Henry VIII
April 1542, 11-20

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Institute of Historical Research

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James Gairdner and R. H. Brodie (editors)

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1900

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'Henry VIII: April 1542, 11-20', Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, Henry VIII, Volume 17: 1542 (1900), pp. 115-126. URL: http://www.british-history.ac.uk/report.aspx?compid=76648 Date accessed: 25 July 2014.


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April 1542, 11-20

12 April.
R. O. St. P., VIII. 708.
246. The Council to Paget.
The King has received his of the 3rd inst. He commands them to signify what has been done since last despatch. On Tuesday last, the Ambassador met the Commissioners, and said he had received letters from his master, who remained constant for this marriage, and, since his former demands were thought too great, would ask things more base, but marvelled that, in all these conferences, they made no offer at all. That he should have no ground to charge them with such silence, repeated their former offer in two parts, viz., 1st, that the King would give his daughter in marriage to the duke of Orleans, and, 2nd, that he would give her 200,000 crs. in dote; and asked what dower would be given in return. He made no direct answer, but desired an audience with the King, which was granted on "tenable" (Tenebrœ) Wednesday.
To the King he repeated his conference with the Commissioners, and, asking him to take in good part what he proposed, said his master would reduce his demand to the arrearages and the pension viagier, of 50,000 crs., leaving the pension perpetual. The King, in like manner asking the French King and him to take his answer in good part, said he marvelled at their demands, which appeared to be grounded rather upon an unreasonable desire of gain than upon friendship; there was great difference between marriage and amity, which was the ground to produce marriage; even when the Emperor and the French King were so great that all the world thought them one, he would not have agreed to such a demand, and much less would he do so now, unless he met with honest and friendly conditions; and therefore, if they would proceed, let them ask what was reasonable for the matter treated. The ambassador said this would augment the state of his daughter and Orleans. The King replied that he loved his daughter well, but himself and his own honor more; she was a king's daughter, as Orleans was a king's son, and she had but one boy between her and the inheritance (if upon contemplation of this match he so placed her), and therefore was "another manner of piece," and not to be asked with such unreasonable conditions. "Sir," quod he, "your Majesty offered us once large things by my lord of Norfolk, and were then content also to have joined with us in the war for Millayn." The King answered that he knew not what Norfolk offered, but he knew what he commanded him to offer; the French had one great fault, in that they ever told what was offered them, but never "wherefor" it was offered. With the overture to join with them for Milan it was demanded that they should relinquish the bp. of Rome and bind themselves, friend to friend and enemy to enemy; like overture was made to Pomerey for friend to friend and enemy to enemy, and they would none of it, and now if they repented, let them work more wisely. "Well, sir," quod the ambassador, "what shall I write to the King my master ?" "I shall," quod the King, "devise with my Council of this matter these holydays and then I shall give you further answer."
This Tuesday, "we, the lord Privy Seal, the bishops of Durham and Winchester and Sir Thomas Wriothesley met the said ambassador at Hampton Place," and gave him the King's answer, as follows :—1. He thanked his good brother for his affection, and was, for his part, of as good inclination again. 2. He was sorry the purpose could not take effect with the conditions proposed, for the demands were quite unequal and showed rather a desire of gain than an establishment of friendship. 3. He desired his good brother to consider "at what time these covenants were made, what bonds there be for the performing of them, and what benefit he and his have taken by them." 4. That, in times past, to attain these demands, other "manner of offers" were made at Boulogne, Calais, and, after, by Monsr. l'Admiral. 5. When the Emperor invaded Province, the French King took most gratefully the forbearing of the pension for certain months, as may be proved both by report and writing. 6. Considering the King's long forbearance of it notwithstanding his excessive charges in fortifying his realm and marches, the payment of a good piece of it now would be thankfully accepted. 7. Finally, although as affectionate to his good brother as one prince may be to another, and esteeming his daughter as beseems a good and kind father, he cannot, with honor, condescend to these unreasonable demands without some other reciproque than a bare marriage; and therefore let them ask reasonably for the marriage, and for the rest devise a reasonable reciproque.
The ambassador seemed doubtful what a reciproque meant, so they told him that the marriage weighed not so heavy as the things he demanded; a reasonable part should be asked for the marriage, and the rest paid or else some just recompense devised for it. The Commissioners afterwards, as of themselves, said they noted an unfriendly forgetfulness of things passed; for, although greater bonds could not be devised than were used at the conclusion of the perpetual peace and greater grounds for thankful repayment could not be, he seemed to make it less than ready money. Here he broke the tale, "which was devised longer, if he would have heard the whole," by saying he "could not abide to hear his master noted of ingratitude." Explained that it was not his master but himself that seemed to take the debt for paper rather than ready money; and dilated further the grounds of it. He then expounded his meaning by reference to his master's continual wars and "our full purse by reason of our quiet;" and they parted friendly.
All this is to be explained to the Admiral and to the French King or any of his Council who may speak of the matter.
Draft with corrections in Wriothesley's hand, pp. 36. Endd. : "Minute to Mr. Paget xijo Aprilis ao rr. H. VIIIi. xxxiijo."
Calig. E. IV. 89. B. M. 2. Original letter of which the preceding is the draft. Dated "Greinwiche the xijth daye of [April in] the xxxiijth yere of the Kinges Majesty's mo[st] prosperous reign." Signed by Suffolk, Southampton, Sussex, Hertford, Russell, Durham, Winchester, Westminster, Browne, Wingfield, Gage, Baker, Wriothesley, Sadleyr and Dacres.
Much injured by fire, pp. 11. Add. Endd. : From the King's Counsail, the xijth of April.
13 April.
R. O.
247. The Privy Council to Paget.
"Master Paget," albeit we have dispatched by your servant our whole conference with the French ambassador, whereby you may declare the truth to Mons. l'Admiral or others, yet as the said ambassador did gently offer to send by his post such letters as the King would write to you, we thought meet for his satisfaction to write you these few words. Be very vigilant how they take this advertisement, and, in your conference with the Admiral and otherwise, urge them to proceed roundly and without delay.
Corrected draft in Wriothesley's hand, pp. 2. Endd. : Minute to Mr. Paget, xiijo Aprilis 1542.
Calig. E. IV. 133. B. M. 2. Original letter of which the preceding is the draft. Dated London, 13 April. Signed by Southampton, Winchester and Wriothesley.
P. 1. Mutilated. Add. (on f. 135).
13 April.
R. O. Kaulek, 404. (The whole.)
248. Marillac to Francis I.
Since last instructions received by the bearer, (fn. 1) following Norfolk's parting counsel, between his meetings with the deputies for this marriage he took occasion to speak with this King. As the language held to him has been very divers, sometimes encouraging hope and sometimes the reverse, he writes the whole substance. To begin with the King; to get him to declare what parti he would make to his daughter, as the deputies had offered 200,000 cr. or 300,000 cr., and it rested with Marillac to continue the subject, made demand in accordance with his previous letters, save that, instead of speaking of the 50,000 cr., he demanded some aid for the recovery of Milan, and acquittance of the surplus due upon the treaty of 1525, in consideration of advantages to be granted to Orleans. As, at the outset, this King said the demand was excessive and unusual, Marillac graciously begged him to consider that, without his altering the decisions of his Parliament and entering further disputes with his people, the lady would be accepted if delivered as legitimate, and that he could marry her so high with only an acquittance of old debts most of which were left by Francis's predecessors. Reminded him, finally, of his honourable offers at Doullens, by Norfolk, and that if he meant to assist Francis to the recovery of Milan he ought the more readily to do so for his son-in-law, and the increase of his daughter's estate; still, that aid was left to his discretion, for if he knew Orleans he would certainly grant it of his own accord.
In reply he said some things which seem worthy to be weighed, as well for respect of this alliance as for other affairs which should have to be treated. In substance he said, after desiring that Francis would take his frankness in good part, that he found it strange that in this overture and alliance which tended to closer amity Francis should desire principally to be quit of him, as if wishing rather to be discharged than to enter into closer amity, adding that he would sooner grant what Francis required by another way, for the sole sake of friendship, than as his daughter's dot. Besides, knowing how much fathers were accustomed to give with their daughters, and that 300,000 cr. was formerly settled for this lady's marriage with the Dauphin, then duke of Orleans, he would have it considered that his daughter could do more for Orleans than Orleans for her, inasmuch as she had before her only the prince of Wales, "en si baseage qu'on peut estimer n'estre encores que rozee (?)" and he himself was old and resolved not to marry again. To that Marillac said that Orleans had likewise only one brother; but he replied that the Dauphin was married with hope of having children of this wife or another; repeating twice or thrice that if he thought Orleans should come to his brother's estate he would not hear of delivering his daughter to him, for he wished him for a son-in-law as duke of Orleans and not as Dauphin : the offers made by Norfolk were on condition of being friend to friend and enemy to enemy, which Francis would never accept, not expecting that he (Henry) would be able to aid him as much as he is. He returned always to the same point that to demand such great sums, and especially his life pension, only as dot seemed rather an overture to diminish their amity than to draw it closer.
Replied that Francis could think of no better way of perpetuating it than, by such an alliance, to make it pass from the fathers to the children. It proved his zeal for this alliance that when the Emperor's affairs were prosperous he never sought it, and never ratified the overtures made by Marillac privately ("par moy en qualité de prince et moy d'ambassadeur," qu. "par moy en qualité de privé et non d'ambassadeur" ?) until after the Emperor's rout at Algiers. And finally, if the demands seemed too great, although they were only for an acquittance, he should take it that this would give the Emperor no leisure to make himself monarch of Christendom, and the war would be not only for the lands he detained from Francis but also for the surety of England, against which the Emperor would turn his designs as soon as he agreed with Francis.
The conclusion was that he would declare his resolution in a few days. On the appointed day, which was the day before yesterday, the deputies being assembled, Winchester, speaking for all, after the customary prefaces of his master's affection, confirmed what the King had said, adding that the King was sorry he could not grant what Francis required, for his reputation would suffer if he bought the alliance so dearly and it would be thought that the great advantage obtained, rather than desire for closer amity, moved Francis to procure this marriage; it should be considered that at the time of the treaty of 1525, although they might have required reimbursements of their expenses in contributing to the Emperor's war against Francis and pretended that Francis was partly their prisoner, yet, for his deliverance, they demanded only what was clearly due; also that a more reasonable overture for this acquittance had formerly been made (the Admiral and the Chancellor would recollect when they came to Calais); that Francis should consider how his good brother had supported him by not demanding what was due, although there had been need of it, and still would be, to finish the fortifications now commenced; and that if Francis would pay a part of this debt it would both give pleasure and be a demonstration of true brotherhood, which would bind Henry to aid him in the future as in the past. After Marillac had replied as seemed best, which would be too long to write, the lord Privy Seal began to explain the last conception of his King, viz., that he would acquit a part of what was demanded, provided that a reciprocal was found for the rest. As these words seemed obscure, and Marillac said he could not understand what reciprocal they meant, unless it was that, for this acquittance, Francis should assign sufficient revenue to Orleans and his future wife in the quality of the appanages of the sons of France, they (the deputies) said, as of themselves, that it would be [made] in paying the rest or making some overture for closer amity. Could get nothing further from them except that they said it would be well understood in France what they meant.
From the language held here it may be inferred that there are some maxims which render the English difficult about this alliance. 1. The first is that, since the Dauphin has no issue, they fear both Crowns may come to one King; as Norfolk said in the North at the commencement of this affair that this made them resolve that the Emperor should not have the lady. 2. They consider that Orleans may come to the Crown of England, and therefore should be content with a less parti, for doctors say that this young prince of Wales is not of constitution (composition) to live long and they see that this King, whether he re-marries or remains a widower, as he proposes, will not have other issue. 3. They think Francis will not pass this year without making war on the Emperor, and therefore should be content with less, both for need of their succour and to avoid having two enemies at once. To obviate this, Francis might declare to their ambassador that he is resolved not to enter war against the Emperor unless he is assured of his good brother's aid; for the mere show of wishing to live at peace would move them to offer more. Not to break off altogether one of two courses must be taken, viz., either to treat at Francis's disadvantage or to temporise 15, 20 or 30 days on pretext of saying that the demands are more than reasonable, since it is only a question of an acquittance, or else that Francis sees no other overture that could be made to extinguish the rest unless it be to employ it in the recovery of Milan. They would then probably make the said overture themselves, especially as they do not intend to grant the lady to the Emperor, and will not disburse money when they can place her by the mere acquittance of a debt which they never hope to recover. At the worst, if they remain obstinate for the overture to be made by Francis, he can propose several partis for the surplus which they will not grant as dot. They have always grown cold as we grew hot, and when we were silent they have resumed the subject; and, therefore, we could only gain the point by seeming little eager for it. Marked as sent by Jehan. (fn. 2)
French. Two modern transcripts, pp. 12 and pp. 10. Headed : 13 Avril 1542.
14 April.
R. O. St. P., III. 366.
249. Henry VIII. to the Deputy and Council Of Ireland.
Has received their letters of 9 Jan. (fn. 3) and the writings sent therewith, showing their proceedings with Oneil and the articles he has subscribed. Marvels at Oneil's desire to have the name and honor of Ulster, being one of the great earldoms of Christendom and of the King's inheritance, and also at their thinking such desire reasonable. Rather than that any who have offended should so indent with him "at their own wills," the King will provide for their correction as an example to others; but, as Oneil seems repentant and determined to live as a good subject, the King will, if he submit to take such name and lands as may be granted him, show him that he has met with a merciful prince. Leaves the matter here, requiring them to digest his mind and show it to Oneil, and learn whether he will be conformable or, by his obstinacy, force the King to make him an example to the rest of Ireland.
Has received their letters of 31 March and approves their proceedings in the Parliament at Limerick and with Obrien. Is content to give Obrien the religious houses in his country, to be suppressed by Royal commission, and included in the letters patent of the gift of Thomonye. He should make suit for some honour, for if he is to repair to Parliament he must be a peer. Qualifies the article in his submission as to the steward of "Thomonys" share in the forfeiture of the captain there. Desires the Deputy to appoint some learned man to Limerick, and thanks him for his diligence. Is glad the earl of Desmond frames himself so well.
Robert Cowley, late Master of the Rolls there, at his late repair hither, came without the Deputy's licence, having no cause but such as he might have written, since it plainly "was void of all malice." Though it behoves men in authority to give no occasion to captious persons to misjudge their words, yet, as Cowley appears to be a seditious and contentious man, he is discharged of his office of Master of the Rolls and Sir Thos. Cusake appointed. A bill to that effect is to be sent hither for signature. Sends by bearer, Wm. Dormer, servant and deputy to the lord Admiral, 2,461l. 12s. for payment of the army. Has inserted the name King of Ireland in his style (cited) and directs them to alter the King's seals there accordingly. Although Tirlowe Othole had not his letters patents out for the lands the King gave him, his heirs shall have the lands.
Draft, with corrections and the last sentence in Wriothesley's hand, pp. 30. Endd. : "Minute to the Deputy and Council in Ireland, xiiijo Aprilis ao rr. H. VIIIv. xxxiijo.
16 April.
Harl. MS. 442, f. 179. B. M.
250. Hawks.
Writ for a proclamation against taking hawks' eggs or bringing up young hawks by hand without licence; as the numbers of "goshawkes, tarssells, lavardes and lavarettes" are being seriously reduced. Westm., 16 April 33 Hen. VIII.
Modern copy, pp. 2.
16 April.
Spanish Calendar, VI. I., No. 244.
251. Chapuys to Charles V.
Received the Emperor's letter of the 14th ult. on Easter eve. Sent to inform the King, who, on account of the festival, delayed audience till Monday, when he recited the contents of the first letter and placed it afterwards in the King's hands, who was greatly pleased. Said he had another letter of one day's later date, (fn. 4) and enlarged on the contents of both. When the King wondered that Chapuys had no news of the end of the conferences between Granvelle and the bp. of Winchester, Chapuys attributed it to the Algiers expedition, the meeting of the Cortes of Castile, the Emperor's overwhelming business in the administration of so many kingdoms, and finally the delay of Granvelle's arrival. Besides which the Emperor had expected that Master Guenebet (Knyvet), who had been the bp.'s colleague, would have been commissioned to report home the issue of the conferences. The King seemed satisfied for awhile, though he said there was no need of instructing Granvelle to speak to the Pope in his favor, and said Granvelle had treated many things at Rome disagreeable enough to him. Chapuys assured him he had neither said nor done anything to his disadvantage, and the King replied that he was not aware that he had, else he should have resented it.
In conversation the King abruptly told me he suspected stratagem in my saying that the instructions and powers to treat of his marriage had been sent to the Queen of Hungary by the Mediterranean, and that the object was to delay and spy out his own intentions; that he has been deceived many a time both by the Emperor and by the French, and those who treated with him now must proceed without dissimulation. Answered that the voyage by the Levant (sic) was more convenient as the instructions must be revised by Granvelle, who was in Italy, and inspected by the Regent and Council in Flanders, and was even the shorter at this season; that his suspicions of the Queen of Hungary were unfounded, and that never was the Emperor more straightforward. Moreover, as the mutual distrust about France had disappeared, begged him to speak confidentially, as if Chapuys were his subject, and Chapuys would not only write home what he pleased, as if the idea originated with himself, but would renounce the privileges of an ambassador and submit to punishment if he abused his trust. Saw the King's face expand at this and his eyes glitter. Added that there was no occasion to wait for further powers, &c.
Is encouraged by the lord Privy Seal, who understands the King's temper better than any man in England and Secretary Waist (sic, for Wriothesley)—both much attached to the Emperor—to believe it will not be difficult to persuade the King to take the affair in hand, and that he had half decided to do so when he despatched the bp. of Winchester to the Emperor. The King at first did not answer his peroration, but remained thoughtful, sighing frequently, as he had done during Chapuys's speech. At last he wondered there was no news from Spain, and when Chapuys told him of the grant of the Cortes, said he believed it was conditional on the Emperor not leaving Spain, for which reason he was negociating a marriage with a princess of Portugal. He also said the Emperor might have fought the Turk to greater advantage last year, as he had been advised by the English ambassador. Gives his own answer, vindicating the Emperor's policy at some length. The King then asked what other news he had. Related what had come from Italy, to see how far he was leaning to France, and said he had letters from Milan, declaring that the people were on friendly terms with the French in Piedmont, who bragged that Henry was offering them the hand of the Princess his daughter and requesting Francis for an interview. The King started, and said, "They are very much mistaken. It is the King of France who urges me to marry his daughter, and offers to come to see me at Calais when the contract has been concluded." Replied that no doubt the French King would promise anything, and would like also to come to Calais with great force to drive him out of it. Reminded him, also, of the words of the bp. of Tarbes that France would never have sought alliance by marriage with Savoy except to encroach upon the duchy. Spoke then of the Diet of Spires, saying that he had a letter from Ferdinand charging him to tell the King that he (Ferdinand) had no doubt Henry would assist against the Turk. The King answered nothing, but seemed to assent.
After an hour and a half's conversation the King said he heard that Charles was soliciting the friendship of King Francis through the Pope's mediation. Said he knew nothing of that, but, even if it were true, it would be best to begin treating at once in London. "Very well," said the King, "I shall now read the letters you have brought from the Queen Regent, and when I have laid them before the Council you shall have an answer." Soon after leaving, received a message from the King to communicate what he had said to the Privy Councillors, and did so, offering every assistance in sending messengers to the Emperor, and to go himself if necessary. The Council showed great satisfaction at this.
Next day, Tuesday, they sent to invite Chapuys to dinner next day, desiring him to bring his powers and other papers with him. Went therefore to Greenwich again on Wednesday, but when about to exhibit his power found his secretary had taken another document instead. The Council, however, accepted his explanation, and so did the King when told of it. Being asked to proceed, suggested that the King might appoint one or two to negociate with him; on which the lord Privy Seal and Wriothesley went to the King, who quite approved, but as Suffolk, the Privy Seal, Winchester and Wriothesley were much engaged he deputed the Admiral, the bps. of Durham and Westminster and Secretary Sadler to call and dine with him next day (Thursday). Exhibited his powers to them accordingly after dinner, and being asked if he had any overtures to propose said he had no new declaration to make, but the King must have sufficiently thought over the subject when he despatched Winchester, (fn. 5) and on receipt of instructions from the Emperor he would speak freely. Meanwhile the King, if he wished to avoid delay, could make known part of his intentions; which being unknown, his instructions had been framed, as it were at random. For his own part could only go back to the basis of the four articles already proposed; of which the two first, concerning the King's reconciliation with Rome and the Princess's legitimation might remain as they were till further instructions; as to the 3rd for aid against the Turk, it was a most appropriate time to discuss it, as the King had expressed his willingness; and as to the 4th about the French, the Emperor had made a truce with them, so the case was altered. (fn. 6) On the deputies asking how long that truce would last, said he believed the Emperor might, if he pleased, bring on a rupture at once, for the French would break it as soon as they found it convenient.
Yesterday, Saturday the 15th, the deputies came again, bringing the Emperor's letter of the 5th inst. (fn. 6) Informed them of part of the contents and was particular in praising the honesty of Master Guennebet, with whom, for some reason, the King does not seem to be pleased just now. They then said the King thanked Chapuys for his good will and, although he had no sufficient powers, was unwilling to suspend the negociations. He therefore intimated to him (1) that as to confirmation of past treaties, it was not needful; indeed he did not consider those old treaties valid, for, while they had been scrupulously kept on his side, the Emperor had broken them by the edict against English vessels lading goods in Flanders, of which the deputies urged him to obtain the repeal, denouncing it with all the vehemence of the note presented by the bp. of London, and arguing that it could not proceed from the Emperor as the like had not been done in Spain : (2) that, as confirmation of old treaties was unnecessary, the King wished to hear overtures from Chapuys if he was free to make any, adding that as to the four articles, he was wise in not pressing the first two, and for the two others they might discuss them as long as they pleased, provided it was understood that he was now on friendly terms with every reigning Sovereign, especially King Francis and the King of Scotland, and if he were to enter into a league against the former, he should require compensation for the loss of his annual pensions from France. As to the other point, about the Turk, he could not touch upon it till the principal one was settled. Answered, as to the edict, that they were not justified in again urging its revocation, as they had not been able to answer Chapuys's arguments given in writing last summer, and showed that their own statutes were a breach of the treaties, and had obliged many of the Emperor's subjects to quit England, and those who remained to take out letters of naturalisation at excessive cost, besides compelling them to take a strange oath of fealty to the King. Moreover, they had forbidden the exportation of almost every commodity, and they ought to be very grateful to the Emperor, then absent from Spain, that he had not resorted to retaliatory measures, as Chapuys believed he would be obliged to do in the end, even if it were only to increase the Spanish navy and repair the losses sustained at Algiers. At this the deputies stood amazed and silent.
As to France, Chapuys said there was no talk of an offensive league, so there was no need of talking about compensation for non-payment of pensions, but by the treaty of Cambray the King was obliged in case of a defensive war to assist the Emperor at his own cost. And, even if an offensive league were in question, the Emperor was not responsible for the French debt, which the King knew quite well that the French will never pay. Yet, if an offensive league were treated, Chapuys would venture to say, though he had no such charge, that the Emperor would from that time take upon him the charge of Henry's indemnity, provided nothing was still due for arrears; and he might also say that the King ought, in conscience, years ago, to have assisted the Emperor, as the French had made war with his money and he had not attempted to recover his due. As the French are not making such great offers here as the English pretend, thought it well to be cooler as he went on, and said if they wished to know the Emperor's intentions they must wait till Chapuys received instructions, which he was afraid Granvelle would not be able to despatch very soon, as he was on his way to the Emperor's Court when Chapuys applied for them; but this mattered little as the bp. of London had a mandate from the King on the same subject.
Thinks it will be difficult for the Emperor to bring the King to a treaty except on terms very advantageous to himself, and then it might do more harm than good. Believes he will remain neuter. Does not think the mission of Mons. de Courrieres will do any good till the affair here is in good train. Has written to Secretary Bave and sent him the names of Privy Councillors here, to whom letters should be addressed by the Queen Regent. The French ambassador called on Tuesday on the lord Privy Seal and next day on the King, with whom he had a pretty long audience, just when the most friendly of the Privy Councillors were complaining of not hearing from the Imperial Court. The French ambassador had determined to go to Court on Easter Monday, but put it off, knowing that Chapuys was going, and next day, hearing that the lord Privy Seal and two or three more Councillors had come to town he called on them. He then wrote a despatch, the contents of which his man reported to Chapuys, speaking of the good reception Chapuys had met with, who had gone to Court on business touching Flanders, especially the prohibition; for Chapuys had purposely spread the rumour and intimated it to a person employed by the French ambassador as a spy upon him. He had also written home that the English were the strangest people, they urged matters with so much warmth and then afterwards cooled, but if they made themselves cold to him they would find him frozen. He is commissioned to demand for the Princess 500,000 ducats of dower and the extinction of all pensions, but has not yet dared to make his demand for fear of irritating these people. It is very provoking, he writes, that Norfolk has now retired to his house in the country without much likelihood of his returning to Court unless Parliament re-assembles, and he has to negociate with the Privy Seal, whose name is Feu Vuillem (called Faulx Villain by the ambassador) of whom he has circulated a report that Norfolk had said, "See this little villain; he wants already to engross everything and do like Cromwell, but in the end he will pay for all."
Will do his best to prevent the King taking Anne of Cleves again; but as yet there is no appearance of it. Indeed, except that he frequents ladies' company for mirth, as a man nurtured among them, he seems not to think of a new marriage. He has been low-spirited ever since he heard of the late Queen's misconduct. Anne has recovered from her tertian fever, but the Princess suffers still from palpitation of the heart. It has been mooted in this Parliament for lords and rich gentlemen, exclusive of Churchmen, to keep horses each according to his means. The King has forborne from pressing the demand for another aid, but is getting a loan which will bring in a great sum. First on the list are the two dukes (Norfolk and Suffolk) 6,000 ducats each, though both are known to be poor; then the Chancellor and lord Privy Seal 4,000l. each, the lord High Admiral 3,050l., &c. The collector pretends that it is to help the Emperor against the Turk. Count Louis (sic) Rangone has been presented by this King with a large gilt cup and 400 ducats. Some who have talked with him think he came more to see the King and country than to complain of the Pope, as he has done, for having deprived him of certain castles in the Parmegiano belonging to his late wife. London, 16 April 1542.
From the Vienna Archives.
16 April.
Spanish Calendar, VI. I., No. 245.
252. Chapuys to Granvelle.
. . . . . Thanks God for his prosperous voyage to Spain. Refers for news to his despatch to the Emperor. Begs him, for pity, to get the treasurers to pay his arrears. Has been here nearly twenty years (fn. 8) , and is as poor now as when he first came, having besides mortgaged much of his own property. London, 16 April 1542.
From the Vienna Archives.
19 April.
Spanish Calendar, VI. II., No. 274. (App.)
253. Mary Of Hungary to Chapuys.
Understands how he is prevented from fulfilling the charge entrusted to him in the Emperor's letter of the 14th ult. by the English objecting to his powers from her as insufficient. Cannot add, however, anything to the instructions in her letter of the 31 March, till she hears from Spain. Chapuys must temporise; he will not require to wait long, as Granvelle has already left Piedmont for the Emperor's Court. He may mention this as an excuse; also the fact of a Spanish courier despatched to Piedmont with letters for the Emperor's lord Privy Seal having been arrested in France, and that another who went to Italy by sea found on landing at Genoa that the lord Privy Seal had already sailed for Spain, so that the letters were returned by the Imperial ambassador there.
Hears, however, that in the last Parliament it was determined to forbid export of valuable woollen cloths unless prepared, dyed and dressed, which will be to the damage of the merchants of these Low Countries, and will probably be a check to the proposed closer alliance. Chapuys must find out about this, and if he find it advisable make representations. Brussels, 19 April 1542.
From the Vienna Archives.
19 April.
Calig. E. IV. 134. B. M.
254. [Paget] to the Council.
His wit is too simple to judge these men "of long and great practice" and therefore he has described (fn. 1) the Admiral's countenance and words at length so that their "Lordships" may themselves interpret them. "I noted th' Admirals countenance moc[he and could] not perceyve hym therby moved at any thing [I] sayd, saving that he many times would fetch gr[eat sighs ?]; nor he never brake my hole tale by mov. . . . vehement affectes nor answered rowndly to any [of the poyntes that I ?] mijght seme to have pickd. I [think] hym moche desyros that this matter should g[o forward], and I think so be but a few eles (else) of the counsail h[ere], for th' be all Papistes and feare the sequele therof; from whom by alliklyhode he kepith this treaty as moche as he canne, but yet they know it and I know it from the mowth of one of that sort and undoubtedly they do what they can, as I know by one very secret wt som of them, to empeche the conclusion wt you by sundry practi[ses]" * * * "[Chab]liz the xixth of April."
Draft in Paget's hand, pp. 2. Much injured by fire. Endd. : A Chabliz. To the Counsail, xixo Aprilis.
20 April.
Harl. MS. 283, f. 249. B. M.
255. Henry VIII. to Lord Cobham.
Having special trust in his fidelity, zeal and obedience, has appointed the abp. of Canterbury and Sir Thos. Cheyney, treasurer of the Household, to open certain things to him "touching us and the wealth and surety of this our realm." Requires him to give them credence. Greenwich, 20 April 33 Hen. VIII. Signed with the stamp at the head.
P. 1. Add.
20 April.
R. O.
256. Augmentations.
Collection of 47 original privy seals of the Court of Augmentations, all dated 20 April 33 Hen. VIII. and directing the persons addressed to pay amounts, due from them to the Crown, entered among arrears due at Mich. 33 Hen. VIII. Most of them bear notes of further proceedings taken. To the 27th is attached a statement by James Nedam, clerk and surveyor of the King's works, of the lead he has taken from St. Mary Spytall, Halywell and Clerkenwell for the repair of the roof of Westminster Hall, by indentures with Thos. Spylman, one of the receivers of the Augmentations, dated 1, 6 and 9 July 32 Hen. VIII. Among them (as the 47th) is preserved a receipt dated 15 Dec. and 4 Jan. 31 Hen. VIII. by Thos. Megges, of Downham in the Isle of Ely, of rents of the King's manors of Brenekester, Helgay and Popynho, Norf., and Ryngstede.
The persons addressed are Sir Edw. Crofte, the vicar of St. Lawrence in Norwich, the master of the Savoy, Wm. Burche, Thos. Darcye, esq., Wm. Bolton, Thos. abp. of Canterbury, the sheriff of Worcester, the collector of rents of Barton Regis, Glouc., John Hunteley, Ric. Devorox, Thos. and John Stydolff, Thos. Delaryver, Wm. Acombe, the bailiff of Thetford, Sir Wm. Shelley, the parson of St. Peter's in Bedford, the wardens of Thorneton College, Linc., the executor of Ric. Lyndesell, Edw. late abbot of Hulton, the vicar of Weston, John Byrkehed, Walter lord Ferrers, the master or warden and fellows of Queen's College in Cambridge (two), Jas. Nedeham, John Onley, the late prior of Rochester, the wardens and masters of the Fishmongers and Grocers of London, Ric. Morys, Sir Thos. Cheyney, Roger Chaloner and others, Ric. Pappwourthe, Ric. Eston, Ric. Oglesthorpe, Ambrose Champneis, the parson of St. Martin's in the Vintry, Thos. Taylor (assignee of John Hale), Geo. Warrenner, Thos. Thompson and Ralph Chaveney, Ric. Dobbes; Dr. Spencer, master of the college called the Chapel in the Field beside Norwich; the heirs of Nic. Wode; Ric. Drurye.

Footnotes

1 Jean de Formes. See No. 208.
2 Not noted in the transcripts.
3 This letter of the 9th January, from the Deputy and Council, does not seem to have been preserved, though there is one of the 8th (No. 12) from the Council alone, which must have been sent with it.
4 See No. 171, note †.
5 In November, 1540.
6 These four points were proposed by Chapuys in February, 1536, at the outset of the long negociation with the Emperor during his war with France, which ended with the truce of Nice, in June, 1538. See Vol. X., Nos. 351 (p. 133), 575.
7 No. 239. See note at end.
8 So in Spanish Calendar, but there is some mistake, perhaps of Chapuys himself. He may have meant "over twenty months," counting from July, 1540, when he last arrived in England. Otherwise he should have said, "nearly thirteen years," for he had been amost continually resident in England from 1529.
9 See No. 263, which is of this date all but the postscript.