||832. Henry Lord Maltravers.|
Appointed Deputy of Calais. See Grants in July, No. 10.
||833. Henry VIII. to [Sussex and Gage.]|
St. P. viii.,
|Thanks them for their diligence at Calais, where they were sent to appease the sedition likely to arise from diversity of opinion in religion. Sends lord Matravers to be Deputy there in place of lord Lisle, who, for his offences, still remains in ward. Intends to erect again the office of Treasurer there, and to prefer to it his councillor Sir Edw. Wotton, “which ye may yet keep to yourselves.” Sends also the said Wotton to reside until 6 Oct. next as assistant to the Deputy, to whom they are to give the oath of a councillor, and whose place is to be the highest on the left hand of the Deputy, opposite the captain of Guisnes. They are to invest the Deputy in his office and remain four or five days to instruct him, and to take musters of the retinue and secretly prick the names of such as they think unmeet to serve in it. They wrote lately of a fray made on the walls between John Brown and another with a precedent to a like case in Henry VII.'s time. Though the ordinance there extend in that case to death, is content that it shall be punished according to the said precedent.|
Draft headed: By the King. Endd.: The minute of the letter to Calais sent at the departure of the lord Matravers. Begins: “Right trusty and right welbeloved cousin and trusty and right welbeloved.”
||834. Thomson College.|
p. 3, No. 6.
|Surrender (by Robt. Audley, elk., master, and the fellows) of the college or chantry, the manors of Thomson and Bradker, Norf., and Citie Campes alias Shudicampis, Camb., the rectories and churches and the advowsons of the vicarages of Thomson and Shropham, Norf., and all other possessions of the college in Thomson, Shropham, Saham, and Bradenham, Norf., and Citie Campes, Camb., or elsewhere in England. 3 July 32 Hen. VIII.|
Acknowledged, 7 July, before the King in Chancery.
||835. Bishop Bonner.|
See Grants in July, No. 21.
||836. Henry VIII. to Pate.|
St. P. viii.
|Orders him to obtain access to the Emperor on Thursday (fn. 1) morning, and say he has that morning or the night before received instructions to inform him that the Lords and Commons, perceiving some doubts in the King's last marriage with the daughter of Cleves, and considering the great effusion of blood heretofore from doubtfulness of titles to the Crown, which are knit in the King, and that there is “but one imp” of his body, have petitioned him to commit the examination of the matrimony to the bishops and clergy. Knows that calling the matrimony into question is a matter of some importance, and that people “will diversely speak after their own fantasy.” Hopes the Emperor will conceive a good opinion and restrain slanderous tongues.|
If he asks the causes, Pate shall say that they have not been written to him, but that the King intends to make the Emperor further participant.
Draft, pp. 5. Endd.: Letters to Mr. Pattes of the iiijth of July 1540.
||837. Pate to Norfolk.|
St. P., viii.
|Hears that the French king begins to kindle war in Italy secretly and that the Emperor intends to be there before Christmas, having said so himself to a Marquis, who asked leave to visit his friends there. The triumphs made through France for his reception are now taken down and broken in pieces, but his ambassador here is well entertained. Mons. de Hellin, the ambassador with the Lady Regent, has left, but some say only on a message to the queen of France. The Bp. of Rome's army has entered Perouse. The Turk stirs not this year against Christendom. The duke of Saxon and the Lancegreave and the rest of that band àre preparing to come to the Council according as the Emperor instituted, viz., that the Protestants should resort thither after the others had somewhat debated.|
Since the Prince of Salerno's departure, many Italian gentlemen, who would have gladly waited on him to see the King, are gone yesterday towards England, as Schapuis told the bp. of Bath and Pate. The money demanded of Bruges and other towns in Flanders is granted, wherefore it is thought the Court will remove toward Holland. Hears that the duke of Saxony has sent a gentleman to the Emperor.
Don Luis de Avila is he who offered to fight Mons. de Pelow in the Emperor's presence at Aix. Both were banished until the Empress obtained their pardon. An Italian Marquis accompanied the duke of Salerno, beside Don Luis.
Hears that the Christians and the Protestants have agreed upon six judges to decide things of controversy between them, three of them being the duke Palatine, the duke of Bavers, and the bp. of Argentarie. Andrew Doria's nephew has taken certain vessels of the Turks. Begs Nortolk to make his excuses to the King for not writing, as it seemed sufficient that he should subscribe the bp. of Bath's letter. The French ambassador and the Cardinal of Cicile had audience of the Emperor to-night. The Cardinal arrived not an hour before, and the Nuncio accompanied him to Court, but Pate has not heard his business. Bruges, 4th inst. Signed.
Pp. 2. Add. Endd.: 4 July.
||838. Antwerp News.|
|Galba B. x.,
|From Antwerp, 4 July:—“I told you in my last letter that the Emperor had [sent] there the prince of Salerno, but it can not b[e known] what commission he hath given him. There [goeth] with him one (fn. 2) of the chamber of his Majesty, which … his great favour. And for all that they hath [given] out voice to come a sporting the truth [is] that they be sended of him, and newly he se[ndeth] there the brother of the duke of Ferrara.” Suspects the cause is that, his practice with the French king being broken, the Emperor must go to Almain and Italy, and mistrusts these people and the Flemings. He has quite lost the affection which the people of Flanders bare him, and the country must be defended by strangers if the French molest it. The Emperor repents that he handled them of Guanto with such rigo[ur] and tries to regain their good[will]; but the offence has been too great. There is no more of the accord with the duke of Cleves. The French king will not appoint without Milan, and has paid the Swyssers their pension and disposed things for war, and only tarries some motion of the Turk. There is great jealousy of Tunyzy, and if rumor begin on that side the French king will move on his, and the Emperor could not be in all places, so he “goeth about to provide him softly.” A gentleman of the cardinal, brother to the duke of Ferrara, who came out of France, says his master would not “worytte” (write), but commissioned him to tell his brother here two verses “which shall be written in the end of thi[s].” Reminds him of “that blessed licence of the leather.”|
The diet shall be kept at Haghenaw four leagues beyond Spira; but as most shall appear by attorney there can be no good conclusion.
Item, from Antwerp, 4 July, from Peter van the Walle:—The marriage between Cleves and the daughter of Navarra is done.
Pp. 3. Slightly injured by fire.
||839. Sir Thomas Wyatt.|
||Star Chamber order upon a dispute between Sir Thos. Wyatt as owner of Hoo manor, Kent, and the town of Rochester, touching the taking of mussels within the limits of Sheerness and Hawkwood.|
Two copies, pp. 4½ and pp. 2.
||840. The late Monastery of Sion.|
||Rents of the late monastery of Sion, Midd., received since the dissolution of the same by John Mores, now dec., receiver there anno 31.|
27 items received at various dates from 14 Dec. to 15 June for rents, &c. (specified).
ii. Payments by John Mores, now deceased, receiver there, for pensions from the dissolution unto 5 July “which day the said John Mores departed,” i.e., To John Harvye, vicar of Istelwoorthe, 12 Dec., Thos. Matsone, steward, 20 Dec., and Thos. Jugler, 1 March.
iii. Names of religious persons and the money paid to them. The names are:—
“Religious women”:—Agnes Jorden, abbess, Marg. Wyndsore, Marg. De Lye, Pernell Damport, Awdrye Delye, Marg. Covert, Mary Nevell, Bridget Sulyard, Kath. Breeton, Marg. Lupton, Eleanor Feteplace, Joan Stranguishe, Eliz. Fawxe, Eliz. Edwardes, Bridget Belgrave, Marg. Conyas, Dorothy Bettenham, Alice Elarton, Eliz. Mowntayne, Anne Edwardes, Alice Bettenham, Marg. Monyington, Clemens Tressham, Alice Lyster, Agnes Merett, Eliz. Knottesford, Efamie Elamer, Eliz. Yates, Ursula Feteplace, Dorothy Slight, Kath. Somerfyld, Elenor Pegge, Eliz. Ogle, Joan Judd, Susan Purfray, Bridget Fitzherbert, Anne Vnkes, Rose Pagett, Kath. Palmer, Joan Dennye, Dorothy Codrington, Mary Denham, Mary Whetna, Anne Daunce, Joan Russe, Marg. Bowcher, Eliz. Strykland, Alice Pulton, Alice Senesse, Marg. Walker, Eliz. Crowcheley, Marg. Elarton, Marg. Shuldame.
“Religious men”:—David Curson, Ant. Sutton, John Grene, Ric. Whytford, John Stewkyne, Ant. Lyttle, John Howell, Ric. Lache, Thos. Pollard, John Myllett, Thos. Precious, John Selbye, John (or Jas.?) Walley, John Bartlett, John Massye, Wm. Turling, Ric. Browne.
iv. Annuities. Seven items specified paid between 20 April and 30 June.
||841. Francis I. to Henry VIII.|
St. P. viii.,
|In favour of the Sieur de La Rochepot, whose cause has never been decided, in consequence of the action of Mr. Thomas Cromwell who unjustly appropriated a great portion of the prize in question. Paris, 5 July 1540. Signed.|
Fr., p. 1. Add. Countersigned: Bochetel.
||842. Wallop and Carne to Henry VIII.|
St. P. viii.,
|When the French king was lately at Boiez de Vincennes, sent a servant thither, to find out about the ambassadors of Cleves' (fn. 3) coming, which was much bruited before the receipt of Henry's letters of the 22nd June. My servant spoke to Cruzerus, the resident ambassador, who had just arrived and had an hour's interview with the King, but Cruzerus would scarce answer him. The King then departed. Thought this strange, taken with what he gathered “in the latter end” of Henry's letters, and more strange when he did not come next day. Dined on Sunday with the Constable and Wolfgang, the Count Palatine's third brother, who comes to have the same entertainment that Count Guillaume had, and is conducted by Count Guillaume's lieutenant. He is a sober prince of few words, with no language but his own. After dinner, was taken by the Constable to the French king. Was told by the Constable of the arrival of the ambassadors of Cleves, who should speak with the King that afternoon. The Constable left the Count with Mons. de Moret and led Wallop by the hand to the King, many asking him, by the way, if Cromwell were dead or not, they not a little rejoicing at his fate. The King said he would gladly make alliance with the duke of Cleves, as Henry approves of it, and was glad that Henry was sending another ambassador (fn. 4) to conclude the affair. He desired Wallop to write that the diet was broken up and nothing done; that neither the duke of Saxe nor the Landesgrave were there, but only the Catholics; and that another diet will be held, at which the Duke and Landesgrave will be present, but not the king of the Romans, who is going to the borders of Hungary. He has deputed the bps. of Mense and Treavez, the Count Palatine Elector, and Duke Lewdovique of Bavyre to be present for him and the Emperor. He said also that Andrea Doria has sent his nephew Jeneten with 15 or 16 galleys to Sicily, who on the way took some gallies of “Corsarius Morus.” The King does not think the Turk will do much this year, as he has peace with the Venetians.|
The same day the ambassadors of Cleves sent to excuse themselves for delaying to advertise him of their coming, and to appoint a meeting. The King has lodged them in the Cardinal of Bellie's palace to keep them secret. They said the French king was contented to treat for a defensive league, and would be glad for the Duke, their master, to marry the King of Navarre's daughter, and desired them to go the next day to the said King and Queen. The Chancellor and Cardinal of Tournowe are appointed to treat with them for the league.
As to Cromwell, the Cardinal of Belly at once sent a man to Cattyllion, telling Wallop that three quarters of a year past he and the French king debated the matter and concluded that Cromwell would be made an earl or duke, and that Henry would then give him lady Mary, as, before, he gave the French queen to the duke of Suffolk; and therefore Cromwell always did his best to break any marriage proposed for her. The Portuguese ambassador swore he could not remember who first told him, but the bruit was common among ambassadors two years past. Will send Cattyllion's letter when it comes.
Peruse has surrendered to the bp. of Rome; the duke of Castres has entered with 2,000 men, and a similar number of the best inhabitants have fled. The commons of Jenever have rebelled against the governors, being under the Canton of Bearnez, the greatest Lutherans of all that country. They have executed 24 of the best, protesting rather to die than any more to hold under the Lutheran sect.
The Emperor's daughter has forsaken her husband, the Pope's nephew, in which Friar Palvesyn, whom Henry will remember, encouraged her. The Bp. of Rome has therefore committed him to prison, and as the bruit runs he has been strangled. Winchester and Mr. Brian know him well.
Mr. Kearne arrived last night. Paris, 5 July. Signed by Wallop.
P.S.—Cruzerus desires Wallop to speak with the King and Queen of Navarre, saying that although referred to the Chancellor and cardinal of Turnowe to treat upon the league defensive, they would not meddle with it unless there was some likelihood of the marriage. Is going to meet them, with Sir Edw. Kearne, this afternoon at a place called the Ave Maria, upon the waterside, for the King wills them to keep secret. Signed.
Pp. 9. Add. Endd.
||843. Anne of Cleves.|
||Commission (fn. 5) to the clergy of England to examine the King's marriage with Anne of Cleves.|
Corrected draft, pp. 4. Endd.: The copy of the King's Majesty's commission to th'archbishops, bishops, &c., of this realm.” [See Grants in July, No. 26.]
|Otho C. x.,
|2. Another copy.|
Pp. 3. Mutilated.
||844. The Earl of Rutland to the Lord Privy Seal.|
|This morning at 4 o'clock the duke of Cleves' ambassador came to the Queen, who shortly after sent for the Earl. As he could not understand the ambassador, desired the bearer, Mr. Receiver, to go with him. “And she called us into her chambre and dec[lare]d by the Imbassador that the Kynges highnes had sent to her a c[ertai]n message which required awnswer agayn.” Advised her to answer, either by writing or by mouth as she pleased. “Whereupon she determyned to send Berd, by cause he brought the message and she wold not write, and agayn the Imbassedor wold not go of the message by no mene. Wherfore Berd cumys agayn with the awnswer by mothe. And for that I dyd see her to take the matter hevely, I desired her to be of good comfort, and that the Kynges highnes ys so gracyous and wertues a prince that he wold nothyng but that shuld stond with the law of God, and for the dyscharge of his conscience and hers and the quyetnes of this realme hereafter; and at the sute of all his lordes and commyns which ys the state of the hole realme, his Highnes [is conte]nt to refar the matter to the bysshoppes and the clergye who be as well lerned men and of as good conscience and lyveyng as any be in the world; so that her Grace hath cause to reyose and not to be sory, whiche matter she hard well and sayd nothyng to yt. And ynasmyche as me semes by the Imbasseador he hath no wyll, nether to go on the message, nor yet to mell yn the matter, as he sayd, I thought yt good to advertyse by this berer, by cause he was present. And yn case the Imbassedor do desir, or the Quene, to speke any more with me, I pray you to know the Kynges hyghnes plesur whom I shall call to me, for that I understond nether of them. And thuse I commit you to God. Riten this present mornyng with the hand of your owne, Thomas Rutland.”|
||845. [The Lord Chancellor, Suffolk and Others] to Henry VIII.|
|Otho C. x.,
Ellis, 2d. S.
|We have declared your Grace's commission to the Queen by an interpreter. Without alteration of countenance she answered that she was “content always with your Majest … The whole circumstance we shall decl[are at our] coming to-morrow; and this night [according to] your Highness' appointment, we tarry a … saving the bishop of Winchester, who r[eturns to] London this night to the intent he may t[omorrow] be at the Convocation. In our opinion … all thing shall proceed well to th[accomplishment of] your Highness' virtuous desire.” Richmond, Tuesday, at ni[ght]. Signatures lost. (fn. 6) |
In Gardiner's hand, p. 1. Mutilated.
||846. St. Augustine's, Canterbury.|
||Draft grant [by the Court of Augmentations] to Sir Antony Sentleger, of the custody of the house and site of St. Augustine's late monastery, Canterbury, and of a house called the Almorye near the site of the same; also of the keepership of a small close parcel of North Holme, with buildings, &c., and of the park called the New parke, near the site of the said late monastery. Teste Ric'o Riche milite, apud Westm., 6 July 32 Hen. VIII.|
Latin. Copy. Large paper, pp. 5.
||847. Marillac to Francis I.|
|London, 6 July:—Went yesterday, being a feast day, to say good day to this King. He asked for news, and when Marillac had told such as he was instructed to give, said he heard from his ambassador with the Emperor that the prince of Salerno was on his way hither, with a gentleman of the Emperor's chamber, a Spaniard in great credit with his master, named Don Loys d'Avila; and that, though very likely the Prince came only to see the country, he could not but think the Spaniard must bring some charge from the Emperor; and this he would tell Marillac as soon as he knew it. This King confessed to having lately engaged a doctor (fn. 7) of this town to go to Francis on business connected with the marriage which the duke of Cleves is procuring in France; which doctor was reported to have gone to Germany, and no one knows yet that he is in the French Court except those to whom this King has communicated it. As the doctor will have declared his charge before this arrives, it seems superfluous to write of it, especially as the writer has not yet been told the whole. This King always continues his protestations of friendship, which are reiterated by the ministers, especially Norfolk.|
Until this Parliament finishes on the 15th inst., little can be written of occurrences here except that the King said to Marillac he would grant general abolition of all forfeits and crimes conceived by his subjects, except those who have been condemned of high treason by Act of Parliament, among whom Cromwell is one. Norfolk tells Marillac, for Francis' information, that Cromwell's execution will take place immediately after Parliament closes, and his end will be the most ignominious in use in this country.
French. Modern transcript, pp. 3.
||848. Marillac to Montmorency.|
|London, 6 July:—Has received the letters of the 28th ult., and the copy of that of M. de La Vaur. Was not surprised at the language held by this King to the ambassador of Poland, who came here only to see the country. This King has held to the writer the same language touching the Pope and Emperor, calling the one not only bishop of Rome, which is still the title used in writing, but by other [titles] not less contumelious, such as “abomination,” “son of perdition,” “idol,” and “Antichrist,” as commonly they do in the feasts and pastimes which are daily made; and he seldom speaks to Marillac without making the same complaints of the Emperor, as if he expected Marillac to confirm them. As to the King (Francis), although Marillac could well suppose, as the letter states, that he has not spared [him] more than the others, still he has made no allusion to pensions or tribute, nor given any sign of being ill content with the fortification of Ardres, or complained of any bad treatment; unless it be that the French held off from him and preferred those who had never been such friends as he, and who would turn out in the end to be deceivers. And even this last time he has used very gracious language. But for past examples of his facility in promising and inconstancy in keeping, Marillac would be confused by his fair speaking, and think it came from the heart rather than from fear of being deserted by Francis; for assuredly he feels himself weak on the side of the Emperor. Touching the coming of the prince of Salerno with the Spanish gentleman of the Emperor's chamber, whose name the writer cannot learn (fn. 8) ; this King said that for some days past the Emperor was using unusually gentle terms to the English ambassador, and he supposed therefore that they wished to get something from him (Henry), but he knew the merchant too well, and had proved the value of his fine words. Touching the personage (fn. 7) secretly sent to France, who was reported to have gone to Germany, this King asked Marillac to keep it secret. Knows not why, as the thing will shortly be notorious and impossible to conceal.|
Knows not whether for some probability there may be in the talk of which he wrote on the 1st in cipher, or only for some diminution of love and new affection to another lady, this Queen has been sent to Richmond. The King, who promised to follow her in two days, has not done so, and his going thither is not spoken of, for the route he has prescribed for his progress does not lie in that direction. Now they say in this Court that the said lady has left for fear of the plague in this town; which is false, for there is no talk at present of plague, and if there was any suspicion of it, this King would not stay for any affair however great, as [he is] the most timid person that could be in such a case.
As to the Emperor's reply to the English ambassador about the rebel (fn. 9) , which this King made Marillac write of in his last; the question did not arise and Marillac thought best not to renew it, as it might raise suspicion between princes who are otherwise good friends; and this is what the English desire, so that they themselves may remain in surety. Had he not been expressly commanded to write it to the King, would have only mentioned it in Montmorency's letter.
Suffolk begs remembrance of his affair, of which Wallop has the pièces.
French. Modern transcript, pp. 4.
||849. Robt. Cowley to the Duke of Norfolk.|
|Titus B. xi.,
Ellis, 2nd S. ii.
|As one of the Council here, considering the great treasure sent from England, the great revenues of the land, the infinite goods and chattels of those put to execution and of the religious houses suppressed, fines, &c., kine given by Irishmen for their offences, farms, customs, and other profits; and, on the other hand, the complaints of the soldiers, &c., that their wages are very little and are unpaid; has made search in the Exchequer to know the extent of the King's revenues, but no record could be found. Brabson, Treasurer of the Wars, and one Thos. Agard have received all the King's revenues and distributed them without making any of the Council privy. They are supposed to have gained 20,000 marks at least. They have complete control of everything, and never were seen so sharp receivers and so slow payers. A commission should be sent hither, or at least two commissioners, to repeal all leases made and to take a new survey. Every soldier covets three or four great farms to enrich himself, “passing not upon any service, pains, or feats of war, but lying in the heart of the country with his horse, horsekeeper, some two horses, and his wench for 10d. Irish a week, faring delicately, and yet making no payment.” They can find money to go gorgeously apparelled with their wenches and play dice, but not to pay the little 10d. a week. Thus the King's revenues are wasted and the country oppressed, never the tenth part so sore, the men of war subdued who should serve the King, and yet poor men going to the hostings with wallets in their necks are utterly undone. Yet divers of the army, not content to have their victuals carried at the expense of the poor “husbandes,” want more carts for their own use, &c. The constableships of the King's garrisons and manors are given to men who charge the King with more than the revenues of the same extend to, and keep not their number nor do their duties, but pillage the tenants and forestall the markets, to the undoing of the King's towns. They refuse to go to the field with the Deputy, and do little when enemies resort to them. One hundred English spears Northern on horseback, 100 archers and 100 gunners on horseback attending on the Deputy would do more good than all the 950 who lie in garrisons, some in towns by pretence of sickness, “and the horsemen not well horsed, lacking harness and weapons, many of them simple personages riding in pillions with an Irish dart, naked without any harness.”|
Thinks that whoever the King pleases to make Deputy should have a commission to hold a Parliament, which should repeal all leases made hitherto of the King's lands made during the last seven years, and cause a new survey to be made. Writes against himself to depart with his own farms for the King's profit, “trusting to have some farm of tithes or other scrapes for my poor house.” Brabson and Agard have taken up all the fruitful farms of the land and suffer no gentleman to have so much as a poor tithe to keep his house for his money, or a little park to keep his horses in for rent. Brabson has a brother, Rob. Brabson, who is constable of Carlingford, “having to his purse all the King's revenues there of customs, all the castle meeses of hering, lands, woods, and other profits, to the yearly value of 100l.; and over that 16 horsemen in the King's wages, and keepeth not his number, and lie widely to do any good exploit; and yet, not contented therewith,” he put David Sutton, a good gentleman who kept divers horsemen and footmen in his pay, out of the constableship of Kildare Castle, which he took upon himself in addition to that of Carlingford, 70 miles distant. He left no ordnance in Kildare, and O'Conor, hearing of it, entered the town and burned it, then rifled the castle of all the cattle sent there for refuge, when one handgun might have kept him out.
Thinks the remedy is for the King's Deputy to hold a Parliament and repeal leases made within seven years; that farms be discreetly parted among gentlemen, and constableships to those who will find sureties, dismissing from such charges that part of the army that take their pastimes in towns and let their castles be taken; “as one Dewke, constable of Castel Jordan, in the borders of O'Conor's country, this last week was passing time whiles the castle was taken, broken, and rifled, and the ward, like faint cowards, gave over the castle and rendered themselves prisoners to O'Conor, who had six halfhakes, a red pese, a passvolant, two hackbushes and a ship pese, with all their pellets, molds, and powder.” Also that the army should be diminished and be picked men; that for the better order of the King's revenues there be auditors, surveyors, and controllers upon the Treasurer and General Receiver; that goods and chattels due to the King be sold for his most profit; that all the revenues be entered on the rolls, &c., to avoid all “playing of Coll under the Candlestick or jugglings of the Kimg's revenues,” as heretofore; and that the receipts be secured in an iron coffer with four locks, of which four persons shall be appointed to have the keys. Also that commissioners be appointed to inquire of all extortions.
The Lord High Justice and the abp. of Dublin, in obedience to the Council's letters to them and me, seized the stuff of lord Leonard Grey, late the King's deputy, at Maynooth, whilst I seized that at St. Mary Abbey. Arlond Ussher confessed that he delivered a steel casket containing gold and divers sealed bags of money, which he had in keeping, to one Lewte. We expect to find more of his stuff, and so forbear to certify the inventories already taken.
The Lord Justice is camped beside Foure with the best band of the King's subjects ever seen in Ireland, 8,000 men, able to give battle to O'Brene, O'Nele, O'Downyll, and O'Conor, but lacking horsemen. These Irish captains boasted that they would meet at Fena beside Fower, but since O'Nele has received the King's pardon I think he will not stir, and Ric. Butler, Donogh O'Brene, and Callagh O'Karroyl will keep O'Brene in his own country. The Tooles and Kevanaghes have hindered us; but now we have a truce with them for six weeks, if it may be trusted. When the Lord Justice and the host have spent their victuals, no more general hosting can be made this year, the country is so beggared with holding horsemen, galloglas and kerne, carting and carriage, and finding meat and drink for the army, and yet if we relinquish our holdings we shall be in great peril. Please favour the bearer's suits. Dublin, 6 July.
Hol., pp. 6. Add. Endd.
||850. The Divorce from Anne of Cleves.|
|“The original depositions subscribed with the hands of such as here followeth.” The assertion of the King's Majesty. The depositions of the lord Chancellor, the lord of Canterbury, the duke of Norfolk, the duke of Suffolk, the earl of Southampton, the bp. of Durham; the duke of Suffolk; the earl of Southampton, lord Privy Seal; the lord Admiral; Sir Anthony Browne, Master of the Horse; Sir Thomas Hennege, Mr. Anthony Denny of the Privy Chamber; lord Cobham, Sir Thomas Wriothsley, one of the King's principal secretaries, Mr. Dr. Chamber, Mr. Dr. Butts, the ladies Rutland, Rochford and Egecomb, and the letter of the late lord Cromwell.|
Addition to the list at foot in another hand: “The Queen's lettre to the King and the Queen's lettre to her brother.”
In Tunstall's hand, p. 1.
||2. The deposition of Henry VIII., as in No. 825. Signed at the top: Henry R.|
Strype's (fn. 10) Eccl.
Mem. I. ii.
|3. The depositions of the lord Chancellor (lord Audeley of Walden), the abp. of Canterbury, the dukes of Norfolk and Suffolk, the earl of Southampton, and the bp. of Durham (Cuthbert Tunstall).|
That after the Queen was brought to Greenwich, at her first arrival, in order to ascertain whether such promises as were made for the clearing of the espousals or marriage between the Queen and the duke of Lorraine were performed, the King had put off the espousing of the Queen two days, and the same evening entered communication by his counsel with them that were her conductors as to “what they had brought in that matter”; who said they had brought nothing at all in writing. Yet at Windsor it was promised that the said espousals should be clearly put out of doubt; and thereupon Dr. Wotton, then resident at Cleves, was instructed to solicit the clearing thereof, “as he, brought forth before the ambassadors, avouched that he had done.” Yet the conductors of the Queen made a light matter of it, saying that it was done in their minority and had never after taken any effect. At which the King was marvellously discontent, and would have stayed the solemnization, but that the conductors of the Queen promised shortly after their return home to send such a discharge as should put all out of doubt. This promise not only have they not fulfilled, but they have sent such a writing for discharge (not being authentic) as puts the matter in much more doubt, “couching the words of that sort that th'espousals by them spoken of to have been made long ago may be taken for espousals not only de futuro but also de presenti.” Thus “it appeareth plainly the King's marriage not to be cleared as was promised, but to remain more intrykyd, and the condition of the clearing thereof, put always thereunto by the King's Majesty, not to be fulfilled in any wise by them that so promised.”
Signed: Thomas Audeley, Chauncellor: T. Cantuariensis: T. Norfolk: Charlys Soffolke: W. Southampton: Cuthbert Duresme.
In Tunstall's hand, pp. 3.
|4. The deposition of the duke of Suffolk, lord Great Master.|
In the beginning of the treaty he noted specially that the King constantly affirmed that he would do nothing in the matter of the marriage unless the precontract between the lady Anne of Cleves and the marquis of Lorraine were first cleared. Whereupon the commissioners of the dukes of Saxe and Cleves promised on her coming to England to bring the full and evident clearing thereof, which they did not. The King, not content to be so handled, and as earnest as before to have that matter cleared, deferred the solemnization from Sunday until Tuesday “to compass the end; wherein, the earl of Essex travailed with the King's Highness apart, and so that matter passed over.” He saw that the King liked not the Queen's person, and thought that the King “would have been glad if the solemnization might then to the world have been disappointed, without note of breach of his Highness's behalf.” Signed.
|5. The deposition of the earl of Southampton, lord Privy Seal.|
That, when admiral, he received the Queen at Calais. Upon first sight of her, considering it was no time to dispraise her whom so many had by reports and painting so much extolled, he did by his letters much praise her and was very sorry to perceive the King, upon sight of her, so to mislike her person. The earl of Essex laid sore to his charge that he had so much “praised the Queen by his letters from Calais” and declared his intention to turn the King's miscontentment upon him. He answered he thought his praise to good purpose if he could have done any good by it, the matter being so far passed. He was sorry to see the King proceed so coldly with the marriage, the solemnization being deferred from Sunday to Tuesday, “and much fault found for the clearing of the precontract and want of a commission;” the ending of which controversy the earl of Essex, repairing secretly to the King, did procure; but what he said to the King the Earl cannot tell. That, eight days after the marriage, the earl of Essex told him that “the Queen was then a maid for the King's Highness,” who had no affection for her; and a little before Easter the King declared to him that the marriage had not been consummated. Signed.
|6. The deposition of lord Russell, lord Admiral.|
That he saw the King at his first view of the Queen at Rochester marvellously astonished and abashed. And the next day the King asked him if he thought the woman so fair and of such beauty as report had been made of her; to which he answered that he took her not for fair but to be of a brown complexion; and the King said, “Alas, whom should men trust? I promise you I see no such thing in her as hath been showed unto me of her, and am ashamed that men hath so praised her as they have done, and I like her not.” I saw his Highness was sore troubled at the time. All which matter he told to Sir Anthony Browne, who declared that the King had shewed the like to him. Signed: J. Russell, L. A.
|7. The deposition of Sir Anthony Browne, Master of the Horse.|
That being sent to the Queen at Rochester by the King on new year's day with a message that he had brought her a new years' gift, he was never more dismayed in all his life to see the lady so far unlike that which was reported; but on his return he said nothing of this to the King; nor durst not. When the King entered to embrace and kiss her, he noted on his countenance a discontentment and misliking of her person, and the King tarried not to speak with her twenty words. The King that night deferred sending the presents that he had prepared for her, viz., a partlet furred with sables and sable skins for her neck, with a muffler furred and a cap, but sent them in the morning by Sir Anthony with a cold message. When returning from Rochester to Greenwich in his barge, the King said to him very sadly and pensively, “I see nothing in this woman as men report of her, and I marvel that wise men would make such report as they have done.” At which he was abashed, fearing for his brother, the earl of Southampton, who had written in her praise.
That lady Browne, his wife, departed, who was appointed to wait upon the Queen, told him before the marriage how she saw in the Queen such fashion and manner of bringing up so gross that in her judgment the King should never heartily love her. That on the evening before the marriage he heard the King say he had a great yoke to enter into, and the next morning the King prepared himself so slackly for chapel that he showed he went to do an act to which he was not moved by his entire and hearty consent, and said to the earl of Essex some words which seemed to mean that “he must needs.”
By the King's behaviour before and after the marriage he judgeth that the King did never in his heart favour the lady to marry her if outward respects had not enforced him to that act. Signed: Antone Browne.
|8. The deposition of Sir Thomas Hennage, knight.|
Ever since the King saw the Queen he had never liked her; and said as often as he went to bed to her, he mistrusted the Queen's virginity, by reason of the looseness of her breasts and other tokens; and the marriage had never been consummated. Signed.
|9. The deposition of Master Anthony Denny, gentleman of the King's Chamber.|
That he had continually praised the Queen to the King, who did not approve such praises, “but said ever she was no such as she was praised for,” and afterwards upon continual praisings the King told him, as a confidential servant, that he could not induce himself to have affection for her, for she was not as reported and had her breasts so slack and other parts of her body in such sort, that he suspected her virginity, and that he could never consummate the marriage. In reply he lamented the state of princes to be far worse than that of poor men who could choose for themselves. This communication, he thinks, was before Lent; and the King has since said things to the same effect. Signed.
|10. The deposition of lord Cobham.|
That the younger Palant, at his being here, said to him that he was sorry to see the King's Majesty, being so virtuous a prince, enter this matrimony, (fn. 11) for the papists had sued a dispensation to make it good against a former contract, which he thought if his Majesty knew he would not enter it for any worldly good, because he thought it contrary to the laws of God. Westm., July 6, 32 Hen. VIII. Signed: George Cobham.
In Wriothesley's hand, p. 1.
|11. Deposition of Sir Thomas Wriothesley, one of the King's principal secretaries.|
Detailing two conversations he had with lord Cromwell [the earl of Essex] in June last. On June 6th or 7th, when lord Cromwell came home to Austin Friars from the Court, he told him (Sir T.) that one thing rested in his head which troubled him, that the King liked not the Queen, nor did ever like her from the beginning, and that the marriage had not been consummated. He (Sir T.) said he thought some way might be devised to relieve the King, to which lord Cromwell answered that it was a great matter. The next day he asked lord Cromwell to devise some way for the relief of the King, for if he remained in this grief and trouble, they should all one day smart for it. To which lord Cromwell answered that it was true, but that it was a great matter. “Marry,” said Sir T., “I grant, but let the remedy be searched for.” “Well,” said lord Cromwell, and then brake off from him. Signed.
Hol., pp. 2.
|12. The deposition of Master Doctor Chambre.|
His evidence as to the nonconsummation of the marriage. Signed: John Chamber.
|13. The deposition of Master Doctor Buttes.|
His evidence as to the nonconsummation of the marriage. Signed: W. Butt.
|14. The depositions of ladies Rutland, Rochford, and Edgecombe.|
“Such communication as was between the Queen's grace and the ladies of Rutland, Rochford, and Edgcomb, the Tuesday or Wednesday before midsummer day last at Wyssmestre.”
To the effect that the Queen had confessed to them the nonconsummation of the marriage. Signed: Elynor Rutland: Jane Rocheford: Kateryne Egecombe.
||851. Sir Ant. St. Leger.|
Appointed Deputy of Ireland. See Grants in July, No. 31.
||852. Lord Lisle.|
||Indenture of receipt by lord Maltravers from Robt. earl of Sussex and Sir John Gage, commissioners of the town and marches of Calais, Sir Edw. Ringely, comptroller, and Thos. Fowler, of plate, &c., specified in a schedule annexed, in the house late held by lord Lisle in this town. 7 July, 32 Hen. VIII. Signed.|
ii. The Schedule.
The Chapel:—5 plain altar cloths, a little table of the crucifix embroidered, a vestment of blue velvet with a gold cross, others of crimson velvet, camlet and fustian, altar embroidered with Burchiers knots, a little table of Our Lady, &c. The Ewery:—18 table cloths, towels, window and cupboard cloths, napkins, some late lord Barners' candlesticks, an old carved chest, 3 torches, 11 quarriers, &c. The Buttery and Pantry: —2 coverdpaynes, one wrought with gold, the other with silk, a case of old carving knives, the hefts of mother of pearl and silver, 3 doz. and 10 tin plates, 10 leather cans, &c. The Kitchen:—Pots, skillets, a rack for fish days, pewter chargers, plates, &c. The Great Parlour:—Tapestry, cushions, Turkey carpets, an old cushion embroidered with Burchiers knots, a joined chair and stools, a cupboard, andirons, a wicker screen, &c The Great Chamber:—6 pieces of tapestry, a low stool and chair of crimson velvet, a form, 2 pictures, &c.; in the closet, 30 glasses and 6 gallipots. My Lord's Chamber:—Tapestry, 4 new Turkey carpets for cupboards, a field bedstead of wainscot, a tester and ceiller paned with cloth of gold and crimson satin, embroidered, a quilt of blue and red sarcenett, bedding, fireirons, &c. In the Chamber within that:—A truckle bedstead, a coverlet of tapestry, a pair blankets of “flamyn,” “a close stole for a jaques,” a pair of crepers of iron, &c. The Grooms' Chamber:—66 pairs of sheets, cupboard and board cloths, towels, 3 albes and amices and cushions, and other linen. The First Garderobe:—Carpets and cushions of needle work and crewel, 2 altar cloths of yellow sarcenet, a Flanders chair, a stained cloth of the pictures of the Emperor and Empress, a forest bill, a fire-pan, &c. In the counter there, a vestment of black velvet, 2 swords, a handgun of 3 charges, a head piece covered with black velvet, a pair of tables. The Second Wardrobe:—12 masking gowns with hoods and caps of buckram, and visors, &c. The Third Wardrobe: Bedding, carpets, &c. The Nursery:—A very old worn hanging, a Turkey carpet, a table with a foot, a folding trestle, and 2 forms. The Gentlewoman's Chamber:—A field bedstead and 2 truckle bedsteads, bedding, curtains, &c. My Lady's Dining Chamber: —Tapestry, a Turkey carpet for the Board, carpets for the cupboard and window, a chair covered with crimson velvet, 6 joined stools, a form, a painted cloth of “Ollyfernus,” 28 cushions, a long table with trestles, &c. The little chamber there:—A trussing coffer, a battle axe, hangings of green say, &c. My Lady's Chamber:—9 pieces of tapestry, a field bedstead, tester and ceiller of tawny velvet and blue satin, 5 curtains and a quilt of blue and tawny sarcenet, a pair of fustian blankets, a feather bed and bolster, a quilt and mattress, 2 pillows, 2 old Turkey carpets, a cushion of satin of Bruges, embroidered a cupboard, a piece of tapestry thereupon, a Flanders chair, a cushion of old cloth of gold for the pallet, a coverlet, a pair of blankets, a feather bed and bolster, a pair of crepers of iron, 9 little stools, cloth of tissue, tynsyn, crimson satin, crimson velvet, needle work with crewel, and red cloth embroidered, 4 red carpets with blue crewel, a banker of verdure. The Maidens' Chamber: —Hanging of red say, a field bedstead and bedding, a great bason of latten, and 4 chamber basons of tin. Goodryke's Chamber:—A chair with bolts of latten, 2 field bedsteads, &c. Nicholas Luson's Chamber:—Tapestry and carpets, 2 bedsteads, a Flanders chair, &c. James Luson's Chamber:—A cupboard, carpets, bedstead, &c. The next chamber.—A Flanders chair, bedsteads, bedding, &c. The Storehouse:—Kettles, pots, pans, &c., a “hallowater stok” of latten, a somter saddle, a bottell saddle, a round table with a foot, a “skryne,” 3 spits. The Chaundry:—A pan, a pot, a trivet, a pair of balances with 4 weights. The Armoury:—A complete harness for a spear with a mace, a harness for an archer on horseback, for footmen 62 harnesses complete lacking 29 standards of mail, 18 pair of harnesses, foul, 15 sheaves of arrows, 6 halberds, 4 bills, 3 long bows. The Stillinghouse:—2 stillatories. The Bakehouse:—A boulting fatt, 3 troughs with covers, a moulding board. The Laundry:—A brass chauffre, 2 postnetts, a mortar and pestle, &c.
Gilt Plate:—2 pots, 118 oz., 6 bowls, 206 oz., standing cups having on the covers a man with a halberd, a lion, a rose, a ring in a libbarde's mouth, a point like a diamond, a George, a portcullis H. and a crown, H. and R. crowned, a small rose, a rose and a pomgarnerd, a flower enamelled, a white rose in a red, a mulberry; pots with, on the covers, an antique knop, 3 rests, a lion; salts, one with lord Barners' arms, a broken salt full of arms, a small salt with a stone called an amatist, a chalice, a pixe, 2 cruets, a paxe, a bell, a casting botell, a bason with a cover of a saye, 2 doz. spoons, and a spice spoon with a fork on the end. Parcel Gilt:—Pots and goblets, holy water stock and sprinkle, basons and ewers with falcon and fetterlock, arms, and with a flower, candlesticks, and spoons. White Plate:—5 spoons, 6 oz., a chafing dish, a shaving bason, an ewer, candlesticks, snuffers and vices, 12 trenchers with Bowsers knots, 6 beer cups, a silver seal, late the Friars', broken, 2 platters, and 12 dishes, the edges gilt.
Signed: H. Mawtravers.
||853. Lord Lisle.|
||Inventory of lord Lysley's goods, taken by Sir Edw. Ryngeley, Comptroller of Calais, and Robt. Fowler, vice-treasurer, by commandment of the earl of Sussex, showing how different portions have been disposed of.|
Plate.—The plate is that included in No. 852, with the exception of a pair of flagons, which the earl of Sussex has.
Gold.—A spoon of crown gold with a pearl, a little wedge of base gold, a cruse with a silver cover, in the yellow painted coffer in the Exchequer.
Jewels.—A great chain for a girdle, 3 girdles of goldsmith's work, and 1 of pearl and goldsmith's work. A chain with 198 links; another of gold, black enamelled, 282 links. Pairs of beads, viz., of amytazes and gold, containing 6 sets; of granardes, gawded with gold; of pearl and gold; of gold, white and black enamel, 8 sets, lacking one stone, with eight gawdys; a little chain; a pair of beads, called French beanes, with 10 gawdys of gold. In a black desk in the Exchequer.
A gold hawthorn, with 20 diamonds; a gold rose, with four diamonds and three pearls 5 tablets of sundry fashions, a gold thimble, rings with turkases, saphire, emerald and rubies. A little toune of gold. 4 bunches of cramp rings. Many pieces of goldsmith's work and pearls upon “abylymentes.” Gold aglets and goldsmith's work and pearls upon sleeves of cloth of gold and other stuffs. 4 pair of gold clasps, upon velvet parteletts. 18 gold buttons. A piece of silver of antique work. In the Exchequer.
The Chapel.—A front for an altar of cloth of gold, paynyd with crimson velvet. Mr. Scryven and Mr. Bennet, the rest to the lord Deputy. (fn. 12) A pair of organs. Mr. Portar.
The ewery, buttery and pantry, cellar, kitchen, and vault. All to the lord Deputy.
Wheat in the garner, to London, the keeper of the place.
Fish divided among the earl of Sussex, lady Lysley, lord Deputy, Mr. Comptroller, and Bound.
The chaundry and spicery, to the lord Deputy, except some prunes and raisins to Mr. Comptroller. The great parlour and great chamber, my Lord's chamber. To the lord Deputy, except a trussing coffer, with the writings which were in my Lord's closet, and “the crwell that in the closet in the great chamber.”
The groom's chamber. To the lord Deputy.
The first wardrobe, lord Lysley's gowns, tawny caffa damask, faced with black cony, black satin, garded with black velvet, the fore quarter embroidered with jenetts, the rest gray cony; his Parliament robe; a night petticoat of white; a cloth of Arras gold and silk, of the story of St. Luke; an old fur of pampilion, &c. Some of them at Olyver Skynner's.
In a little Sypers chest. 10 lyzard furs, whereof the earl of Sussex has two. A taffata cloak, which lady Lysley has. Among lady Lysley's dresses are the following:—Gowns of black satin lined with buckram; tawny velvet, black velvet, lined with white taffata and turned up with powder armyns; black velvet, furred with mynyver, faced with powder armyns; black velvet, furred with boge and turned up with pampilyon; black satin furred with mynyver and turned up with powder armyns. Kirtles of cloth of gold, tynsen, black velvet, tawny satin, tawny velvet, purple velvet, &c. Night gowns of black satin, black damask, and tawny damask. A scarlet petticoat, a buckram cloak case, a pillion cloth, guarded with velvet, and foot cloth of black velvet. Certain vestments, some embroidered with stars and angels, to Mr. Skryven and Mr. Benet. A coat armour, a desk of coffyns, a cradle covered with red cloth, my lady's saddle, with pommel, copper and gilt, a hand-gun, &c. The second and third wardrobes (except some coverlets, vestments, &c. to Screvyn, Benet, and Mr. Porter), the nursery, the gentlewoman's chamber, my Lady's dining chamber, my Lady's chamber (a great Bible to Sir Oliver), the maiden's chamber (a roll of silk to Thos. Meladye), and the chamber next that, to the lord Deputy. In the flat trussing coffer there are frontlets of gold and crimson velvet, sleeves, partletts, bonnets, placards for gowns, &c.: in the Exchequer, delivered to Oliver Skynner. In a painted coffer, abylymentes and creppyns. In a little square coffer, “tryfles and conceites.” The chambers of Henry Goodryckes, Nic. and James Lewson, the next chamber, and the storehouse, to the lord Deputy. The armoury, a complete harness for my Lord, lacking a standard, to Mr. Comptroller; harness for an archer, to Bayly's widow; the rest to the Deputy. Stilling house, bakehouse, and laundry, to the Deputy.
The stable. A bay gelding and gray jenett, a velvet harness of my Lord's, with bars of copper and gilt, and saddle guarded with velvet, to the earl of Sussex. A black jenet, 14s.; a gray gelding, 53s. 4d., to the Deputy; 2 carts and horses, 20s. and 13s. 4d., to Mr. Comptroller; a great bay horse, with a “styll” (steel) saddle and harness, with bars, 5l., to G. Gaynesford, by the earl of Sussex's command; a gray and a white gelding at grass, 2 velvet harnesses of my lady's, with bits and gilt bosses, and other harness, some of Naples.
The poultry. A great cage of quails, and 17 brwes, to the earl of Sussex; 13 hernes to Kinderdale's wife.
The farm. Hangings, table and furniture and utensils in the hall, the parlour, the buttery, the kitchen, the milkhouse, the little chamber by the kitchen, and the loft over it. The cheese house, the little chamber by the parlour. The stable and the “barkery.” The cattle are a bull and 16 cows, 3 mares, 2 horse and 3 mare colts, 23 ewes and a lamb, 2 boars, and 4 sows.
Signatures (copied) in several places; Edwarde Ryngeley—Thomas Eowler.
||854. Baron George ab Heideck to Henry VIII.|
St. P. viii.,
|Has spoken to the Marquis Joachim, as he promised on leaving the King. Told him the King was striving for prosperity to the Roman empire and Germany. He will send an ambassador, knowing that the King's recent marriage connects them.|
The Princes and delegates in Hagenau refuse to consent to anything, desiring a universal diet. The Emperor is scraping together money in Low Germany. The Pope exhorts him to grant no change in religion. Neuburg, 7 July, A.D., &c., xxxx. Signed.
Lat., p. 1. Add. Sealed. Endd.
||855. Delegates of the Hanse Towns and Senate of Lubeck to Henry VIII.|
St. P. viii.,
|Hear from their merchants in England that certain Englishmen complain that the people of Dantzic (Gedanenses) endeavour to prevent the English buying wares in their town from foreign merchants, and the Council desires them to urge those of Dantzic to remove this prohibition. Have dealt in the matter with Sir John a Vuerden, who represents Dantzic here, and find that is the ancient custom since the founding of the city. If the English can prove any privilege it will be allowed to them. Lubeck, 7 July anno xl.|
Lat. Vellum. Add.
||2. English translation of the above.|
Pp. 5. Endd.
||3. Another translation.|
Pp. 3. Endd.
||856. Marillac to Francis I.|
|London, 8 July:—Yesterday morning, although he had been the previous day at Court, he was summoned for a fixed hour and likewise was the Emperor's ambassador. And knowing nothing of one another and still less of the occasion of their coming, they were, he first and the writer after, led into the chamber of the Privy Council. There in the presence of the principal ministers, the bp. of Durham, called Tonstalus, rather renowned among men of learning, made to each separately a harangue in Latin to the effect that the estates of England assembled in Parliament had delivered a supplication to this King, in which were mentioned certain causes of impeachment against the marriage celebrated six months ago between this King and Anne of Cleves, and he was desired, for the sake of truth, repose of his successors, and the prevention of any future contest for the Crown among his heirs, to be pleased to examine by Parliament if the said causes were legitimate to annul the said marriage. To this the King had felt bound to listen; and he informed the ambassadors in order that they might write the truth and not merely popular reports.|
Replied in the same language that he was not so rash as to mention the names of kings without the greatest discretion, still less to write news of such consequence without good authority, especially when the honour of kings might be hurt by it, which ought to be treated with all religion and reverence. Thanked them for the information, and offered to give them the copy of what he should write; which they graciously refused, being assured he would write nothing but the truth. The bearer should have gone with this at once, but the passages were closed for two days; because those here thought best to inform their ambassadors before this information was given by others.
French. Modern transcript, pp. 3.
||857. M. [Countess dowager] of Ormond and Ossory to Henry VIII.|
St. P., iii.,
|Like as her late husband delighted to provide his Majesty pleasures in this land, she feels it her duty to do, and therefore sends by bearer two goshawks. Waterford, 8 July. Signed.|
||858. James of Desmond to Ormond.|
St. P., iii.
|Has had much ado to stay O'Brien from doing hurts. Desires him to obtain the King's favour to Desmond. At the Marter, 8 July. Signed.|
||859. The English in Spain.|
||Reply of Wm. Ostrych, governor, and the English nation in Andaluzia assembled at San Lucar, 8 July 1540, to Roger Basynge, of the King's household concerning complaints of illtreatment of the English by the Emperor's subjects, whereof he presented a book made by Thos. Pery of London.|
Article I. concerning Pery's imprisonment is true by the credible report of Ph. Kydwar, Wm. East, Thos. Edwardes, and Edw. Deakyn, who were present. Can say nothing as to the remainder of the articles, for it passed in the castle of Tryana, in the presence only of the fathers of the Inquisition and their officers. Believe it to be true, as the subjects of the Emperor do not let to dishonour the King, calling him a heretic and Lutheran. If any of his subjects say he is a good Christian man they are imprisoned, their goods lost for ever, and their lives in danger. Other merchants, prisoners with Pery, were present when he was tormented. The last article is true, by public fame. Pery is a man of honesty. He has long demanded copy of the whole process, but cannot obtain it.
All English trading here are in fear of the fathers of the Inquisition. The people have little communication but to demand if the King has returned to the opinion of Holy Church or is still a heretic and Lutheran; and if they reply that he is a Christian they are accused to the Inquisition, cruelly imprisoned, and their goods forfeited. Four or five Englishmen remain in prison. The Inquisition have made search in Cyvill, Peres, Saint Lucar and elsewhere for divers English merchants. Some of them who are in England are afraid to return. Trade suffers in consequence. The Inquisition make those examined accuse others; and ask them whether they think the King a good Christian, and that he does well to pull down monasteries and put the religious to death.
Signatures (fn. 13) (copied) of Wm. Ostrych, governor, Thos. Harrysson, John Swetyng, Wm. Folwode, John Fylde, John Bedyll, Geo. Maister, Edw. Lewys, Wm. Wylfort (Wyllforde), Thos. Kingman, Thos. Wylston (Wylson), Robt. Howt (Hunte), Thos. Redley (Rydley), John Lonnor (Lomnor), Water Fraunceis, Nicholas Rochell (Rashall), John Augustyn, Nicholas Saterley, Blase Saunders, Wm. Redstone (Rudstonde), Ric. Hore, Nic. Skyres, Wm. Merycke, Nic. Lawforde, Chr. Swthearke (Sowthwourkes).
Copy. Pp. 5.
||2. Another copy, the names of the signatories being very differently spelled.|
||860. Anne of Cleves.|
|Record of the process of nullity of the marriage of Henry VIII. and Anne of Cleves.|
On Wednesday, 7 July 1540, 32 Hen. VIII., in the chapter house of St. Peter's, Westminster, present, Thomas abp. of Canterbury, Edw. abp. of York, Edm. bp. of London, Cuthb. bp. of Durham, Steph. bp. of Winchester, John bp. of Lincoln, Robt. bp. of Carlisle, Wm. bp. of St. David's, Robt. bp. of Llandaff, John bp. of Hereford, John bp. of Worcester, Robt. bp. of St. Asaph, Nich. bp. of Rochester, and John bp. of Bangor; Ric. Gwent, archd. of London, official of the Court of Canterbury and prolocutor of the lower house of the Convocation of Canterbury; Thos. Thirleby, LL.D., archd. of Ely and bp. designate of Westminster; deans John Incent of St. Paul's, Peter Vannes of Sarum, John Taylor of Lincoln, Hen. Williams of Lichfield, Simon Haynes of Exeter, and Ric. Layton of York; archdeacons Edm. Cranmer of Canterbury, Ric. Rawson of Essex, Ric. Coren of Colchester and Oxford, Thos. Baugh of Surrey, Maur. Griffith of Rochester, John Worthiall of Chichester, Polydor Virgilius of Wells, Ric. Street of Derby, David Poole of Salop, Thos. Wynter of Cornwall, Geo. Heneage of Taunton, Griffin Leyson of Caermarthen, Thos. Runcorne of Bangor, Thos. Westby of York, Thos. Magnus of East Riding, John Langrihe (sic) of Cleveland, Robt. Davel of Northumberland, Wm. Holgill of Carlisle, and a multitude of the clergy of both provinces. Ric. Gwent presented the King's letters of commission under the Great Seal addressed to the archbishops and clergy, which were then read by Ant. Husey, notary public, in presence of Thos. Argall, notary public. The clergy decreed to proceed upon the commission. The bp. of Winchester then explained the causes of the nullity of the marriage of the King and lady Anne of Cleves in a lucid speech. For convenience it was decreed that the two Archbishops, the bps. of London, Durham, Winchester, and Worcester, and Ric. Gwent, Thos. Thirleby, Thos. Incent, Edw. Leighton, and Thos. Robertson, Ric. Layton, and Wm. Ryvett, doctors of Theology and Law, and Thos. Magnus, archd. of the East Riding, should receive and weigh all the evidences in the case and explain them to the Convocation. This done, the clergy of the lower house departed, all except the Prolocutor, the elect of Westminster, the deans of York and St. Paul's, Leighton, Robertson, Magnus and Ryvet. Subsequently the bishops and these said eight men agreed that the bishops of Durham and Winchester, the Prolocutor, the elect of Westminster, and the dean of York should take the depositions of witnesses. Convocation was then prorogued (continuata) by the archbishop of Canterbury until next day between the hours of 6 a.m. and 8 a.m.
This done, the bps. of Durham and Winchester, the Prolocutor, elect of Westminster, and dean of York, in presence of the “said” prothonotary and of John Rheseus and Ant. Husey, notaries public, between 1 and 6 p.m., went to the King's palace near Westminster, and there took the depositions, as witnesses in the case, of Thos. lord Audeley, Chancellor, Thos. duke of Norfolk, Charles duke of Suffolk, Wm. earl of Southampton, Privy Seal, John lord Russell, Great Admiral, Sir Ant. Browne, master of the Horse, knights of the Garter; and of George lord Cobham, Sir Thos. Henneage, Sir Thos. Wryothesley, King's secretary, Ant. Denny, and Wm. Butt, M.D. All of these made their depositions upon oath, as contained in schedules signed with their hands, which the bishops, &c., received and retained. Afterwards they took the deposition of John Chamber, M.D., at his house in Canon Rowe, as contained in a schedule left with the elect of Westminster. Next day, Thursday, Philip Hoby, gentleman, made his deposition in the vestibule of the chapter house of Westminster, before Thos. elect of Westminster and Ant. Husey. The same day the Convocation reassembled, and, in the presence of the prothonotary and the other notaries, it was agreed to add John Tregonwell, John Olyver, Wm. Petre, and John Hughes, doctors of laws, to the aforenamed eight men, and the bp. of Winchester presented the schedules of depositions, which they discussed among themselves. The abp. of Canterbury prorogued the rest of the Convocation until 3 p.m. the same day.
At which hour it was agreed in full Convocation that the King and Anne of Cleves were nowise bound by the marriage solemnised between them, and it was decreed to send letters testimonial of this to the King, the drawing up which was committed to the archbishops and bishops and the twelve men above named, and the Convocation was prorogued until 8 a.m. on Friday. At that hour the Convocation met, and, after discussion, was prorogued until 3 p.m. the same day, when, after much discussion, the letters testimonial, containing the judgment of the nullity of the marriage, made on parchment in the form of a public instrument, was subscribed with their names and signed and sealed by the prothonotary, &c., and sealed by the remembrancers of the archbishops, witnessed by Tregonwell, Olyver, Petre, and Hughes.
||ii. Tenor of the letters testimonial.|
The clergy of both provinces have received the King's commission (recited), dated Westm., 6 July 32 Hen. VIII. After mature deliberation, they have found the marriage null by reason of a precontract between lady Anne and the marquis of Lorraine, that it was unwillingly entered into and never consummated, and that the King is at liberty to marry another woman, and likewise the lady Anne free to marry. Westm., 9 July 1540.
||861. Anne of Cleves.|
S. P. i. 629,
|Judgment of the united Convocations of both Provinces declaring the nullity of the King's marriage with Anne of Cleves (as in No. 860, § ii.), Westm., 9 July 1540. Signed by the abps. of Canterbury and York, the bps. of London, Durham, Winchester, Lincoln, Exeter, (fn. 14) Ely, Norwich, (fn. 14) Coventry and Lichfield, (fn. 14) St. David's, St. Asaph, Llandaff, Salisbury, (fn. 14) Carlisle, Worcester, Hereford, Bangor, Rochester, and Thos. elect of Westminster. Also signed by Ric. Gwent, archd. of London “et cleri Cant. prolocutor”; Jo. Incent, LL.D., dean of London; Petrus Vannes, dean of Sarum and archd. of Worcester; John Tayler, dean of Lincoln; Hen. Williams, dean of Lichfield, Simon Heynes, dean of Exeter; “Johannes Thetforden, decanus Norwic. per procuratorem”; John Carvanell, dean of Warwick (fn. 15) ; John London, dean of Wallingford; Wm. Frankeleyn, dean of Windsor, (fn. 15) John Olyver, dean of the Royal College, Oxford; Gamaliel Clyfton, dean of Hereford (fn. 15) ; Wm. Fleshmonger, dean of Chichester (fn. 15) ; John Chambre, dean of St. Stephen's, Westminster, and archd. of Bedford; Edmund Cranmer, archd. of Canterbury; Ric. Coren, archd. of Colchester and Oxon; Wm. Knyght, archd. of Chester and Huntingdon (fn. 15) ; Ric. Rawson, archd. of Essex; Thos. Baghe, archd. of Surrey; Edw. Leyghton, archd. of Sarum; George Hennage, archd. of Taunton; Maurice Greffyth, arch. of Rochester; John Worthiall, archd. of Chichester; Polydorus Vergilius, archd. of Wells; Ric. Strete, archd. of Derby; David Poole, archd. of Salop; Thos. Wynterus, archd. of Cornwall; Griffinus Leyson, archd. of Caermarthen; Thos. Runcornus, archd. of Bangor; Geo. Wyndame, archd. of Norwich (fn. 15) ; Nic. Wotton, archd. of Gloucester (fn. 15) ; Thos. Breyrwode, archd. of Berston (fn. 15) ; “Geordius Carewe, arch. Totton” (fn. 15) ; Robt. Audley, archd. of Berks (fn. 15) ; Robt. Newton, archd. of Norfolk (fn. 15) ; Ric. Edon, archd. of Middlesex (fn. 15) ; John Blyth, archd. of Coventry (fn. 15) ; John Bothe, archd. of Herford; John Luntley, archd. of Cardigan; Ric. Sparchfurth, archd. of Salop (fn. 15) ; “Edwardus Darby, archius. Stowie (fn. 15) ”; Walt. Cretyng, archd. of Bath (fn. 15) ; John Reston, “procurator cap'li eccl'ie S'ci Pauli, London”; Matth. Wotton, Roger Edgeworth, D.D., John Worthiall, (fn. 16) Geo. Hennage, (fn. 17) Ralph Sneyde, Griff. Leyson, (fn. 17) John Broxolme, Chr. Neyvynson, Simon Matthew, Wm. Ryvett, Maurice Greffyth, (fn. 17) Robt. Jonson, John Incent, (fn. 17) Griffith Leyson, (fn. 17) Thos. Benett, Ric. Arche, Roland Taylor, Hen. Joliff, Wm. Busby, John Sanayge, (fn. 18) Ant. Draycot, Thos. Robertson, Thos. Thyrleby, “procur. Elien.,” Wm. Mey (fn. 19) , Ric. Strete, (fn. 17) David Poole, (fn. 17) Mauritius Birchinsha, Arth. Bulkeley, Hen. Morgan, Ant. Belassis, John Crayforde, Ant. Barker, John Cockys, Ric. Wade, Edw. Sopham, John Pilkyngton, Jas. Browne, Ric. Roberds, Paul Bushe, Hugh Glasyer, Wm. Burges, John Hood, Ric. Thornden, Wm. Marshall, Wm. Grene, Ric. Marsche, Hugh Raulins, Ric. Cox, Wm. Tresham, John Barbar, John Palsgrave, John Whytwell, Steph. Sagar, Th. Wakefelde, Ph. Brode, John Rudd, Gilb. Sanky, Thos. Sowthe (fn. 20) , Thos. Byrkhed, Hen. Markham, Th. Barfot, Geo. Hovy, Wm. Haynys, Thos. Whyte, Edw. Cromo, Robt. Talbot, Gerard Carleton, Hugh Aprice, LL.D., John Brikynden, Giles Eyre, Humph. Parkens, Thos. Baxster, Wm. Benson D., Dionisius Dolyon, Wm. Gwyn, Thos. Talley, Wm. Petre, John Rokeby, Ric. Liell, John Tregonwell, John Hughes, W. Cooke.|
Also by Ric. Layton, dean of York; Thos. Westbe, archd. of York; T. Magnus, archd. of East Riding; Wm. Knyght, archd. of Richmond; Ric. Langgrische, archd. of Cleveland; Cuthb. Marshal, archd. of Nottingham; Wm. Franklyne, archd. of Durham; Robt. Dawell, archd. of Northumberland; Wm. Holgill, archd. of Carlisle; Geoff. Downes, chancellor of York; Thos. Wynterus, (fn. 17) prepositus Beverlacensis; John Brandishe, Wm. Howghton, John Redmayn.
Notarial attestations by John Rheseus, notary public, LL.B., Ric. Watkyns, prothonotary “juris bachalaureus”; Ant. Huse, notary, of London diocese, and Thos. Argall, notary, of Winchester diocese.
||Parchment, pp. 13. Seal much broken.|
||ii. Modern copy, attached to the preceding, of Anne of Cleves' letter to her brother [See No. 898].|
|2. Notarial record of the trial of the marriage between Henry VIII. and Anne of Cleves, reciting the judgment of the Convocation dated 9 July, 32 Hen. VIII., the following depositions, etc., viz., (1) of Audeley, Cranmer, Norfolk, Suffolk, Southampton, and Tunstall, jointly, (2) of Suffolk, lord Great Master, (3) of Southampton, lord Privy Seal, (4) of the lord Admiral, (5) of lord Cobham, (6) of Sir Ant. Browne, master of the Horse, (7) of Sir Thos. Hennage, (8) of Mr. Ant. Denny, of the Privy Chamber, (9) of Sir Thos. Wriothesley, one of the King's principal secretaries, (10) of Dr. John Chamber, (11) of Dr. Butts, (12) the confession of Thos. Cromwell, earl of Essex, written at the Tower, Wednesday, 30 June, (13) deposition of the countess of Rutland, lady Rochford, and lady Katharine Egecombe, (14) the King's own declaration, and (15) three notarial instruments to the following effect, viz.:—|
i. A notarial instrument certifying that on Monday, 5 Jan. A.D. 1539, 31 Hen. VIII., at the royal manor of Greenwich in a chamber on the North side then occupied by Cromwell as Vicar-general, Hogesteden and Olisleger, ambassadors of Cleves, asserted that although an agreement had formerly been made between John, then duke of Juliers, and Anthony duke of Lorraine, by the mediation of Charles, late duke of Gueldres, by which Anne, daughter of the first-named duke, then a minor, was to marry Francis the Marquis, eldest son of the said duke of Lorraine, likewise a minor, when they came of age, yet afterwards, in presence of Hogesteden, Olisleger, and others, Henry de Groff, “advocatus in Erklens,” councillor and ambassador of the said duke Charles, declared the agreement null, as the same is noted in the archives of the Chancery of Cleves. And further, the said Hogesteden and Olisleger promised, jointly and severally, that they would procure authentic copies of the said denunciation and of the two agreements made by the duke of Lorraine and duke John, and transmit them to Henry VIII. within three months. Instruments drawn by Anth. Hussey and Rob. Johnson in presence of Cromwell, Cranmer, lord Awdeley of Walden, C., Will, earl of Southampton, Great Admiral, bp. Tunstall, Nic. Wotton, archdeacon of Gloucester in Worc, cathedral, John Olyver, LL.D., dean of the Royal College, Oxford, and Will. Peter, LL.D.
ii. Another drawn up at Greenwich in “the King's chamber of presence” on the North side of the manor looking towards the Thames, 6 Jan. 31 Hen. VIII., by which Hogesteden and Olisleger in their master's name and their own acknowledge Henry VIII. as a Catholic and Orthodox king unjustly dealt with by the Pope. Witnesses: the lord Chancellor, Norfolk, Suffolk, Cromwell, Southampton, Sussex, Tunstall, lord Russell, Sir W. Kyngeston, comptroller of the King's Hall, and Godsalve.
iii. Another dated 26 Feb. 1540 in presence of Will. duke of Cleves, showing that Wernherus ab Hohsteden and Henry Olisleger requested John ab Hoengen, named Wassemberg, the Duke's secretary and registrar, to produce the books of the archives or annals; from which it appeared that on the 15th Feb. 1535, one Henry de Chroiff, (fn. 21) “advocatus in Erklentz et preses in Hattom,” councillor of Charles, late duke of Gueldres, with Wilhelm van der Impell and a certain doctor, proposed some points touching the negociations between the said Charles and Anthony duke of Lorraine, and John, late duke of Cleves, parent of duke William, especially touching spousals between the elder son of Lorraine and Anne second daughter of the said John, to the effect that the said spousals were not to proceed further, which duke Charles was sorry for. Done in the presence of John Ghogroff, Chancellor, Elbertus Pallandus, marshal of Cleves, Sibertus a Ryswick præpositus Aldenzelens', et Clivensis, Wernheri ab Hoghsteden, aulæ præfectus, and Wessel a Loe, præses in Lymers', Henry Olisleger, doctors, and Roland Byland “nunc satrapæ in Ravenstein et Tingnagellis.”
Then some leaves further on it is noted that after, by commission of the said duke of Cleves, the said Elbertus Pallandus, the Marshal, had spoken further with duke Charles, he declared to the Duke's councillors that the Duke well knew that the spousals with lady Anne were of no effect. This answer of Paland was given in Duysberg on Saturday 17 April 1535 in presence of Ghogroff, Hoghsteden, Olisleger, and Wernher a Plettemberg, master of the Duke's stable. Done at Dusseldorp “in ducatu Monton.” (duchy of Berg) in presence of two witnesses named. Certified by Ric. Watkyns, Ant. Huse, and Thos. Argall, notaries.
Lat. Parchment, pp. 32.
|3. Another copy without the notarial attestations.|
Lat. Book in parchment of 34 pages. With marginal notes of a later date, some of them in lord Burleigh's handwriting.
||862. John Gostwick to Henry VIII.|
|“May it please your most excellent Majesty to be advertised, that I your most humble servant, John Gostewyk, have in my hands, which I treasured from time to time unknown unto the earl of Essex, which, if I had declared unto him, he would have caused me to disburse by commandment without warrant, as heretofore I have done,” 10,000l. I have to pay to Cornelius Hayes, upon two warrants for cramprings and plate had upon New Year's Day, 772l. 19s. 7d., and to John Myll in full payment of 800l., for the fortress of Casharde, 500l. “Item, to know your Majesty's pleasure” for the payment of 2,970l. 18s. 11d., being “the remainder of the Great Wardrobe” over and above 6,030l. 2s. 4d. paid already; likewise whether I shall continue to pay monthly 200l. for the works of the pier at Dover, and “the workmanship of your Majesty's tomb,” about 20l. monthly. Memorandum, paid lately to divers persons by command of the earl of Essex, as appears by a declaration remaining with the lord Privy Seal that now is, for my discharge, whereof I desire your Majesty's warrant, 15,828l. 12s.|
ii. “Money paid by virtue of your said Majesty's warrants since the apprehension of the earl of Essex,” viz.:—Wm. Whyte, for coats, conduct, and wages of 100 horsemen sent to Ireland, 200l.; Sir Ant. Saintleger, for certain soldiers, 1,000l.; Sir Edw. Carne, for his diets, sent to France, 50l.; Sir Edw. Wotton, for his diets, sent to Calais, 97l.; John Myll in part of payment of 800l. for the works at Calsharde, 300l.
iii. “Memorandum that there remained in the hands of John Gostwyk,” 8 July, in ready money, 10,000l. Whereof paid:—To Cornelis upon two warrants, 772l. 19s. 7d.; Mill, full payment of 800l., 500l.; Ric. Keys by a warrant, 600l.; Wm. Cholmeley, for provisions for the household of the lady Anne of Cleve, 500l.; Sir Ant. Saintleger, for paling, 20l.
“Memorandum to know the King's Majesty's pleasure” for payment of the rest of the Wardrobe, 2,970l. 18s. [11d.], and whether to deliver 2,000l. to Mill, of Southampton, for the works at East Cowe and West Cowe.
In Gostwick's hand, pp 4. Endd.: “A declaration of money in Gostwik's hand. ixo die Julii ao xxxijo.”
||863. Richard Pate to Henry VIII.|
St. P., viii.
|Received his letter on the 6th instant at midnight, and sent to Mons. de Grandveale to ask for audience of the Emperor, which was granted on the 8th. He asked what were the causes of the doubts of the King's marriage with the daughter of Cleves. Said that as the doubts took success by the laws of God, justly resolved, the King would make him partaker of them. The Emperor professed that the King would always find him his loving brother and very friend, according to the old accustomed amity. The result of these words was that the privy chamber standing round, at Pate's departure made him as great reverence as possible. Bruges, 9 July.|
Hol., p. 1. Add.
||864. Ric. Pate to the Duke of Norfolk.|
||All the ambassadors here believe there is amity begun between the Emperor and King of England, which makes them all to tremble. Not three hours before Pate's audience of the Emperor, in the suits for Englishmen in “frauldome” (thraldom) for crimes here, Mons. de Grandveale asked why the King took the duke of Cleves' part against the Emperor, touching the dukedom of Gueldres. Replied that he knew nothing of it, but if it were so, it was because the King thought him to have some just title. Grandveale answered that no prince in Christendom knew better than he the Emperor's right. Would not go further in the matter.|
Hears that the better part of one of the castles in the Sluce mentioned in his other letters, will be sent to Gaunt to help to build the same. We go hence on Monday or Tuesday for Zealand and Holland. Desires to be commended to the Lord Privy Seal. Bruges, 9 inst.
The Court marvel that we suffer so patiently the castle of Ardes to go forward. The Emperor has licensed his train to change their mourning. “His Majesty not a little praising the realm of England, for the pleasantness and benefits thereof, to such Italians and Spaniards that hath praised these his own countries upon like occasion and experience had of them since their access thereunto, as in mine opinion there is no plot of ground like it, all things considered.” Tade, the post, arrived yesterday toward my lord of Bath. Signed.
P. 1. Add. Endd.: 9 July.
||865. Henry VIII. to Ric. Pate.|
||In pursuance of last letters of the 4th, desires him to tell the Emperor that, in accordance with the request of Parliament on Tuesday last, the clergy began to examine the King's marriage on Wednesday morning, and this Saturday gave their judgment that, “the said marriage neither was at the beginning vailable, nor by any act done since is yet of that sort as doth bind us to continue the same, but leaveth us both in our former liberty.” If the Emperor asks the grounds, Pate may say that he does not yet know the specialties, but the clergy of England, being so many virtuous, learned, and grave persons, would determine nothing but on substantial grounds, which they can defend against the whole world. Desires to know his answer with diligence.|
Corrected draft, in Wriothesley's hand, pp. 3. Endd.: The mynute of the lettres to Mr. Pate, xmo Julii. There is an impression of the King's stamp on the back.
||866. Worcester Cathedral Priory.|
||Certificate, headed 10 July 32 Hen. VIII., by Sir Ric. Ryche, that a pension of 240l. is assigned to the suffragan of Bristol, late prior of Worcester; first payment at Christmas next.|
Hol., p. 1.
||867. The late Priory of Worcester.|
||Extract from the “roll of assignments” made by Robt. Sowthwell and others, the King's commissioners, showing that Hen. Holbech, D.D., bp. suffragan of Bristol, now guardian of the late altered monastery of Worcester, was assigned 266l. 13s. 4d. pension, with 8l. 13s. 4d. for commons and nine servants (named), 31l. 4s. Total, 306l. 10s. 8d. Certified by Robt Burgoyn.|
||868. Dr. Ric. Gwent to Mr. Wryght.|
||Gentle Mr. Wryght, the bearer, John Blakewell, was a monk in Worcester at the surrender of that monastery, before Mr. Southwell and other Commissioners, of whom I was one, and had 10l. pension assigned him. “Ita est. Ri. Gwent.”|
Hol., p. 1.
||869. The Same to the Same.|
||Similar certificate that the following were monks in Worcester and had pensions assigned as follows:—Wm. Hodyngton, Humph. Grafton, and Thos. Blocley, 8l. each; Wm. Bordesley, steward of household, 13l. 6s. 8d.; Barth. Stoke, 10l.|
Hol., p. 1.
||870. Wallop and Carne to Henry VIII.|
St. P. viii.
|Account of a conference with the Chancellor of the duke of Cleves, the Marshal, and Cruzerus, on Tuesday, the 6th, at a place called the Ave Maria.|
Carne having told them that he was sent over to further their affairs, they said their charge was to treat of a marriage between the Duke their master and the king of Navarre's daughter, and of a defensive league with the French king, to both of which the French king was conformable, and the queen of Navarre to the marriage, though she did not wish to show it, that the King might do the more for her daughter. The conditions suggested were that they should have the daughter of Navarre's inheritance after her parents' decease, and that the French king and Duke should defend each other's dominions. There was no resolution come to yet between the Duke and Emperor, but the latter had offered the Duke the duchess of Milan if he would forego the duchy of Gueldres, which he refused to do; and then offered him the kingdom of Denmark after the King's death, as neither he nor the Count Palatine (by the Duchess's sister) had children, which also he refused. Then by means of the king of the Romans and the duke of Brunswick he had agreed to have his right and the Emperor's to the Duchy tried by law, but the Emperor wished to be judge, and the Duke would only consent to trial by the princes of Almain. Further overtures and objections. The matter is not yet settled. The Chancellor, in answer to Carne, said his master had a league defensive with the princes of Germany. Promised to help them with the French king.
On Wednesday, the 7th, rode to Court at Medowne, two leagues from Paris. While waiting to see the King, who was speaking to the bp. of Rome's ambassador, the Constable mentioned Cromwell's fall, saying that every honest man was much bound to God and Henry that Christendom should be dispatched of such a ribald, who thought to have my lady Mary in marriage.
Describe the interview. After warning Francis to see that the duke of Cleves cleared his pact with the duchess of Milan better than he had done his sister's with the duke of Lorraine's son, and speaking (details at length) to Francis about the marriage of the duke of Cleves with the daughter of Navarre, Karne began to say that Parliament had lately been considering the effusion of blood in times past in consequence of doubtful titles to the crown. “Even at that point the King said, O Jhesus, yl lenveay.” Told him the nobles and commons had accordingly petitioned the King to commit his marriage to the examination of the clergy; therewith the King said, “What, with the matrimony made with the Queen that now is? To whom I, Edward Karne, said ‘Yea.’ Then he fett a great sigh, and so spake no more.” Said the King hoped that Francis would not think he would do anything in the matter but according to justice and equity, and that he would show the part of a friend in case of any sinister reports. He replied that he would take no opinion of the King but as a loving brother and friend should do, and in this matter Henry's own conscience must be judge. He would weigh and consider as a friend what further happened, according to Henry's request.
On leaving the writers he spoke for a while with the Chancellor and cardinal of Tournon, and then departed with the Constable.
In the evening the ambassadors of Cleves came to hear the result of the interview, and were satisfied with the writers' report of it (detailed, omitting all reference to the marriage question in England).
The Court being at Lymowre, five leagues hence, where they intend to be by the time specified in the King's instructions, and the King engaged in pastime, ambassadors do not go there except on special business. Wallop has discovered that the interview of the bp. of Rome's ambassador with the French king was concerning the gift of spiritual promotions in Piedmont, which the King once promised that the said Bishop should have as in the Duke's time; but the King is now irritated because the Bishop's legate went first to that part of Piedmont which is in the Emperor's hands.
The bp. of Transilvania, ambassador from John king of Hungary, came hither, and is gone on to Flanders. Paris, 10 July. Signed.
Pp. 11. Add. Endd.
||871. Francis I. to Marillac.|
|Sends copy of a letter he writes to the King of England about Rochepot's affair, which he much desires to be finished; and orders Marillac to move in it. Paris, 10 July.|
French. Modern transcript, p. 1.