anne Graye, wife to Sir Ric. Clement, and formerly wife to lord John Graye, brother of Thomas, late marquis of Dorset, and, after her decease, the manor of Bosworth, Leic.), and lord Edw. Grey (lands called Morebarne Fields, Leic.); giving them in recompense, upon their severally attaining the age of 21 years, to lord John, the manors of Compyne cum Seton, Oterye St. Mary, Westassheford, Haccombsfee, and Sowthleigh, Devon, to lord Thomas, the manors of Axmyster, Foxyll, and Downe Humfravyle, Devon, Sturmyster Marshall, Dors., and Pockyngton, Soms., during the life of the said lady Anne only, and after her death, the manor of Bosworth, Leic., and to lord Edward the manors of Brendon Compyne manor, Sowtheole, Knowston, Beauple, Tuderleigh, and Pewmar, Devon.
C. 80 [o. n. 77]. Confirmation of sale to the Crown 32 Hen. VIII., by Thos. duke of Norfolk, of the manors of Erdescote, Berks, Rysyngdon Parva, Oxon, and Upton Lovell, Wilts, which the late Duke held in tail male, and of Stoke and Stoughton, Suss. In compensation of rights in the premises, lady Agnes, widow of the late Duke, shall enjoy the manor of Reygate, Surr.; and the Duke and lady Elizabeth his wife (for rights of the said Elizabeth) the manors of Sompting and Shortesfeld, Suss., which belonged to Sion monastery, and the circuit and site of the late priory called Clerkenwell priory, Midd.
|Cleop. E. v.,
|Draft of the Act about precontracts of marriage (Stat. 32 Hen. VIII., c. 38), with corrections in the King's own hand.|
|Ib., f. 106.
||2. Another fuller draft of the same, also corrected by Henry VIII.|
||3. Copy of the preamble to the “Bill for the Subsidy,” 32 Henry VIII. c. 50.|
Large paper, pp. 6.
||4. Office copy of Act 32 Henry VIII. c. 51 (authority to the King to make jointures), taken from the Parliament Roll and certified by John Kitson.|
Pp. 10. Headed (in Latin): Enacted in Parliament assembled 28 April 31 Hen. VIII. and continued by prorogations until 11 May 32 Hen. VIII.
515, f. 44.
|5. Act of attainder of lord Cromwell, 32 Hen. VIII., c. 62.|
Modern copy, pp. 19.
|Titus B. i.,
|6. Modern abstract of the Act of attainder of Crumwell.|
158 f. 119b.
|List of the lords in the Parliament “anno r. Regis Henrici Octavi xxxjo,” viz., lord Cromwell, the abps. of Canterbury and York, the bps. of London, Durham, Winchester, Exeter, Lincoln, Bath and Wells, Ely, Bangor, Coventry and Lichfield (or Chester), Salisbury, Wiscettour, Rochester, Chichester, Norwich, St. Davies, St. As, Llandaff, Carlisle and Hartforde, lord Audeley of Walden, the dukes of Norfolk and Suffolk, and marquis Dorset, earls of Southampton, Arundel, Westmoreland, Shrophire (sic), Derby, Wiscettour, Rutland, Cumberland, Sussex, Huntingdon, Bath, Hartforde, and Bridgwater; the lords Audley, Souche, Laware, Morley, Dacres, Cobham, and M[altravers?].|
||501. Spiritual and Secular Jurisdiction.|
||A bill proposed in Parliament (fn. 14) for abolishing particular liberties of the Church in corporate towns, and subjecting the inhabitants of such liberties to the ordinary municipal jurisdiction. It is represented in the preamble that these particular liberties afford an asylum to a large number of bad characters, who resist the execution of the King's writs with weapons drawn, and that they have been hitherto suffered to remain only for dread of the curses sent forth by spiritual men, as shown by some of their letters read in this present Parliament.|
Corrected draft, pp. 3. Endd.: Of grants by the noble princes of this realm for good intent yoven to spiritual men, now abused.
||502. For the Act of Subsidy.|
||Draft preamble to a bill for a Subsidy. Setting forth that the Commons, men selected to express the voice of the realm in this Parliament, seeing the benefits God has poured upon us through the opening and showing of His Word, and remembering the errors which we have so long slept in, through the deceits of the subtle serpent the bishop of Rome, cannot but embrace the one and hate the other; and therefore we look for the extreme persecution and devilish hatred of the bishop of Rome. And, to show that we have banished the Papacy out of our hearts and desire to set forth Christ and His Gospel, we “do offer and give unto your most royal Majesty, toward the maintenance, propagation, setting forth, and defence of the Gospel and this the defence of our country”—|
||2. A recapitulation of the charges the King has lately been put to, similar to that in the preamble to the Act for the Subsidy, 32 Hen. VIII. (cap. 50), but much more full.|
The items are:—repression of the rebellion in Lincolnshire and the North; maintenance of three Councils, viz., in the Welsh marches, the North and the West; naval preparations last year against the “pretensed invasion”; fortification of Calais, Guisnes, Ruysbank and Hammes, Berwick, Carlisle, and other fortresses on the Borders, and the castles and blockhouses newly built in the Downs at Dover, Folston, Rye, Calshotispoynt, the Cowe under the Wight, 2 bulwarks above Gravesend, and bulwarks at Higham, Tilbury, and over against Gravesend, at Plymouth, Dartmouth, Falmouth, Fowey, Torre Bay, Portland, &c.; furnishing the above with ordnance; making Dover haven; army in Ireland; ordnance and military stores; repairing Westminster Hall; and instructing the people and abolishing the bishop of Rome's authority.
Large paper, pp. 5.
||503. The King's Wards. (fn. 15) |
||A remembrance for good order to be taken for the King's wards. In the time of king Henry VII. there was a master, a general receiver, an auditor and particular receiver in every shire who accounted yearly for their receipts, as appears by a book for the year ended Mich. 24 Hen. VII. This order was then discontinued, and it is supposed the present King has thereby lost much. Recommends a partial return to this order with various stated conditions.|
Pp. 3. Endd.: A bill concerning th' order of and for the King's wards.
||504. Duchy of Cornwall.|
||Charters and Acts of Parliament touching the Duchy of Cornwall, viz., three charters of Edw. III., an Act of 9 Hen. V., and an Act of 32 Hen. VIII. (cap. 53).|
17th cent. copies, pp. 30.
||505. Thomas Stydolff to Cromwell.|
||The King has granted him the stewardship of the courts [and] keeping of the lands of the late monastery of Cherssey; which office Mr. Banester had for life, notwithstanding the high stewardship given by patent of the abbot. Has kept the courts without interruption till Wednesday last, when Mr. Saddeler, his friend, “commanded young Mr. Skynner at Epsham and at Sutton the same day” to the intent to discharge the writer of his office. Would not encroach upon the office of the high steward, Mr. Saddeler. Begs Cromwell to stay the matter till his coming up, which shall be within a fortnight, and for an answer by the bearer. Signed.|
Pp. 2. Add.: Lord Privy Seal. Endd.: 12 April.
||506. Master and Fellows of [St. Giles' Hospital, Norwich (fn. 16) ] to Cromwell.|
|In accordance with Cromwell's letters by bearer, send the surrender of their house and possessions. Norwich, 12 April. Signed by Robert Codde, master, John Blomevile, Edward Osborne, and Robert Dowe.|
P. 1. Add.: Lord Privy Seal.
||507. Gregory Botolf.|
||Confession of Edw. Corbett, servant to my lord Deputy of Calais, before the earl of Sussex, and other the King's Commissioners in Calais, 12 April, 31 Hen. VIII.|
First, on Wednesday night after Palm Sunday last, he lay with Sir Gregory Buttall at the Crown in Gravelines. Found him in Burborow nunnery that day. Returned to his master early in the morning. Item, went to Sir Gregory to buy certain bedding and stuff of him and ask for credit for it. Item, left his servant behind with Sir Gregory, who said he expected some silks and would send him a doublet cloth: his servant returned that night with no silk, but with a letter. Item, was asked by Philpot to let his servant ride to Sir Gregory on Monday in Easter week, with certain stuff and to bring him to Bruges. His servant afterwards said he had brought Sir Gregory to Gawnt and fetched a letter from him to Philpot, and a message to deponent that Sir Gregory had written to him “that his servant was slain.” Item, Sir Gregory brake 10 crowns of gold before his departure and gave them to deponent to make three gold rings for Clement Philpot, Castle, and himself, as remembrances of him.
In Edw. Leighton's hand, pp. 2. Endd.: Corbett's confession.
||2. [Twelve numbered interrogatories without any heading, viz.:—]|
1. Did not Sir Gregory shew you, when last in Calais, where he landed in France, how long he tarried there and why? 2. Nor that he had been at Rome and spoken with Pole and other cardinals, and what cheer he had? 3. Nor that Pole was a Catholic man and had counselled him to take leave of my lord Deputy and go to school? 4. Nor that he had moved Sir Edmund to go and take service at Rome; and what was Sir Edmund's answer? 5. Heard he not Sir Edmund marvel at Sir Gregory's speedy coming from Rome? 6. If he never heard that Sir Gregory had shewn Philpot of his being in Rome. 7. “If he never wrote to you to send him news if ye heard anything that made for his wealth.” 8. If Sir Gregory desired you to send his money in English groats or not. 9. If he desired you not to change it into French crowns. 10. If he wrote not that paying English groats in High Flanders or Brabant “he should lose to the Emperor a piece of gold.” 11. If Sir Gregory, Wuller, and you, never had communication of Sir Gregory's being at Rome, and whether he desired you “to make an even reken” between Wuller and him. 12. Whether he, Sir Gregory, and Herbard, had not such communication; and whether Sir Gregory desired Herbart to ask my lord to write in his favour to the prioress of Burborow; and what he wrote for my lord “the same time.”
||3. “The confession and sayings of John Browine, servant unto Edward Corbett, the 12th of April, in the 31st year of the reign of our sovereign lord king Henry VIII.”|
His master; Corbet rode, on Wednesday after Palm Sunday last, to Gravelines to speak with Sir Gregory Buttolff, whom he found at Burborow, and came back with him to Gravelines, where they lay all night at the searcher's house both in one bed. His master Corbet came from thence next morning towards my lord Deputy, and was with him by 8 o'clock in the morning, “and left him with Sir Gregory, bidding him to tarry with the said Sir Gregory until he would send him away.” The same day, about one in the afternoon, Sir Gregory said to him that he was to have spoken with a man and now he could not speak with him, and desired him to depart homewards with compliments to his master, and request Mr. Fylpotte, if he had come home, to speak with him at Burborow. The same night, when he came home to Calais, he enquired for the said Fylpotte and was told he was gone in search of Sir Gregory Buttolphe. When he came to his master, he asked him how Sir Gregory did, and whether he had spoken with the man he was to speak with. He said, no. Then his master asked if Sir Gregory bade him say nothing else to him. He said, nothing else, but to desire Fylpotte to come to Burborow and speak with him if he were come home. Also on Monday in Easter week Mr. Fylpotte got leave of his master and sent him with a mail containing certain raiment and books to the said Sir Gregory to Burborow, and there he met with the same Sir Gregory on Tuesday morning and rode with him to Gawnte. And on Saturday following Sir Gregory rode from Gawnt to the village of Popeleyr, three leagues from it, on this deponent's horse, who went thither on foot to meet him, and at 2 p.m. took his leave of the said Sir Gregory, enquiring of him if he would anything to his master, and Sir Gregory said, “Nothing; but commend me unto him and tell him that I sent a letter unto him certifying that thou wast slain.” Then he took him a letter to be delivered to Fylpotte, which he delivered to him on Tuesday last when he came home. Signed: John Browne.
In Edw. Leighton's hand, pp. 2. Endd.
||4. [Deposition of John Browne, servant to Edward Corbet, before the Commissioners at Calais.]|
“First and above all things,” I have desired God to give me grace to show all things to your lordships, being the King's Commissioners. Concerning the going forth into Flanders:—On Tuesday after Palm Sunday, my master said to me “John, look that my gear be ready, for to-morrow you must ride forth with me; and look and ye see Wolare, and ask him if Sir Gregory's gear be ready.” Met with Wollare, who delivered me a saddle, and pair of hose and two pair of stocks. Left the saddle at the tailor's house next my lord's. On the morrow my master bade me carry it to my lord's stable, and then go to the parish priest's (fn. 17) chamber and fetch thence certain gear of Sir Gregory's to my lord's stable, and wait for him there. Did so, and the horse-keeper helped me to truss the gear, and saddled one of my lord's horses for my master and the other for me, and so we rode to Gravynlyne. Sir Gregory was not there, so my master rode on and found him at Borbore nunnery, where they dined and then bade me come to dinner; and after I had dined they went talking together about an English mile afcot, I following with the horse. They then took their “horse” and rode forth to Gravelines, bidding me come after afoot to the searcher's house. Came there and found them drinking, and they made me drink. Sir Gregory then said, “John, you most take a payne, for yow most go walk as ye go to Donkyrke, and there ye shall so excequecone done, and, yf that yowe se a mane coume frome Dounkyrke ward in a rocyt frese cloke, folo hyme and se were that heyn (sic, qu. he inn? i.e. lodge), and bryng your mastare and me word, for youe shall have us at the chorche or at youre yne, and, yf thet he comnot, tary youe styll tyll that your mastare and I coum to youe.” Walked there accordingly up and down till they came, and told them I had seen no man. We then returned to the inn. It was near night; and they drank and lay together, and I lay in a bed “by the bodys (bed's?) fyt.” Early next morning my master and I rose. My master took leave of Sir Gregory and bade me remain with him till he sent me home. Remained till 2 p.m., when he came to me in the stable and told me I might go home and tell my master that the man was not come. “And I pray you,” he added, “if Mr. Felpot be come home, pray him come speak with me.” So I took my leave and came home afoot, and when I had come to my lord's I went to my master's chamber, “and there I found Mr. Casull, and he sed, John, well come home; how dose Sir Gregory?” Answered that he was merry. Then said he, “Didst not see Mr. Fyllpot?” “No,” said I, “Is he come home?” And he said, “Yea, he is gone to seek Sir Gregory.” Said I marvelled I had not met him, and so went in to supper, where every one bade me welcome home, and I met my master and told him that Sir Gregory sent commendations. He said, “Said he nothing to you else?” I said, No, but that if Mr. Felpot be come home that I should bid him come speak with him. “Nothing else? No, forsooth. Then said he, Very well. The Saturday after Mr. Fylpot came home, that was of ‘Estare Efyne,’ then said he to me, John, thou must make a cloak for Sir Gregory.” Said, I could not; for I had gear of some of my lord's servants. He said, I must make it on Monday then, for he could not get it made anywhere at that time. “So I translatyd hyme a cloke and webtyt with velvyt, and thane the same daye at v of the cloke at of tar none I dyd trose up hys cloke and a yaket and othare cere (gear) of hys with othare bockes, on was a tesnent, and carydyt to Jo Brockys, the Kynges servant, for Mr. Fyllpot sede that he had got lefe of my mr. that I shold go with yt; thane my mastar dyd cavle me and bade me that I shold rygh a lettare.” Gives the substance of the letter, viz., that he, Sir Gregory, shall receive his gear by the writer's servant; that Coneweye declines to pay the money, as Sir Gregory owes him money; that for the remainder, Ollare says he has it not as yet, and Cassoull is “on remmberd.” The letter continued, “All so I have sent youe a ryng of golde by my servant, and there is three letars by the wyche ye shall knowe wat that menes; all so there was moche wast of the golde, all sowe yow have many fose, but I trost that the shall be ovar coume wyll ye nowe (well enough), all so were as ye sayd that ye wold have my lordys paspart yt dothe net sarfe no forthare thane the Englyche pall; all othar thyngs ys doune by the de wyse of Felpat and me. All so we wold have bene with yow bothe, but that we have soche be se nys that we cannot come.” He gave me also a letter to the captain of Gravelines, and I took leave of him and Mr. Fylpat and went to Brockes and then rode to Gravelines, where, when I came to the searcher's, it was past 7 o'clock. Asked for “the priest that was there with my master the tother day,” and the searcher said he had not been there since. Rode on to Borboro and was thrown by his horse falling in a ditch on the way. Reached Borboro and found the gate shut, so was “fain to ride to a towne,” but could there get no lodging, so rode forth to a miller's house, where he got lodging. Had “but 14d. sterling and a styfare, and of that it cost me three groats sterling, and on the morrow I rode to Borboro Nonnry and there I found him.” He asked how my master and Mr. Felpat did, and if they could not come, and I said no. He asked if I had brought his “chese” that he spoke to my master for. Replied it was “cot.” He said, “Alas! then I have nothing to give my lady for my good cheer.” Gave him the letters I brought, and he sent me to see if the horse had meat. On my return he said he was going to mass, and bade me truss up everything in the male, bidding me leave one gown to take home at my return. When he had dined we rode forth to Newe Porthe and tarried that night, and next day he rode to Brygys. Between Bregys and Gaunt, to save his horse, he went afoot and I led his horse; he going by the footway as the way was foul. There I met the King's post, Frauncys, and Mr. Masoune, riding to Gawnt to the Emperor. Frauncys asked what countryman I was, and I said I was an Englishman and dwelt at Calais with Mr. Corbyt, one of my lord Debyte's gentlemen. Then called he aloud, “Master Corbyt howe.” I said it was not my master who was there, but a gentleman of the lord Deputy's. To his questions, replied I did not know his name; he was going to Lofyn university and was one of my lord's chaplains. Then they rode away apace. He (Sir Gregory) heard us, and was angry because I had said I was Mr. Corbyt's servant and not his. I replied I would never deny my master while I knew him for a true man. Then he took his horse and rode forward and overtook them and communed with them, and I followed as fast as I could, for I had a male behind. He could not ride so fast as they, so he and I came on “soft and fair” to a town three leagues on this side Gaung and tarried the night, and on the morrow rode to Gaunt. I said, “I marvel that ye go from my lord.” “No, John, I go not away, for I trust that, or that it be half a year at an end, for to be with my good lord and lady when that they shall be away like wretches as they be, for as God shall judge (“gouge”) me, John, for within three days after I did come to my lord's I did not think but to do his lordship service, but if I should a tarried I should a troubled his lordship, and therefore I think it best to abstain myself for a time, and so I trust to increase in my learning and to learn to speak language; but a wretch I made of my counsel and he hath be ryed (bewrayed) me, but it is but a tryfull matter.” Met with a priest and they conversed together in Latin. Then within quarter mile of Ghent he bade me go and look for a lodging and wait at the door till he came; his inn was the Swan, but it was too far. Went along all that street, but could get no lodging. Waited then for him, but as he came not, went through all the city looking for him till 5 o'clock, having no money but half a groat and a stiver. Met a “Fremyng,” who dwelt in England and was of Sir Hary Gylford's chamber, and who went with me to an inn, where I gave the horses as much meat as I could pay for. Went then to the Fleming's house and he gave me drink. Went then looking for him all through the city and could not find him. Returned to “my nene” (mine inn) and left word that I would go towards Brussels, and they said the next town was three leagues. Took my horse and asked the way to the next harbour, and was told “forth straight.” Rode to Popealere and tarried the night; and next day, when he came not by 3 o'clock, returned to Gaunt and was going to Mr. Wyatt's lodging to seek him, when he chanced to be in a tailor's house and came to me, “and all to chyd with me and said that I hold be hanged.” Particulars of the quarrel, which, being settled, “he prayed me for to go to Mr. Wyat's with him,” for the letters he had sent my master and Mr Felpat, for he had sent them word I was slain. Went there with him and he saw Mr. Rodstone, who said his bedfellow had the key of his chamber, but if he would send again soon he should have them. Went again about 7 o'clock and saw Francis, the post, and enquired for Mr. Rodstone. Then Mr. Rodstone said his bedfellow had delivered them to Mr. Gresham and he was ridden into England. And then I came and told him, and then he said that he was “no nost (no honest) man,” and he wrote a letter to Mr. Fylpote. On the morrow I was off before 4 o'clock. He said he would be there as soon as I, so I left him my horse and went afoot to Popealere, where I waited for him till 2 p.m., when he came riding “throme Bresylse warde,” and said he had got a waggon to carry his gear; and so he went to dinner and prayed me to speak to my master and Mr. Felpot that he would send to him about Holy Thursday. So I took leave of him and he gave me four pieces of silver, 6d. each, and others to the value of eight groats, “and he pyntted me for to take at Bregys iiij. styfars and there to lefe the male pelyane (pillion?).” Tarried at Bregys all day and could not find the inn, so was fain to lie there all night. On the morrow came riding all day “with owt mone thane that servyd my horse save yng that I bought appolse, and the sarvyd me tyll that I ame to Gravlyng, and there the serchare sayd yf that y lake mene I schold a have fome (some?) of hyme for my lorde a sake or the worst e (?) bewe in hys howse.”
Large paper, pp. 4.
||508. Wyatt to Cromwell.|
282, f. 247.
|Received Cromwell's letters of the 8th inst., by Francisco, on Saturday night, and next day had audience. Might have had it long before had he thought; the matters important; but was desired to forbear, as the Emperor had much business and consultations, due, probably, to the return of the French ambassador.|
Gave him the King's commendations, and said that the rejoicing in the English Court, upon the Queen's coming, caused gentlemen to set themselves on horseback, and the King had sometimes to find himself among them, although he were not mounted as he would desire. His Grace therefore desired him to let the esquire Parkar, now here, choose horses meet for him, here and in Spain. He answered, giving thanks for the King's commendations, and saying he intended shortly to send his, for his ambassador there desired his liberty and ease at home; and then, casting a little down his eyes, he laughed and said he knew well that the King, being so good a man of arms as he had seen, and having lately taken a wife, could not hold his hands; he was glad “to hear so good lust and disposition in him”; Wyatt should settle with Grandvela what number was necessary, and the King should have his pleasure therein. As to the pirate, (fn. 18) he said such men were not to be cherished, and he would see to his apprehension and justice. These things passed smilingly. Thanked him on the gentlemen's behalf for their licence, and showed him of a stay of harness at Brussels. He said the stay, though general, was not meant for that. As to the confiscation of harness in merchants' hands in Antwerp, he said that in war time the merchants carried out munitions and harness to enemies; but in that also Wyatt should speak with Grandvela, and the King should always have what he wanted. Asked if he had any news for the King. He said he had sent offers to the French king and received answer, and things went on. Asked him about Cleves. Details conversation in which the Emperor said he used no “means” in the matter; it was true his brother had spoken of it, and the duke of Brunswick would needs go thither, but Cleves must come to reason and relinquish possession, for he had no title. Protested he had no commission and could not plead therein; and they parted friends.
As for France, things here are as cold as if the past were but dreams. Has learnt (and he is glad it was not known sooner, for it might have led to “a proceeding upon a mistaken certainty”) that at Madrid the French king offered, under his own hand, these marriages:—the duke of Orleans with the king of Romans' daughter and donation of Milan, the King's daughter with the Emperor, and the King of Navarre's daughter with the prince of Castile. These the Emperor “firmid for trowght” and returned to the French king, obtaining promise that they should not be touched during his passage through France. While the French would make one loaf of these “parties,” this man would take each apart, and thinks Burgundy, with his own marriage to the daughter of France, a reasonable counterpoise to Milan. His manner of clearing the matter of Navarre is to enjoy the rest of Navarre now and have the state of Albret after the King's death. These things have so disdained the French king, that he is out of hope of further treating. They remind Wyatt of the tale of the Welshman who, being in danger on the sea, vowed a taper as big as the mast, but when he came on land paid a little candle to our Lady and “offered her to be hanged if ever she took him on the sea again.” The French ambassador makes sour countenance. The entertainment of captains in France is still confirmed. The Legate desires his revocation, being loth to stand here in so little reputation, “where at home he is honoured like a young god.”
The duke of Brunswick is gone to Cleves and goes further, but particulars are not known. “These letters” show the things of Almain. When they were written, the cooling with France was not known. Sends certain chapters “that seem of mediation of the matters of Almain.” Had them of the Venetian ambassador; but cannot perceive who proposes the matters or who should make “those additions”; it is like a Welshman's hose, so woven together. Hears nothing of the Danish ambassadors that should have returned, and his informant in these matters is absent. Andalow, a gentleman whom the Emperor uses in great matters, goes into Italy about the variance between the Bishop's nephew (fn. 19) and his wife. Marvels that Cromwell writes no instructions about the marquis of Marinian. The prince of Salerno is gone to Bruges, and will be here to-morrow night. If Mr. Pate make any haste, Wyatt may bring him yet. Desires commandment sent to Calais to prepare a house for him, but without much noise. Of the letter that was written hither (fn. 20) I am partly informed: “it is but well if it be no other than I can learn yet.” No doubt Mr. Meredyth shall finish his matter before my coming. Gaunt, 12 April.
Draft in Wyatt's hand, pp. 10. Endd. by Wyatt: To my lord Privy Seal by Francisco.
||509. John Frederic duke of Saxony to Henry VIII.|
|This letter has already been summarised (a little too early) in No. 310 from an undated translation. The letter itself is dated at the end, Schmalkalden, 12 April 1540.|
|2. Articles sent into England.|
(1.) On the Mass, approving of readings and prayers therein, but condemning the use of the Sacrament for the living and the dead as a means of obtaining remission of sin ex opere operato; (2) that the Sacrament in both kinds is an original usage of the Church, and ought still to be allowed; (3) that celibacy of priests is laudable, but should not be enforced; (4) that monastic vows are altogether invalid, although monasteries and colleges are valuable for the training of pastors.
||510. Bishop Roland Lee, Sir Edw. Crofte, and John Pakyngton to Cromwell.|
||Have examined those of the town of Salop of seditious words (as alleged against them by Nicholas Holte), and send the examinations by the bearer. Meantime they detain in ward three of them, whose names are subscribed. Ask credence for the bearer. Wigmore, 13 April.|
Richard Atkys, Thos. Lloyde, Thos. Cowper.
Signed: Roland Co. et Lich.: E. Croft k.: John Pakyngton.
P. 1. Add.: Lord Cromwell, lord Privy Seal.
||511. [Antwerp News.]|
|Galba, B. x.
|“This morning is departed toward you … spa … here of the house of the Englishmen, for to bring the news of the coming” of the duke of Cleves toward the Emperor, which will be this morning. The duke of Brunswick is in his company, who has gone between them so long, and it is thought that the accord is concluded as well between them as between “your most Serene King and the Allemayns,” and that the marriage between the duchess of Milan and the Duke will take effect. The Duke's coming Was so sudden and private that the cause thereof is not known yet. Both dukes have not more than 80 or 90 horse. He will lodge in h[is] chancellor's sister's house. “Repted tyll the xiij. day, and the dukes of Cleves and of Braunswik” entered here yesterday and left this morning about 4 o'clock for Guanto, where they will be to-night.|
ii. “Item, in the same letter in cipher”:—
The coming of the duke of Cleves makes everyone marvel, and it was commonly thought that the accord between the Emperor and him had been established, and the marriage of the duchess of Milan concluded. Some thought that an accord had also been concluded between the Emperor and [your] King and the princes of Almain, and that the Emperor had caused the duke of Cleves to come secretly, lest the French king should stop him, “and that upon that foundation he hath denied Milan to the French king … that the reass[ons]s [h]are goo[d].” I have since his coming learnt that the marriage is not concluded and the accord “[not] so forward that it may be judged termed.” He has come hither on the faith of the duke of Brunswick, who has tried, but hitherto unsuccessfully, to make appointment between them. The people of Gueldres have great doubt and very evil will.
The duke of Savoy is expected here, and it appears that the Emperor prepares for all his needs.
The French king is very evil content. It is not known that he makes any provision, but the preparation made by the Turk will cause every man to think of it. The Emperor will draw somewhat from the people of this Low Country, for he is very dry and bare.
Pp. 2, injured by fire. Modern marginal note made before the fire: “1540, 12 April, Antwerp.”
||512. Aguilar to Charles V.|
28, 592, f. 67.
|Revolt at Perugia. Protests of some cathedrals in Spain against the tax of half fruits. The dope's entrance into the League. Rome, 13 April 1540.|
Spanish. Modern copy from Simancas, pp. 5. See Spanish Calendar, VI., i., No. 106.
||513. Bishopric of Rochester.|
See Grants in April, 31 Hen. VIII., No. 15.
||514. Edw. Leyghton, Clerk of the King's Closet, to Cromwell.|
||Has not written to Cromwell since coming to Calice, for causes which he is ready to show if commanded. Reminds Cromwell that, seven years past come Whitsun week, immediately after his return (with the bp. of Chester that now is) from setting forth God's causes and the King's in the convocation at York, the abbot and convent of the late monastery of Westminster gave him the next voidance of the parsonage of Islype, and he named Cromwell (as his benefactor) to the next vacation, for one of the donors thereof, jointly with Mr. Towinley who is long since dead. Hears that Mr. Carter, (fn. 21) the late incumbent, is dead also, so that it is now at Cromwell's disposal. About 5 years ago, Mr. Carter had the said “voison” (advowson) of him “to gage” for 40 mks. which he lent the writer in his need, so that it remained in his hands when Leyghton left him, at Mr. Canner's house in the Canon Row, Westminster, just before he was sent to Calais by the King. Begs Cromwell to bestow the benefice upon him and he will repay Carter's executors the loan. Calais, 14 April.|
Hol., pp. 2. Add.: Lord Privy Seal. Endd.
||515. John Uvedale to Cromwell.|
||Has received the bay stallion Cromwell promised him when he was last in London. Thanks him. Wishes every county in England had such a fair stallion for the increase of our breed of horses, which is much decayed here for want of good stallions. Has penned an Act against the malt merchants of York, who, by making malt within the same, have almost destroyed the city and have consumed all the woods within 20 miles of it. Begs Cromwell to correct this Act and prefer it; for the citizens forsake all honest mysteries, and daily “practise this feat of malt making,” whereby malt is dearer in York than in any other place in the North. The lord President of the North can declare further. I send my servant, William Strikland, the bearer, for your favour to obtain my lease of Marrike, which Mr. Chancellor of the Augmentations delays to pass, and for such poor things as he (bearer) lately obtained from his kinsman, the late abbot of Whitby, wherein I beg you will be his good lord as he is but a poor young man and has little to live on but what with his pen he gets under me. I see many leases passed by Mr. Chancellor to men of these parts and mine deferred. “They and I were of contrary opinions” in the late commotion. I think Mr. Chancellor should consider my service here. York, 14 April. Signed: “By your oldest disciple, Jo. Vuedale.”|
Hol., pp. 3. Add.: Lord Privy Seal. Endd.
||516. Walter Brown to Cromwell.|
||Has a 21 years' lease of the monastery of Selskyre, in co. Wexford, from the commissioners of suppression. Begs for a grant of it, to him and his heirs, at 20 mks. chief rent. Cromwell shall have 10l. for his pains. Wexford, 14 April. Signed.|
P. 1. Add.: Lord Privy Seal and Vice-gerent. Endd.
||517. Mary Boleyn and her Husband.|
See Grants in April 31 Hen. VIII., Nos. 22 and 23.
||518. Princess Mary to [Cromwell].|
|Vesp. F. xiii.,
|“My very good lord.” Reminds him of her earnest suit for Mistress Coke, her mother's old servant, touching the farm of Rysbrydge belonging to the New College in Oxford, the warden (fn. 22) whereof has neither used him nor her (as she thinks) gently therein. Recommends it to him, as her sheet anchor next the King. The Court, 15 April. Signed: Marye.|
Hol., p. 1. Endd.
||519. Wotton to Henry VIII.|
St. P. viii.,
|Received on the 11th the King's letters of the 3rd with the ciphers enclosed. The duke of Cleves was then one day's journey before him towards the Emperor, but on the evening of the 13th when he came to Gand had audience of him and declared their contents. The Duke, who had not supped, put him off till next day for an answer, which Olesleger then brought to him. He said the Duke had given notice of all important affairs to Henry, both by his ambassador in England and by Wotton, communicating the cause of the meeting at Padebourne and the news from his ambassador in France. No doubt the Duke's ambassador had protracted the time in going into England, but Henry might be assured of his friendship. As for the articles of the treaty which the Duke desired to have qualified, he said that if the Duke agreed to them he would displease his subjects and neighbours, but, if the case required it, he would fulfil the articles no less than if he were bound thereto. Wotton said he knew not what information the King had through the Duke's ambassador, but he had very little through him; for, though at Soste the Duke had caused Provost Vlatten to tell Wotton somewhat of the cause of the meeting at Padebourne, it was done so generally that no specific information could be picked out of it, but the Duke's advertisements had not been so frank and speedy as the case required, nor did Wotton see why the Duke should incur the displeasure of his subjects, seeing the clause was so reasonably worded. Reports Olesleger's answer and his reply.|
Gives his opinion as desired about the Duke's inclination. Thinks that he and all his council are anxious to avoid war with the Emperor, because, although the towns of Gueldres are well fortified, Juliers and Monte lie open to any enemy. Thinks, however, he is sincerely inclined towards England. As to the answer given to Wotton at Soste, he had no man of better experience or learning than Provost Vlatten, who has not been long of his council, and is thought somewhat papistical. Wyatt and Wotton have been twice with the Duke and his council and have had long interviews besides with Olesleger. The Duke will in no wise relinquish his title to Gueldres, and had told the King of the Romans that he would not come to the Emperor if he intended to raise any question about it; but he is put in good hope by the duke of Brunswick. Gand, 15 April, 1540.
Hol. Add. Endd.
||520. Sir Nich. Upton to Sir Henry Poole.|
||We have received the letters of my lord of St. John's to the Tongue and have been thrice with my lord Master for the accomplishment of his Majesty's pleasure, but he says he will send letters, by John Story and others, to the King, and doubts not, when the King knows the truth, he will approve of what has been done in the matters of Sir Clement West. Sir Philip Babington has departed “and left the galeys were as he was off the armament and forsoke the banner of owr religion and withowzt lysans of my lord Master.” Master Browne and Master Thornull have laid certain plate of the Tongue's in pledge for their own behoof, without commission of Sir Clement West or the Tongue, but we are about to recover it. Sir Hoswold (fn. 23) and I are assigned to demand it. Please solicit my uncle (fn. 23) for that I spoke to you off in England. For news refers to Mr. Gonston and to Edmund, (fn. 24) Mr. Tyrrell's servant. Malta, 15 April, 1540.|
Master Browne and Mr. Thornull have to day delivered the plate; “but I thynke the chystes off Master West and hysrament respondes the marchant, for they thare selff for thayre esscuse says yt yt was at Myssena but ow yt retornid agayne thay knawe not; for thys hys the sense off nyll payar for their pollys (policy) was seen with both their seals and hands underneath it”; and but for Mr. Lambart “Mr. West had had justice ere now of him.”
Hol., p. 1. Add.: Sir Henry Poole, commander of Dalbe and Rudlay.
||521. Sir Nich. Upton to Sir Thos. Copyldyk.|
||Acknowledges receipt on 13 Feb. of letter dated Carbroke, 18 Nov.; also of 6l. 13s. 4d. paid to Mr. Doctor. Must have more money, and wishes his uncle (fn. 24) to raise it. For news refers to Sir David Gonston and Edmond, (fn. 25) Mr. Tyrell's servant. Will send Copuldyk's bulls of his ancienty by the ambassadors who go right shortly, they are in Mr. Hoswold's (fn. 23) hands. Malta, 15 April, 1540.|
Hol., p. 1. Add.: at Carbroke.
||522. [Sir Nich. Upton] to Sir John Sotton, Commander and Receiver General of St. John's at Coventry.|
|Otho, C. ix.,
|“… [M]arch I avartysd y … off my lord off Sanct Johnes the w … [accor]dyng to the lettars we have bene wt … [M]aster West and Sir Nycolys Lambard owzt off the pr[ison] … sr the wych he answarde us and sayes yt he wyll … [J]one Story and to send his grase respost off hys lettars by the … sayes yt he dowztes not but hys grase beyng furmyd … he wylbe content wt yt that he and hys Cownsyll as done … towchyng the matars of Sir Clement West and Sir Nycol[as Lambard. The] 15 day off February departtyd oazt off thys present worl[d the Vice-Chancellor, and as] yet we have none chosune but a regent … off thys present lyve owr Marschall and as zit thayr is non … hys here yt thay thynk Mons. Dorreos shalbe the marshall… yt the Hemprowr causys to harme 30 galys at … has 13 thowsand sauders Spaniardes and Italians and more [in the] sayd shypes, and 15 thowsand lansmen yt shuld cum in to … they say yt the Franse Kyng makes redy all hys galys [but] wedr thay be detarmyd to go no man can tell for thay [say] the Hemprowr, the Franshe Kyng, the Venysians as mayd [truce] for vj monthes, sum saye for a yere, and the Fransche Ky[ng's man] in Constantinopyll wt thembasitors off Venysians, and t[he same] we ar informyd here by a shype yt hys aryvyd here yt is … shu departyd frome Constantinopyll and hys laydyne wt … Sir, I desire you to be so good uncle to me as to speke to my … my zerely anuytes yt he hows me for I promys you, Sir, I [do need] yt, has master Gonstone and Edmund Atcynsone cane in [form you. T]he nues I remytt to the bryngr here off, wych can inf[orm you more] than I can wryzt. Also, Sir, ye shall know yt Sir Phyllype Baby[ngton left] hys banner and lyke a postate wt owzt honny lycans left … was in carnant. Also Sir Edward Browne and Sir Thomas Th[ornull had] the reulle off Master Westes howse and sens he was in preso[n] … layd in plege the gylte cupe ij cupes of Barnabys … to a marschant man for a threscore docattes wt owzt cony[sance of Sir] Clement or onny off the tong, and as now we be abowght … the wych I trust we shall soonar for the marchant yt as … retornyd here to Malta and weder the plate be at Myssena or … for at the depayrtans the marschant … wt hyme to … marschant shall not depayrte to he de … us our playt…. I have … synyd to demand the sayd … trust … thus Jh'u have you in hys custody. Fro Malta, the 15 …|
“By yowr nevoy and bedman, …
P.S.—” Were as a fore I wroyzt you yt we war a bowzt to reco[ver the playt; this] day Master Browne and Master Thornnyll dyd render yt to us … sayd playt had bene in Myssena in sayng yt thay do … shuld be retornyd agayne but I thynke Master Westes … ramentes answer for the sayd playzt for he h … sore a pon thame and had demandyd justys or now yff … for Sir Nycolys Lambart thys that thay sayd was for … ys wyll knawene yt the marchantes had a polly[cye signed by] thare handes and thayre seyle to ytt.
In Sir Nicholas Upton's hand, pp. 2. Add.: All molto R'do S'or fra Joan Sotton, comor ac recepitor [gene] rali S'ti Joannis Jhm., Londres.
||523. [Sir Giles Russell to Sir John Mablesteyn.] (fn. 26) |
|Otho C., ix.,
|f. 143b. |
“… Clement West and sum … but what I cannot know of no sert … caus to have cumme into Ingland to have answare … infurmation towchyng his matars wych be trw … ony matar agaynst me noder in word nor dede and … s know the truth to answar for me.
“[F]rist, as ys well knowne, the sayd Sir Clement West in tyme [of the lord Master, Sir Ph]yllyp de Vyllers, by our chaptar generall whas for sertan hys mysgov [ernment de]prevyd off the name of Torcopler and off the Cownsill and never after to … to congnosans to knowe the Cownsellars off our relygion frome oder … [I was in En]gland and had no mellyng nor parfett knowleg off thoes thynges tha … [aft]er yt tyme for be cause I whas one of the most ansians off our n[ation in the Religio]ne our sayd lord Master dyd send for me, whos comandement by the ly[cence of the King's M]agesty and furst makyng my hothe off fidelyte to his Grase as whas … er but or my aryvyng here the sayd lord Master whas departyd [and an o]dr master electyd, in whos company I aryvyd here and was imediat after [made lieu]tenant Trycopliar withowzt contradiction, and yet the forsaid Sir Clement … [acc]ordyng to our stablysmentes and for more onor off or nation I dyd seyke [that th]e Torkopliar schuld be parmutyd wych than whas vacant, off wych [I was one of the a]skars acordyng to or stablismentes, thynkyng varyle that Sir Clement [who was likew]yse a askar colde not at that tyme be retornyd consydryng that cōwe (?) had … disprevation. Notwithstondyng al that at the request of dyvars his frynd[es] … the lord Master had toward thayme, and also trustyng that he wold have mend[ed if h]e whas retornyd to the sayd dymgnyte and yet the most payrt off our re[ligion thought th]e tornyng to the sayd dyngnyte was not acordyng to the said stablysm[entes] and that yt was not vaylabyll owztsepte yt war done or confurmyd … notwithstandyng all that I never thowzt to have mayde hyme onnye question [, but I] evar favord and honord hyme acordyng as partenyth to that dy[gnity as] hymeselff and all othar wyll testyfy, and by effeyct I can preve yt ma … one and twenty day of Februari 1538 ab Incarnatione in the Cow[nsyll he did misuse] hymselff in syche maner that owar lord Master and the Cownsyll dyd [think it not] to be comportyd, spesially for that manny tymes afore and in maner by every (?) … dyd mysuse hyme thayre in wordes and dedes, whefore at that cownsyll he … thre monthes to his chamber and after to be detarmyd farder how he shube … tyme I was no thyng against hyme nor was not present, but w … Malta whereas I was governor, but eyzt days after I was sent … electyd Leftenant Torcopliar, and than our chapter generall held, at wyc[h chapter general I] mayd a suplication, desyryng that the sayd Sir Clement West shulbe de[prived of the office of] Torcopliar, for that he was not tornyd to hyt acording to the reyght … to wych sertyne othar off owr nation that favord hyme by a noder suplic[ation] and also he hyme selff by wrytyng dyd answare, but for because that mat … payrtys shulbe hard at large yt cold not be detarmyd at the sayd cha[pter, but was] remyttyd to the cownaylles complet off retention. So hit dyd rest in p … that I dyd entar no parte a gaynst hyme and yet he and hys favorars d[id accuse] me that I was causar and settar one off all, wych God knawes was not s[o, but] thay that begane the question a gaynst hyme can testyffy the truthe b … the best avyse I cold, but he wold do as hyme lyst and ever sayd I was c … after he was condemnyd oder fowr monthes to his chamber in maner … to the twelft day off May, and than afore the porte wa … that shulde be layd un[to] … [r]elygion was ordinyd to make after here and … re in manner all yt mayd question agaynst the … for because theyre goyng was sodone and know … forsayd question shuld in thayre absens be unansw … er to be thayre proctars, and gaff us a comysion under w … ent only desyryng that it myght be declaryd wedar his … was acording to the stablysmentes or no, yet for all that yt w … was not wyth mych instans sowzt, and in Juli thayre cam … on wych he sayd he wold go hens, to wych we dyd not a gan … yt he shuld leve a proctar to answar to his cause w … hwth we wold have sessyd leyte for yff he had bene gone he my … [k]nawene thayre shuld have bene no more question made a gayn … but he wold mayke no suche procura, thowth he myght make … [w]old, and more he wold not aske his lysans off the Cownsyll com … balys has thayre lycans by wyche was parfytly parsavyd yt he … rt. So the prosese continud tyll the thyrd day off September, where w … his retornyng to the dyngnyte off Torcopliar whas not reyght a … sentans, fro wych sentans his proctars dyd apele to the Kynges gr[ace; wych ap]pellasion at the same tyme openly in the sayd Cownsill I dyd desiar … the hole Cownsyll that it shulbe exseptyd and by all us that war aganst h … notwithstondyng the lawes off our religion and customs be that all sent[ences … Co]wnsill complet nottwithstondyng thare be apellations frome tham … exsicusion and spesially this yt whas Cownsill complet off retensions … as chaptar generall and so he beyng lyst off yt dyngnyte the Torcopl[ier] … ng and acordyng to our stablysmentes all dingnites yt ar knawne … shuld with in heyzt days after be provyded off anoder in that rome … no gret suyzt to have a noder mayd it dyd rest above ij monthe[s not prov]ydyd and than I was one off the askars off hit acordyng to the sta[tutes of our Reli]gion, and than I was chosun to the said dingnyte by the hole Cowns[ill] … discripanty and have no provision in wrytyng for it, nor note but … ns off my elexsions, for so is the costome off our Relygion for all thos … lyke dyngnytes thay that be absent be sertyffyd off thayre elextions by w … no more proffyzt than I had afore whan I was leftenant but only h … e and in all plasis am takyng in hyer rome and reputasion than I was b … thynke be more honour for owr nasion, and in this I thynke I have done nothy[ng] … the Kynges Majestes plesure, the wych I wyll continue to fulfyll to the otarmost off [my power] in all poyntes as I have heder (sic) done the most honor that I can for our nasion.
“… ng the presenment off Sir Clement West and Sir Nycolys Lambart whas in no part … off me, for as afore I desiryd that the apellasion shuld be exseptyd, (fn. 27) and thayre … was thowght that thay wolbe in hand to gyff full sentans off yt delicte … I beyng leftenant Torcopliar for to exchu that he shuld not say that I was his [advers-] eri and joge as he costomes ever to say the worst, I desiryd my lord Master and the Cown[sill yt I mig]ht be absent off the Cownsyll whan his cause shulbe jogid, and first or I departid … ffe the Cownsyll I desiryd that they would not mell with the apellation. So I was nott [of th]e Cownsyll, as Sir Edward Browne and Sir Nycolys Lambart can testyfy yff they wyll … truthe, but I went forthe and taryd with thame above towe owars, thynkyng … have bene shortly det … but I saw that thay satt so long I … done nor to thys day I know not onder … the sentens, as towchyng my lordes lettars … Sir Wylyam Salysbery who dyed by the way at Sini … reyd the 19 day of Februari last, and have sene at leng[th] … I for my payrt many tymes have solysytyd and spokyng … the prensipalles off the Cownsyll both sepratly and apayrte and … togyder for to acomplys all thynges contenyd in the sayd … Majestys plesure and more I in compenny off all our hole tong … be with our sayd lord Master, desyryng to have the hole effecte off … in all poyntes and to have a full answar off the same … no detarminat answar but that the sayd lord Master sayd … answar off the Kynges grasis lettars that cam with Johne Story by … othar and lykewyse off my lordes lettars also wyll send the imb[asitars that were] ordinyd to have gone into Ingland a eyghyt monthes past … he wyll informe the Kynges grase off all thynges at lenghte and … dowght not but whan his Majesty shalbe so informyd his … and a lowe all that he and the Cownsyll hath done and shall do in thyn … the sayd Sir Clement. More as zet I cannot informe you [but that I for my] payrt and all othar off our nasion wyll continue in solysityng t[o have th'intent] off my lordes letters acomplyssyd, and what shall folow I wyll w[rite unto you], and also by the imbasitars I wyll send yow all the sentansys s … at lenght that hath bene passyd in thys matars off Master W[est; which I had] sent now but for that the Vyschanslar that was is deyde off layt [and there is] mayde as zet but a regent in his rome, who is not y … sertyne wrytynes restes in our proctars handes who at thys pres[ent] …
“Thys I have wrytyne to yow that yow may be informyd h … passyd here and in hit I thynke thayre be sume thynges that n … bene wrytyne and sume that lakes, the wych prosedes that I do not k … answar, wherfore as a fore I wold be glad to be in Ingland … selff for I dowght not that onny man can truly say ony th[ing but I] woll answer to ytt, and spesially to the Kynges Majesty, for to[wching him I know] never to have offendyd noder in word nor dede, and wyll contin[ue unto the] hende ever to be his trew and faytfull sogeyt.”
Not signed. (fn. 28)
||524. [Cromwell] to Roger Brereton.|
The letter noticed in Vol. XII., Pt. i., 950, about the dispute between Hugh Whitford and Mr. Harryson, is of the year 1540. See Vol. XIII., Pt. ii., 645.
||525. Thomas Godsalve, the Elder, to Cromwell.|
||I thank you for the preferment of my son John Godsalve. When I was with you in Lent, I moved your Lordship for the marriage of Thomasyn Russhe, now with my wife, to some of your wards. For the true heart her father bore you, I beg you to prefer his children. His eldest son, Thomas Russhe, is now with me and will I think grow unto an honest man. Norwich, 16 April. Signed: “Thomas Godsalve th' eldur and now half crokid.”|
Hol., (fn. 29) p. 1. Add.: Lord Cromwell, lord Privy Seal. Endd.
||526. John Robyns to [Cromwell].|
|Has received his lordship's letter, on the 15th April, by Percywall Barton. Denies that he has detained or concealed muniments or other writings concerning Barton's title to a lease of the manor of Mynchyn Court. Has endeavoured to come to knowledge of them and will inquire further. Oxford, in the King's College, 16 April.|
Hol., p. 1. Endd.
||527. Fortifications at Guisnes.|
7. C. xvi., 80.
|“A remembrance in what state the King's Majesty's works are at this present, the 16th of April.”|
||At Guisnes the dyke before the castle gate is digged to its full breadth. They are now digging for the foundation of the countermur walls, and 60 bricklayers are working on the bulwark toward the park hedge. The travers wall toward the fresh marsh at Newnham Bridge is brought 7 feet high. In it are appointed two “scluses.” Three parts of the tower adjoining the said wall is brought 4 foot high. Of the outer wall between the towers toward the heath, half is 5 foot high, and half the cover gate adjoining it is 3 ft. high. The foundation was begun, “at my being there,” of the wall from the old tower to the earthen bulwark, “where your Majesty hath devised the foresaid new tower.” “There is a new wall adjoining unto the old tower [which] returneth unto the old wall, in th'utter dyke toward … nsey, wrought up so high that they are tumbling … are three splaid loops.”|
In Ric. Lee's hand, p. 1. Endd.: “Notys of the byldinges at Gynes and hat Newnam bryge.”
||528. [Richard Lee?] to Master Knyvet.|
7. C. xvi.,
|* * *|
From the brink of the dike of the new bulwark, which is making before Purtun's bulwark, at the S.E. corner of the castle and adjoining the W. gate of the town, to the corner of the rampart which is against the new bulwark to be made at the S.E. corner of the town, I have paced it on the rampart within the town, and it amounts to 200 paces. Between that corner and the West gate, “where you and I supposed also to be another bulwark metyn in like manner within the town,” amounts to 350 paces. From the West gate to the S.W. corner of the town, where you and I supposed likewise to be a bulwark, is 190 paces. From the S.W. corner to the N.W. corner, where we thought a bulwark might be spared because it is covered by the shot of the bulwark at the N.W. corner of the town, the new bulwark before the keep, and the platform that shall be which is yet called Whetells bulwark, yet if the King please, there may be a bulwark at the N.W. corner, “and it amounts to between them 200 paces.” From the N.W. corner to the new bulwark before the keep is 170 paces. From the new bulwark before the keep to the new bulwark before Purtun's bulwark, I suppose to be 180 paces.
I have cast the town in six quarters, otherwise the ditches cannot be thoroughly flanked. What I call Whetell's bulwark, which is to be a platform, is the old bulwark at the N.W. corner of the Castle; “and he shall beat a great part of the marys, and also shall flank up to the new tower, which is a-making at the north-east corner of the castle, and adjoining to the basecourt which is by the mill, as you come from Calais. Good Mr. Knyvet, recommend me to my good lady Knyvet and to good Master Goonstone.”
Hol., p. 1. Endd.: A writing concerning the castle of Guisnes and the fortification thereof.
||529. The Fortification of Arde.|
|Calig. E. iv.,
|“News from Arde, the 16th day of April anno 31 Hen. VIII.”|
(The commencement, which is much mutilated, describes alterations being made in the ditch of “the town” in order “to make it of the depth and breadth of the dit[ch] … Terwane.”) The walls of the town are made in places the height of a man and a half. Mons. de Kerky's band is departed, and De Kerky himself lies at his place called Morreul by Amiens. “The person saith beside that he saw in the evening against night cary 12 falconetts upon chevaletts of wood to the walls. And o[ther] great ordenance or artillery he saw none. Mons. du Bies, with his band, tarryeth and continueth there night and day.”
P. 1. Endd. as above.
||530. Wyatt to Henry VIII.|
282, f. 130.
|Wrote, in a postcript to my lord Privy Seal, on the 12th inst., of the coming of the Duke of Cleves. He arrived on Tuesday last, at 6 p.m., the prince of Orange, the Great Master, and other being sent to meet him. Spoke with him secretly that same night, and on Thursday visited him in public. Dissuaded him from any conclusion, by declaring the state of this Court, the “square” with France, the apparent war with the Turk, the poverty of the Emperor, and the like, thereby to animate him to delay. Found him very desirous of Henry's advice. Although time did not permit due advertisement to Henry and others, “his coming hath some appearance of good reason, to justify his duty and avoiding of force, which pretendeth (sic) to desire, if so be it had been consulted with his friends.” Moved him to write to the King the order of his coming and his resolutions; which he has done, so that, his friends not offended, there is no hurt done. His letter will explain all. Men thought the matter concluded before he came; but now it is said that nothing was settled, and he has yet only spoken with the king of Romans and protested that he has no mind to the sequestration of Gelders. If he persist in that, Wyatt thinks he shall not speak with the Emperor. Although Mr. Pates arrived on Wednesday, Wyatt will not leave till he sees the issue of this matter.|
Truce is concluded with Denmark for two years. A servant of the bishop of Ostringensis (fn. 30) has reported in Venice that the Turk comes forward with 200 galleys and sends 80,000 men towards Hungary. King John of Hungary has delivered Pietro Palantino to the Turk. Poland is risen against the see of Rome and their priests and abbeys. Duke Frederic seeks to appoint with Denmark by means of the Duke of Saxony and the Landgrave. His wife has been here a good while. He and the other electors write to remind the Emperor “of his oath to do no violence where law is offered”; which letters the Duke of Cleves expects daily. The prince of Salerne will be here to-day. Will report the day of his “coming forth.” Ghent, Friday, 16 April.
The Duke of Cleves' council believe that the Duke of Lorraine comes hither too.
Draft in Wyatt's hand, pp. 4. Begins: “Please it your Majesty.” Endd.: by Deryke.
||531. Sir Oswald Massingberd to [Cromwell].|
||Refers his lordship to the bearer for the news since his arrival. He brought the King's letter to the Master, who has done little to satisfy him, but has kept the said Mr. Story here these two months and odd days, only to carry his letters. Shortly after his arrival came the letters that Mr. Sallysbery was sent with, from my lord of St. John's. They were three, one to the lord Master, the second to the Council, and the third to the whole nation, showing clearly his Highness' pleasure. Have been divers times with the Master to know what answer we might make. He said we need not write but leave it to him. As yet the Turcoplier, Sir Clement West, and Sir Nich. Lambart are in prison without remedy. At Story's last visit, this time 12 months, Sir Clement West promised him a yearly pension of 10l. to be paid to him in England, as appears by his letters then sent to Sir Wm. West. Begs Cromwell to see that he gets it. Malta, 16 April 1540.|
Hol., p. 1. Add. (fn. 31) : Earl of Essex, lord Privy Seal, and High Chamberlain of England.
||532. John Story at Malta.|
283 f. 100.
|“The declaration of the devoir done at Malta with and for the deliverance of the King's letters by John Story.”|
Arrived at Malta, 7 Feb., and learnt that the King's former letters had not been seen nor declared. On the 8th, Sunday, went up to the Castle, saluted the lord Master, and demanded to have public audience appointed for delivery of the King's letters. On the 11th, Ash Wednesday, was sent for to the lord Master's secret chamber and urged to deliver the letters there. Explained why he could not do so, knowing that the King's former letters “in the same like behalf for [Mr.] West's liberty and licence home to England was not there declared.”
Describes further interviews, viz.:—On the 15th, when the lord Master said the galleys had just brought letters from England, which be supposed were those Story had spoken of, and that the cavalero who brought them had died by the way. Knowing that this was Mr. Salisbury (who carried only the prior of England's letters sent by the King's command), replied that the King's former letters were brought to Malta “long before my last now coming thither.” He swore, “by his habit,” he had never received them. On the 17th, Mr. Russell, “late in Sir Clement West's room, head and pillar to the English nation,” with five other English knights, went up with him to the castle, where, after a stormy interview, he delivered the King's letters. On the 23rd, the Prior's letters were declared to the lord Master. On the 24th, was suffered to deliver to Sir Clement West, in prison, the letters for him. After several times demanding licence to depart, but being detained on pretext of carrying the Master's letters to the King, on the 15th April the Master showed him the letters to the King, which he was to deliver. Describes how he declined to carry them because the King's title “Supreme Head of the Church in England” was not in the address, and how the Master threatened him for so doing. Feared to make any further demur, thinking that a scheme he and Sir Oswald Massingberd had planned for the escape of Sir Clement West and Lambard from prison, was discovered; for Lambard had sent him word that it was, and that he should be slain if he came to visit the prison again. Therefore took the Master's letters and, 16th April, departed in a ship for Genoa.
Gives the words (a mixture of Italian and Spanish) which he would have said on delivering the King's letters, if he had obtained a public audience at which to do so, with the translation of them.
Large paper, pp. 4. Slightly mutilated.
|Otho C. ix.,
|2. Modern copy of the preceding made before the mutilation.|
||533. Dangerant [Bois-rigaut] to Montmorency.|
|Ribier, i. 518.
||The lords of the League assembled at the diet of Bade have news, by a courier going from the Emperor to the marquis of Guasto, who carried a letter from the bp. of Lunden and Constance to his vicar, to the effect that the Emperor would only give up Milan if he obtained all Picardy between Artois and the Somme, and Auxonne and Beaune joined to his county of Burgundy; and, further, that the King should declare himself enemy of the Emperor's enemies and friend of his friends, and declare against the Protestants. The bishop writes that he will be soon here and declare the Emperor's mind, who has written to Guasto to fortify Milan. Also that the difference with the duke of Juliers and Cleves is not by any means settled, and that the marriage of the duchess of Milan and the said Duke is made on condition that the Emperor leaves him in possession of Gueldres and gives him 100,000 florins rent on the duchy of Bar in Naples, to which marriage the king of England must have consented. He writes, too, that the Emperor has beheaded a great number of the chief men of Ghent and taken away their artillery and levied a very large fine in money.|
Whether that news be true or not, those here rejoice at it, expecting war again. Dr. Celius has sent the writer word, by a merchant of Strasburg, that the diet of the Protestants at Schmalkald lasts still, awaiting answer from the Emperor to their demands. Leaves Montmorency to think what is to be done with the Protestants and England to the Emperor's prejudice, if he has played such a mystery. Is annoyed to think that after Francis and Montmorency have shown the Emperor such friendship and fraternity (for more could not have been done if God had descended to earth) he should use such base ingratitude. The diet of Bade continues two days longer, at which the King's arrears have been mentioned. Soleurre, 16 April 1540.
||534. Farel to Calvin.|
|* * * “Postquam Anglus spem facit majorem, videndum esset ut suæ ditioni consulens Gallis quoque prospiceret: si pii præficerenter ministri in ea parte regni quæ Gallice loquitur et Galliæ est conjuncta, hoc fieret commodissime. Vereor ne Borbonius, (fn. 32) et si qui sint hujus farinæ homines non multum profecerint apud Regem, vel potius Rex cum talibus.” Religious persecutions in France. * * * Neocomi, 16 Aprilis 1540.|
||535. Cromwell, Earl of Essex.|
See Grants in April, 31 Hen. VIII., No. 37.
||536. Henry VIII. to Lord Lisle.|
|Calig E., iv.
|* * *|
[and ri]ght entirely b … the duke of Norff. as by … desired to repair hither as we[ll] … as for certain other causes and s … the order of that our town and … declaration of the behaviour of su … and subjects there, who as it a … in such wise forgotten themselves … their duties towards us as they s … no regard towards you being there … principal minister; we be now [therefore desirous to] hear your advice therein and to … declare our mind and pleasure u[nto yourself in] that behalf. Whereupon, conside[ring that you] shall have a much better opportunity [at this time] to satisfy both our and your des[ires, being now] there our cousin of Sussex (the [fortification of] Arde remembered) than you sh[ould have] of a long season after his departure, [we have] therefore thought meet to desire and [pray you] and nevertheless to command you [immediately] upon the sight thereof to repair [hither unto] us, leaving the keys and charge [of our said] town, till your return, in the hands o[f our said cousin] to whom we have also written to [continue his] demoure there for that purpose.” He is to communicate this to the rest of the Commissioners and charge the ordinary Council there to give obedience to the earl of Sussex. “[Given at our] palace [of Westminster, the xvijth day] of April the xxxj year of [our reign].”
Pp. 2. Injured by fire. Add.: Deputy of Calais. Endd.: 17 April.
||537. Henry VIII. to the Commissioners at Calais.|
St. P. viii.,
|We have received your letters of the 13th and perused those of the 14th addressed to the lord Privy Seal. By the first we perceived a repetition of our last letters to you with a declaration of your doings since your advertisement, and of your opinion touching the infection of the multitude by the teaching of Damplif (sic) and Smyth, of the sending hither of Sir George Carowe with the depositions against him, of your being at Guisnes Castle, of the matter of Philpott, and your determination to return by St. George's tide. Your other letters to the lord Privy Seal much touch the matter of Philpott with a brief remembrance of the proceedings at Arde referring further to the letters of lord Lisle and informations sent with them. We commend your conduct, and thank you for your diligence about Philpott. We desire you to devise among you a letter from the said Philpott to the priest Sir Gregory, giving him some hope of a benefice to be obtained by his means in those parts, and requiring his immediate repair thither for that purpose. Get Philpott to write it with his own hand and send it to the priest at Louvain, meanwhile trying out more of the matter by all means possible. As to your return, considering the proceedings at Arde and the great desire of the Deputy to visit us, we have authorised him to come hither at present you, our cousin of Sussex, remaining there with your associates till his return, and you, Mr. Gage, remaining also to assist; as for you, the lord St. John, Mr. Baker, Mr. Coren, and Mr. Leighton, your business being finished, you may return. We shall take order to reimburse the charges of you, my lord of Sussex, and you, Mr. Gage.|
Draft. Endd.: To the Commissioners at Calais, 17° Aprilis. The following memoranda are also written on the back:—The Clergie. For St. J. (fn. 33) Thungar. (fn. 34) Mr. Wotton's letter. My 1. Ch. My 1. P. S.'s bills. The letters to Calais.
||538. Sir Thomas Hennege to Cromwell.|
||The King has taken certain lands of mine in Gloucestershire, which belonged to the duke of Buckingham, in exchange for the manor of Overton, Yorks., adjoining my lands there. Please write to the commissioners there to put my servant in possession. Credence for Mr. Turwhitt. Signed.|
P. 1. Add.: Lord Privy Seal. Endd.
||539. Gregory Botolf.|
||Edward Corbett, examined, 17 April, 31 Henry VIII., knows not the exact day Sir Gregory lay without the gate to take his journey into England; but it was between Candlemas and Shrovetide last. Clement Philpot and Woller lay with him. Sir Gregory said to deponent he would not go that night, but tarry to play with men of Sussex at dice or tables, to get his costs into England if he could, and in the morning would come again to take leave of my lord and my lady, which he did not. Never saw or heard of him again till the week before Palm Sunday, when Medilton, Sir John Wallopp's servant, said that he had come with him from Boulogne to the Calsey, upon a horse of his (Medilton's) master's, and that he wished deponent, if he had the key of his chamber, to send him a gown to Cawsey. Middleton also showed him that Sir Gregory was lying that night at the house of William Ashton, gunner, without Lantern Gate. Next morning, not hearing from deponent, Sir Gregory sent to his launder who had a key of his chamber, but she had given it to Philpot, who, at his going to England, gave it to deponent. Then she came saying “Yonder is Sir Gregory and hath sent to me for a long gown, and I can come by none, but you can help him.” Said he had a short gown, but Philpot had taken away the long gown. Gave her a short gown, jacket and cap, which she and one Castell bare to Sir Gregory. Shortly after, Sir Gregory came and did his duty to my lord and my lady. And about 9 in the same morning deponent took him his key and asked where he had been. He replied, with his friends, and that he was in France because “wind driven out of England.” At dinner when the hall was “set,” another of my lord's chaplains called Sir Richard would have sat where Sir Gregory used to sit before his departure. Sir Gregory said he would keep his place as long as he was my lord's servant. Deponent said to them, “It is shame to see you strive for your place.” Then they sat down as they used to sit. Another of my lord's chaplains called Sir Oliver sat opposite them and reviled Sir Gregory, calling him knave and saying he should be hanged. Finally, they were pacified. Next day at dinner Sir Oliver and Sir Richard exchanged places, and Sir Gregory sat where Sir Richard was wont to sit. After dinner Sir Gregory came to deponent and said, “Mr. Corbet, you may see the poison stomachs that is amongst us priests, for you may see Sir Oliver came to take my place because he would provoke me to some mischief; and therefore I will avoid him as much as I can; for if my lord will be good lord to me to license me to depart to my study I will never eat meals meat more in this hall before I depart, because I will avoid that may happen between us.” Then he went and asked my lord, who said they would talk of it at leisure. Next day “when my lady should go to church” he asked her also and she replied, “My lord hath showed me that you will depart, and that he is content you shall depart.” Then he came to deponent saying how glad he was, and that he would go to Louvain for learning and language, and made moan that he had no gelding. John Wuller, standing by, offered him an ambling nag. Sir Gregory said he had so little money that he was loath to disburse any, but he had five ells of damask. Then all three went to my lord's stable where the nag stood and agreed on four nobles for nag and saddle, and the price of the damask was 40s.: so Woller had the damask for the nag and saddle, paying Sir Gregory 13s. 4d. Then Sir Gregory said he only wished Philpot were come that he might get his apparel; for he had promised he would not eat his meals again in my lord's house, and if he ate in the town it would be thought my lord was displeased with him; so he would go to Burborowe (for my lady of Burborowe was in my lord's house two or three days and had good cheer), and wait till Philpot came and save his money. Sir Gregory said the nag would be a “shrewd charge” to him at Gravelines, and deponent promised, if it were left in my lord's stable, to send a man with it and Sir Gregory's “fardel,” which should be “ready trussed in Sir Edmund's (fn. 35) chamber, the parish priest of our Lady Church.” Then, on Saturday, Palm Sunday Even, Sir Gregory desired to have the nag and fardel on Wednesday before Maundy Thursday, or sooner if Philpot came. Heard on Tuesday after Palm Sunday, that Philpott would be home in a day or two, “so that I thought that Sir Gregory bed and his chest being in his chamber was necessary for me,” and went and asked my lord's licence to go to Gravelines. My lord asked wherefore. Replied, he had bought Sir Gregory's bed and chest and promised payment that day. My lord said, “What doth he there so long?” Replied, he was awaiting Philpot's coming, who had much of his apparel in keeping. My lord said, “Might not the fool have tarried as well here as to spend his money there?” But he gave me leave and lent me a gelding. On Wednesday before Easter, took his servant and Sir Gregory's gelding and fardel and rode to Gravelines where the wife at the Exchequer said Sir Gregory had gone to Burborowe the Sunday afternoon before. Rode thither and found him sitting at dinner amongst the nuns. Sat down with them. After dinner he came out and received the nag and fardel, which deponent's servant bare to his chamber. Then to essay his nag Sir Gregory rode back with him to Gravelines. Said then he wished to buy the bed, &c., but had no money, as it was all bestowed against Easter. He answered that Philpot was his bedfellow and would be hurt if he “put it from him”; but if Philpot and deponent agreed about it he (Sir Gregory) was willing. He said deponent might pay him when they met or send him cloth to Louvain, where it was dear, if he wrote for it. Said he heard that Sir Gregory owed money to one of Canterbury, who might therefore claim the goods; so Sir Gregory made a bill of sale to him and Philpot. Sir Gregory induced him (by promising to let him leave early in the morning, for the morrow, Maunday Thursday, it was his ward in the market) to tarry the night at Gravelines, saying he expected a friend from Antwerp with certain silks, and would give him a doublet of satin. He then sent deponent's man to the Dunkirk gate to watch for a man who should come riding in, wearing a russet cloak, follow him to his inn, and come to them at the church. They then went to service at the church, and that done were walking towards the gate, when Sir Gregory said, “I remember the poison hearts of my fellows at home,” and asked if they spoke of him after he left. Answered that Sir Oliver had called him “the mischievous knave that ever was born” and said he would be hanged. Sir Gregory said they would have brought him to it had he not left. Asked if he deserved it. He replied that he durst speak now, for he was in the Emperor's dominions; but he would never return to England till he had his pardon: and said that, when a canon in St. Gregory's, (fn. 36) he had stolen plate out of the house to help a friend, and once, when “merry disposed,” he told Sir Oliver of this, who ever afterwards hated him. On Shore Thursday morning, rode home, leaving his servant to fetch the doublet if it came by noon; if not, to return that night, which he did. When he arrived Philpott was come home. Showed him the bill of sale, and that day Philpott rode to him on a hired horse, and returned on Good Friday, saying Sir Gregory desired that deponent's servant might accompany him (Sir Gregory) to Bruges, Philpot hiring a horse for him. On Easter Monday deponent's servant rode forth with a male and cloak which he made for Sir Gregory, and afterwards said he had brought Sir Gregory as far as Gaunt, “and so had lost Sir Gregory ii days or iij, insomuch that” when they met Sir Gregory said he thought he had been slain, and had written so to his master, but thought the letters were not gone. Sir Gregory had then sent him (the servant) to Rudston, Mr. Wyatt's servant, to ask for the letters back; but Rudston had delivered them to Mr. Gresham, who rode to Calais. Never saw the letter his servant brought to Philpot. Mr. Gresham at Calais said he had no letters for deponent. Before leaving, Sir Gregory showed deponent that there were ten broken crowns “lapped in paper and bound with a thread” cast over at the Lantern, and that he wished them made into three rings for Philpott, deponent, and Castell. Philpot said Sir Gregory would take one of the rings himself and send Castell something instead. Brought a bill to Sir Edmund, the parish priest, for delivery of his gown and jacket.|
Philpott on going to England pledged his velvet jacket to Herbert for four nobles, and afterwards sent Herbert 20s. of it; but when Sir Gregory came Herbert demanded the four nobles of him and was paid. Heard nothing of Wullar after Sir Gregory's departure and his at the Lantern Gate till a fortnight or three weeks before Easter, when he heard Wullar was at Dover. Eight days after, at the beginning of Palm Sunday week, he came to Calais. On Palm Sunday Even Wullar went afoot with Sir Gregory to Gravelyn where they lay at “thescheker” all night. On Palm Sunday Wullar returned and brought word to deponent to send Sir Gregory's horse and fardel on the Wednesday. Philpot was at Gravelyn on Good Friday, and coming home desired deponent to speak to Herbert to speak to my lord to write in his (Sir Gregory's) favour to the captain of Gravelyn for a passport. Refused; so Philpot spoke to Herbert, who made the letter for my lord, and deponent's servant carried it to Sir Gregory on Monday in Easter week. Had a letter from Sir Gregory on Maundy Thursday for a shirt which Wullar had. Sent it on Easter Monday. Sir Gregory sent word that he would give Mr. Herbert for his pains a doublet of satin. Each page signed by Corbett.
Appointed Great Chamberlain.
See Grants in April 31 Hen. VIII., No. 38.
||541. Cromwell, Earl of Essex.|
6,074, f. 57b.
|Account of the creation of Thos. lord Cromwell, as earl of Essex, at Westminster, 18 April 31 Hen. VIII., the patent of creation being read by Secretary Wriothesley. Immediately afterwards a patent sealed with yellow wax was presented by lord Sandes, Chamberlain, and read by Secretary Sadler, by which he was created High Chamberlain of England. The King then went to the Queen's chamber to dinner, and the dukes and earls to the Council chamber to dinner, when Mr. Garter proclaimed his style, viz., earl of Essex, Vice-gerent and High Chamberlain of England, Keeper of the Privy Seal, Chancellor of the Exchequer, and Justice of the Forests beyond Trent.|
The officers of arms had of the King 5 mks. and of the said Earl 10l., and his gown, &c., to Garter. At the same time the two secretaries, Wriothesley and Sadler, were made knights; and paid their fees, 20s. apiece.
Parchment, pp. 2.
158, f. 112.
|2. Note that on Sunday, 18 April 31 Hen. VIII., at Westminster Palace, lord Thos. Cromwell, lord Privy Seal and Vice-gerent, was created earl of Essex, and at the same time admitted High Chamberlain of England and the staff of the said office delivered to him by the King.|
4,900, f. 12.
|3. Accounts of creation of peers, 28–30 Hen. VIII., viz., of the earl of Bath, 9 July 28 Hen. VIII.; of Sir William Paulet as lord St. John, of Sir John Russell, Comptroller of the King's Household, as lord Russell, and of Mr. William Parr as lord Parr, 9 March 30 Hen. VIII.; of Henry lord Daubeney as earl of Bridgwater, 21 July 30 Hen. VIII. (by the King, at Oking in the afternoon); and of Thomas lord Cromwell as earl of Essex, on Sunday, 18 April 21 (31) Hen. VIII.|
Modern copy, p. 1.
||542. Stephen Cowper to Cromwell.|
|I and your farmer of Halden Park, Wm. Woodegate, send you by the bearer seven couple of herynshawes of your own breeding there, all that are now ready. Let us know whether to send the rest of the herynshawes and young shovelers. Requests to have the rangership of the said park. Tenterden, 18 April.|
Hol., p. 1. Add.: Privy Seal. Endd.
||543. Wallop to Cromwell.|
St. P. viii.,
|Received by his secretary, on the 9th, the King's letters dated Hampton Court, 6 April. Sent him next day to Pont de Larche to the Queen of Navarre, (fn. 37) to know if he might come and speak with her there, and in case she did not think it good, unless he had other matter to Francis and the Constable, to tell her he had matter sufficient to them both concerning wrongs done to English merchants at Rouen. His secretary delivered to her the King's letter that she might have the greater desire to speak with him. She said his Majesty did her great honour, and that she would keep her chamber purposely a day or two, that Wallop might come to her by appointment, which he did, the French king and queen being departed towards Gallion before his arrival, and also the Constable. She received him graciously and made him sit down on her bedside by her. Declared the receipt of the King's letters “answering to such conference as she had lately with my said secretary,” and thanked her for her friendliness. She professed herself always ready to do the King what service lay in her power, and advised Henry not to declare himself too openly with the duke of Cleves and the princes of Germany, otherwise Francis would agree with the Emperor against both him and the Germans for fear that England and the Germans should agree with the Emperor. She praised the Emperor as a good, wise and discreet man. Wallop asked how he could be good when he broke so many promises to Francis. She replied that he broke no promise with him, for he had made no definite promises, that he had not promised Francis Milan, though Francis had spread that report. Wallop asked why then were all these sendings to and fro. She said, chiefly for marriages, on which the Emperor had declared himself more explicitly at the last coming of the French ambassador, Lavarre (La Vaur), viz., the Emperor's son to have the king of Navarre's daughter, and the said King to give all his title of Navarre that he now has or otherwise, and Mons. Dorleans to have the Emperor's daughter, to whom he will give the county of Flanders, if the French king will give to Orleans the lands beyond the Somme and also Burgundy. These demands Francis resented, saying that the Emperor would border him too nigh on every side. Wallop appealed to her if his dissatisfaction was not justified. She said, “It is no marvel if our matters do take no better effect, for we be Gelff and Gewblyn, and moreover the King is not now inclined to war.” Suggested that he might come by his desire otherwise. “With that, after the Italian fashion, she shrunk up her shoulders and stayed to harken what I would say further.” Wallop said he saw that Francis was not satisfied with the Emperor, intending to send a gentleman to the Turk, beginning to fortify Arde, and retiring himself inward into France, and he suggested that Francis should defer his journey awhile and send a secret man to the King his master declaring his whole mind and desire, which he was sure Henry would heartily promote. He wished also that Francis would take the trouble to visit his master in England. He had been hunting with the Emperor, and he would find better recreation in England and more affection in the King's little finger than in the Emperor's whole body. If he was too ill to go himself, the Dauphin or Orleans might go to see the pleasantness of the country. Francis would be a great gainer by it. Or if he would not go over, he might meet him again at Calais.|
Margaret said the plan was a very good one, but the messenger ought not to be one of Francis' Privy Council; Mons. de Longvall would be very meet, but Wallop should not speak about Francis going over or any of his children, though a meeting at Calais would be very good; but if he came to Calais it might be possible to bring him after into England. She thought these things could best be managed by Madame d'Estampes, (fn. 38) for if she herself intervened she would be thought partial: Wallop would have good occasion to speak to Madame d'Estampes, showing how the King esteemed her owing to Norfolk's good reports. Asked “Why, Madame, is Madame d'Estampes in such great credit now? Then I pray you how stands it with the Constable?” She said the King had him in great estimation, as no man could serve his purpose so well. Wallop said he had not served the King's purpose well now, “in bearing him in hand that the Emperor would do this and that, and yet doth nothing.” She said it was Francis himself who said always that the Emperor would do much for him. She denied that the Admiral, if he came to Court, would diminish the Constable's influence, and told Wallop, on his taking leave, that to avoid all suspicion she would inform the Constable of his being there, and that he had come to Court to speak with the King and him on certain matters concerning Englishmen at Rouen. She begged him not to mention her in any letters, and was glad to hear that he had ciphers particularly for that purpose. She is very unwilling to have it known that she has any concern in English affairs, and refused any offer of presents from Henry, as it would be known whence they came, except that she would be glad if he sent his own picture in a little round tablet, and also those of the Queen, the Prince, Mary, and Elizabeth; but advised that the King should send Madame d'Estampes presents, who would take it in good part. Promised to repair to Madame d'Estampes at the King's return from Gallion. As to Brisac's being in Flanders, she replied to his inquiries that he went to visit the king of the Romans and to feel how the Emperor was inclined about the marriages, but he brought no decisive answer. Mons. Lavarre showed his mind more overtly. She had heard nothing of the Emperor's fashion towards Brisac, and said “he is the Constable's nephew, who favoureth him very much, and so doth also Madame d'Estampes. He doth use them both indifferently.”
Was at Court with the French king yesterday, having then better occasion to speak with him by reason of Cromwell's letters of the 12th April, received by Nicolas the post. Informed him of my lord Deputy's advertisements of the bruits concerning the fortifying of Arde and preparations to garrison it, &c. Francis admitted that he intended to fortify both it and other towns on the Emperor's borders, among others Ancre, saying that he was under no obligation not to do so, “confessing that there was once certain communication for that purpose, and, within a little while after, the Emperor and the King's Majesty made war upon him, and they by one consent did burn Arde.” He said he might as well fortify his borders as the King did Calais and Guisnes, but he spoke quite gently. He said the English merchants at Rouen should be well treated, and referred Wallop to the Chancellor. Knowing that a post had come the day before from the Emperor, Wallop asked if there was any news to communicate to Henry, who greatly lamented the Emperor's long delays and strange fashions towards Francis. Francis said he hoped to come to some good point, for the Emperor's demands were now more reasonable, who had asked him to remain four or five days where he was, and he would send a resolute determination. He added that if he found the answer satisfactory he would send the Constable and card. of Lorraine into Flanders to him; “and so departed very gently from me, retiring himself into his chamber.” The card. of Lorraine himself said they had very good news from the Emperor. Did not venture to ask particulars; but hears elsewhere that, though the Emperor's demands are more reasonable, there is some difficulty; that the Emperor would give, with his daughter, to Orleans the county of Flanders after his decease, provided Francis would give him as much more land in France as he hath already,—not demanding any of the fortresses by the Somme, as Abbeville, Peronne, St. Quentin's, nor Burgundy; for the marriage between his son and the king of Navarre's daughter he still demands the whole of Navarre, which will hardly be granted; the Emperor is endeavouring to ascertain whether his subjects of Flanders will be content to be sworn subjects to Orleans after his decease, persuading them thereunto as much as he may; Francis now demands net to have Milan, but only Savoy and Piedmont, provided the Emperor will recompense the Duke out of the duchy of Milan. These things will take time to conclude. Considering the hope Francis now entertains, forbore to broach the matter with Madame d'Etampes lest Francis should have represented his overtures to the Emperor as those of the King, which he did in the case of the matters of which Norfolk spoke with him. Went, however, to Madame d'Etampes, and expressed the King's pleasure at her recommendations made by the Dauphiness' servant, (fn. 39) having sent by him two palfreys, and that he would be glad to gratify her with anything else. The Dauphiness's servant came with the horses while they were conversing, and both she and the Dauphin expressed great satisfaction. The Dauphin afterwards praised the animals when Wallop was in the French king's chamber, and Catillion, standing by, spoke like the King's very good friend, assuring Francis that anything in England would be at his commandment. Thinks the King should send him a letter of thanks, as he may be useful, especially about the traitor boy Garrett, of which Wallop has spoken to him. He swears he had not heard of any such thing, but would do his best to know it. He daily looks for letters from those parts from Chasteaubrian and others, and he cannot be in Brittain but he will know thereof. Catillion says there is no talk of the Admiral's coming to Court, for his process is not yet ended, his wife being still a suitor here. He says Madame d'Etampes bears a great stroke, but swears that the Constable is above her and all other. He says the Emperor cannot bring him to war. Madame d'Estampes is assured of Francis' friendship to England, and says she never heard of the Emperor's fashion to Brisac, and that the great part of his sending into Flanders was to declare to the Emperor news that the French king had from the Turk. She confessed that there was great likelihood of agreement between the Emperor and the French king. Mentions a rumour about the French king's displeasure with the Pope, and that the Constable is displeased at his not giving Cardinal Catillion the legateship of Avignon after the decease of him who has it now. It is said Francis means to take Avignon from him and to give him in recompense the title that the Dauphin has by his wife in the duchy of Urbino. Knows well that the Pope's ambassador here is anxious to return, being dissatisfied that his master's affairs succeed no better.
Since being at Court yesterday learned by Thos. Carowe, merchant, brother to the Queen's receiver, that Garrat arrived at St. Malo's on Palm Sunday, and was feasted there every day, being conducted by sea by one Jacques Carter, pilot of St. Malo's, and on Tuesday in Easter week Mons. Chateaubrian sent for him by his pursuivant. The said Garret had with him a priest of 50 and a tall young gentleman, said to be his kinsman, with one servant more. Carowe has found means that an Englishman now going into Brittany shall repair straight to St. Malo's and learn what he can. Carowe himself will be in England in 4 or 5 days. Desires a bill from Mr. Bonvice for his diets; and favour for the bearer, Nicholas the post. Rouen, 18 April. Signed.
Add.: Lord Privy Seal. Endd.
||544. [Pandolfo di Stuffa?] to Thomas Cavalcanti.|
|Vit. B. xiv.,
|“Magnifico M. Tommaso, a V. S. mi racomando etc. Di poi … ho scripto per non haver hauto commodita rispetto che per … bene e cavalli cene venimmo a piccole giornate et con … questa corte non sta mai ferme che va ogni giorno p … lo aiuto di Dio ci conducemmo salvi et bene noi et … Et cosi presentai a Monsignore Dalphino isua cavalli et … li furno tanti grati quanto dirsi posse, et non mo … quando li presentai presentarli con tutti le cirimonie de … affine fussino trovati belli come herono et cosi li prese … prima hora che vi hera, tutto il mondo che ciertamente pia … aciascuno et fu tenuto bellissimo presente. Et affine in … io feci maneggiare icavalli inanzi a Monsignore et pareu … facessino bene incontinente che fui smontato sua Excellentia [e monta]to su et maneghogli tanto bene del mondo et pensate che … vono fatto bene sotto di me feciono benissimo sotto … per sorte la mattina si abatte a esservi lo imbasciatore (fn. 40) [del] Re, che mi fu gratissimo, per che ne resto assai satisfatto, et n … rimgratio per che inverita vi havevo usato diligentia [non] poca. Sarammi grato intendere che di costa sia stato … raporto et che di me restino satisfatti come” * * * [Written on the margin: “A Monsignore di Moretta presentai la vostra, quale mi rese con dirmi fare et dire et penso … risolutamente non manchera ma sara umpoco lungo. Io non manchero il ricorda … aliene et di quanto sequira vene daro aviso.”]|
|f. 277 b.
||“Presto che hebbi consegniato a Monsignore Dalphino i suai cavalli et cani consegniai le achinee a Madama la ducessa di Etampes, quale tro[vo] molte belle et furno gli gratissime, et cosi anchora vi si trovo lo imbasciatore, quale hera incorte la mattina acaso, et io sapendolo lo ciamai affine vedessi la diligentia vi havevo usato si nel condurle come impresentarle et con non poca mia spesa che vi prometto mi sono coste queste spese di molti ducati, come so benissimo sapete per che cominciai di costa, et ame aviene al contrario che suol venire alli altri che servendo si gram principi si suol cavarne sempre et a me etocco ametterci, pure quando anchora si tienno di me di coste satisfatti ne resto contentissimo et parmi tutto haver bene speso inservitio di si humano et gratioso principe quale e cotesto, (fn. 41) et si vi parra ne potrete toccare uno motto dove judicherete esser a proposito, offerendomi per sempre per quanto vaglio et posso et di tanto non ne mancherete. Io vi mando la patente per passare i cavalli quando vi piacera, et non vela ho mandata prima per non hau[er] hauto commodita sievi per aviso, et come vedrete ne possete fare … care dieci per che li altri non furno segniati anzi passorno fra … Io ho ordinato a Guadagni di Lione paghino a questa fiera … li aviserete li ducati 100 mi prestati et che retirino la mia ce … atro restando sempre a piaceri nostri …|
||Se harete mandato emia stagni mi sara grato et no … mandati vi piacera mandarli con darmi aviso de … to che subito daro aviso allione (fn. 42) ne siate rimborsato … vete dato dinari albiuzzo o darete me darete a … ordini allione (fn. 42) ne siate rimborsato et quanto piu … rimgratio non vi usando altre cirimonie perche mi parrie … ma solo vi diro che assai desidero farvi piacere. In questa … per sua Maesta quale scrive Monsignore Dalphino inrimgra … et si una che scrivo io a Milors Previsel, et si una a Messer [Pietro] Vannes vi piacera presentarle et possendo tirarne risp[osta] … vele mando aperte affine le leggiate et poi le sugell[ando] presentiate sugugiendo quelle parole vi parranno aprop[osto]; del sequito vi piacera darmi risposta, et se vi do troppe pe … nar vaglia che tutto nascie dalla fede ho in voi et s … sidereria occorendovi rendervi la pariglia. Piacerami … tutti li amici di coste et Dio vi guardi. Di Concio a … Aprile 1540.|
“Appresso penso vi ricordiate benissimo della … comperai costi quale e stata trovata cosa bella et nu … disorte vi vorria pregare vedessi di farne fare … bene dorate idico alle di Parigi et si 15 alle che non … ma di a … stietto et mele mandassi” * * * [Written along the margin: y possibile et che fussi servito bene per che hanno a servire per persona grande che penso n … voglia fornire una roba del luna et una del laltra useretici diligentia et vedrete … gliandoni tanta haver miglior mercato vi sara possibile he visando il costo che ne sare… rimborsato subito allione.” (fn. 42) ].
Mutilated. Add.: Al Magco M. Thomaso Cavalcanti, mio honorando. In Londra.
||545. Thos. late Prior of Christchurch, Canterbury, to Cromwell.|
||Master Chancellor of the Augmentations and other of the King's Commissioners who were lately here were very good to him, and much better in consequence of Cromwell's letters to them by John Anthony. Is admitted “to be one of the canons of this church here” with a promise of a pension of 80l. Asks for surety of this under the King's seal. Canterbury, Sunday, 19 April. (fn. 43) Signed.|
P. 1. Lord Privy Seal. Endd.
||546. Bishop Roland Lee to Cromwell.|
||My friends, Mr. George Vernon and his uncle John Vernon, intend to be with your Lordship shortly, for such business as they have with the King's Council. I desire you to favour their suits and remember the good service Mr. John Vernon has done here. Wigmore, 19 April. Signed.|
P. 1. Add.: Lord Crumwell, lord Privy Seal. Sealed. Endd.
||547. [The Commissioners at Calais to Henry VIII.]|
283, f. 89.
Chr. of Calais,
|Received this Monday morning the King's letters of the 17th April, showing his pleasure about the repair of the lord Deputy to his Highness, “the tarrying of me, the carl of Sussex, to take the charge of your Grace's said town for the time of his absence, and me, Sir John Gage, to tarry with the said Earl as your Highness' commissioner, councillor, and assistant with him,” the repair of “us the rest of your Highness' Commissioners to your Grace,” and also the device of letters to be written by Phylpot to Sir Gregory.|
By examination of Wm. Stevins, of whom they have written before, it appears that Adam Damplip, mentioned in their former letters (whose name is George Bowker and not Adam Damplip), one of the principal sowers of the division in Calys, about 27 April 30 Hen. VIII., told Stevins that he came from Rome, where he might have had a good living, “for Cardinal Pole would have had him there to have been a reader, and sent money after him to bring him home with.” Stevins thereupon gave him 12d., supposing he would have taken passage into England; and, as he took no passage, bade him home to his house and lodged him. Stevins says that at the first meeting he found Damplip popish. Since they wrote last, Wm. Stevins was brought before them and the lord Deputy, being with them as a commissioner, by the Comptroller, and delivered a bill subscribed with his hand, which they read; “whereunto my said lord Deputy when he perceived that part of the matter therein comprised and read touched him, made answer”— (Inner leaf lost).
4,160, f. 14.
|2. Modern copy from the preceding MS.|
||548. Bp. of Montpellier, (fn. 44) French Ambassador at Venice, to Montmorency.|
|Ribier I. 519.
||The Pope's people with the Emperor write that the Emperor is resolved not to give Milan to the King, who, besides continuing to favour these Lutherans, would try to extend his power in Italy. As war cannot be avoided, the Emperor will unite with the King of England, even though it may be against the Christian name and against the Pope; because if he does not, the King will. They expect a cruel war. Expresses surprise at this. Perugia and the Pope. Venice, 19 April 1540.|
||549. T. Marten, Comptroller, to Mr. Lorde, Paymaster of the King's Works.|
||Being commanded by my lord Privy Seal to go with all speed to make provision of lead for the castles, I could not speak with you. On Saturday, 1 May, the pay is to be made for the castles, for six weeks, which will amount, as nigh as I can estimate, to 1,500l., besides what you have already paid (to the ships last here) for sea coal and Cane stone. From my house besides Rouncevale, Tuesday, 20 April, 31 Henry VIII. Signed.|
P. 1. Add.
||550. John Alen to Wriothesley.|
||Thanks for letters from my lord Privy Seal of the 21 Feb., received the 3rd inst., which I perceive came by your means. Evidently he has been very evil informed of me. Partly in my excuse I have made a letter to his lordship and enclose it, open, for you to seal and deliver if you like it. As to the articles enclosed let me know your mind; for though I would not continue here, yet, while I do tarry, I must live as becomes my room. I send by bearer, Mr. Dudley, whom please favour, nine “marterne” skins. I could not in all Dublin get so many as to make up a dozen. Commend me to Mr. Godsalve. Dublin, 20 April.|
Hol., p. 1. Add.
||551. M. Countess Dowager of Ormonde and Ossory to Cromwell.|
|In favour of Gerald Flemyng, her niece's husband, who has done good service with the lord Deputy in this last encounter with O'Neile and O'Donyll. Thanks for favour to her husband, late deceased, and herself. Kilkenny, 20 April. Signed.|
P. 1. Add.: Lord Privy Seal. See Carew Calendar, No. 144.
||552. Clement Philpott to Sir Gregory Botolph.|
||Brother, I was grieved at the trouble you had in your journey towards Louvain. I received your letter by John, but not that by Mr. Weyete's servant, “wherefore, I pray you, have respect unto your writing unto me; howbeit I do not greatly mistrust your wit in that behalf.” I think you have forgotten the poor soldier of Calais; but ha has not forgotten you, for through the goodness of my Lord and my Lady, I have gotten you a benefice within the Pale called Anderne, within a mile of Arde. The parson there, Mr. (Sir Robert) (fn. 45) Carter, late chaplain to my lord Cardinal, died now late [eight days after Easter]. (fn. 46) It is valued in the King's books at 20l. (fn. 47) My fellow, Corbet, took much pains for it, and went to England with my Lord's letters for the same as soon as the parson died. I expect him back shortly. [The week after Easter your brother, John Bottolf, came to Calais, and through the goodness of my Lord and Lady a final end is made between him and you, and you shall be friends, as brothers should be. I received 15l. of him and a bond for 7l. at Christmas next.] (fn. 48) I declared to my Lord the malice between Sir Oliver and you, and he bade you think no more of it, for he would have no contention in his house, especially among his priests, who “should give best ensamples”; so I can see no danger to you for that matter. I would speak with you as soon as possible. Look you bring my damask and satin. Write by bearer when I may expect you. I must go into England shortly, and would see you first. My Lord says that as long as you keep your study you may be non-resident. I will be parson of Anderne till you come. We had better meet at Anderne [where is a good fellow priest, that serveth the cure and has stable and hay for your horse], (fn. 46) “bread and drink ye shall find, cheese and eggs, but none other cates.” I received a packet of letters by one that came from Dr. Wotton. Calais, 19 April.|
Corrected draft in Philpott's hand, pp. 2. Endd.: Inquiratur cujus littere.
||2. Fair copy of the above, dated Calais, 20 April. Headed: The copy of Phylpot's letter, sent unto Sir Gregory Buttolff, by the King's commandment.”|
In Edw. Leighton's hand, pp. 2. Add.: at Loven.
||3. First draft of § 1. with important variations besides those noted above.|
In Philpott's hand, pp. 2.
||List of Leases 30 and 31 Hen. VIII.|
i. By the King:—[Robt. Tirwytt and John Hennege, for Bardeney, fo. 38; Thos. Welden, for Bisham, fo. 39]. (fn. 49) Comes Southt, 4 Dec. ao 30; Wm. Rolt, 13 Jan. ao 30; Wm. Bolles,—Dec. ao 30; Thos. Hennege, 16 Apr. Ao 31, not inrolled.
ii. Leases over 20 nobles by the Council, (fn. 50) lacking warrants of the Privy Seal:—Dame Jones, f. 2; Thos. Rogers, f. 3; Sir Ant. Wyngfeld; f. 5; the same, f. 5; [Ric. Gornell, f. 6]; (fn. 49) Wm. Cavendish, f. 7; Robt. Wheteley, f. 10; Thos. Hall, f. 12; Sir Hugh Paulett, f. 15; Robt. Hopkynson, f. 16; Wm. Parre, f. 16; Edw. lord Clynton, f. 16; Arth. Darcy, f. 17; Nic. Gifford, f. 17; Ric. Austen, f. 19; Edw. Chamberlain, f. 20; Wm. Parre, f. 24; Thos. Denys, f. 26; Thos. Cheyny, f. 28; Robt. Burgoyn, f. 29; Wm. earl of Southampton, f. 31; [Daniel Payn]; (fn. 49) Wm. Burnell, f. 32; Fras. Brian, f. 32; Jas. Westby, f. 35; Hugh Stucley, f. 36; Robt. Swift, f. 36; John Mynne, f. 41; [Wm. lord Parre, f. 41]; (fn. 49) John Legh de Isle, f. 47; John Legh de London, f. 48; Laune. Martyn, f. 48; John Hales, f. 52; Robt. Townesend, f. 54; Thos. Gyfford, f. 54; [Burnell and Gardener, f. 57]; (fn. 49) Fras. Cave, f. 58; Ric. Ansham, f. 59; Humph. Bourgcher, f. 63; Thos. Spelman, f. 63; Geo. Kyngeston, f. 63; John Wellesborne, f. 64; [John Worth, f. 72]; (fn. 49) John Rollesley, f. 73; Steph. Bagott, f. 74; Wm. Legh, f. 77; [Giles Smalle, f. 80]; (fn. 49) Rob. Bradshawe, f. 81; [Thos. Dereham, f. 82]. (fn. 49)
iii. Leases passed by the Council above 20 nobles, not enrolled:—[Thos. Holcroft, for Vale Royal; Rob. Sacheverell, for Darley]; (fn. 49) Edw. Draycot, for Rocestr; John Travers, for Beeston, note “whether it be by bill assigned or not;” Wm. Turnor, for Comehire; [“Thomas Spillas Spilman pro gran.;” Hugh Ascue, for Dalton rectory; John Barney, for Langley]. (fn. 49)
In Sir Ric. Riche's hand, pp. 3. Endd.: Dimission. Ais 30 & 31.
||554. [Lands of Jervaulx Abbey.]|
||“Onus” of Laur. Askwith's (fn. 51) account for 31 Hen. VIII. for Ellyngton, Ellyngstryng, Fyngall, (fn. 52) Thorneton, (fn. 52) Riswyke, (fn. 52) and Feldom, (fn. 52) and perquisites of courts. Total, 11l. 19s. 8½d., upon which his own fee and other expenses are allowed.|
||555. Wm. Byggyns.|
||“Petitions axed by me Wm. Byggyns upon the declaration of mine account,” 31 Hen. VIII. Being a number of small sums, for default of rents, due by heirs of lord Feehewe and of lord Conyers, and others, the late friars of Yarham, and Wm. Witham, in Thirne, Darlington, Hunton, Yarham, Brompton Patrike, West Apleton, Brastbrigge, and Cold Conystone, amounting in all to about 70s.|
||556. Netley and Beaulieu.|
||Extracts from “Ministers' Accounts” of the abbeys of Netley (Leteley) and Beaulieu (de Bello Loco), Hants, 31 Hen. VIII.|
In modern hand, pp. 4.