Henry VIII
November 1542, 1-5

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Institute of Historical Research

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James Gairdner and R. H. Brodie (editors)

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1900

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'Henry VIII: November 1542, 1-5', Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, Henry VIII, Volume 17: 1542 (1900), pp. 569-586. URL: http://www.british-history.ac.uk/report.aspx?compid=76679 Date accessed: 23 October 2014.


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November 1542, 1-5

1 Nov.
R. O. St. P. V., 213.
1013. John Car to Norfolk.
The King of Scotland, the last of October, was at Lawder with the lords and commons of his whole realm, and very desirous to be in England, but the lords would not agree thereto. The same day after the King had dined in his tent, they "disperclyd," every man to his own country; and that night the King rode to Muers, but I cannot tell whether he lay there. The King's castle of Werk, 1 Nov., 2 p.m. Signed.
P. 1. Endd. : "John Carr to my lord of Norff., primo Novembr. ao xxxiiijo."
1 Nov.
R. O.
1014. Adrien De Croy [Sieur De Roeulx] to Wallop.
Has received his letter, and, in reply, explains that the English gentleman and his servant were arrested in taking away three horses without licence, and, being released upon parole, fled, and the horses were afterwards sold. Has recovered two of the horses, and restored them and 8 cr. which had been taken. Will send the third horse, if he can get it.
Thanks for news and for friendship to our men. Our men have conquered all Julliers, and have now entered Cleves. Arras, 1 Nov. Signed.
French, p. 1. Add. : Captain of Guysnes. Endd. : ao xxxiiijo.
2 Nov.
Dasent's A.P.C., 46.
1015. The Privy Council.
Meeting at Hampton Court, 2 Nov. Present : Canterbury, Chancellor, Russell, Winchester, Westminster, Cheyney, Wingfield, Wriothesley, Riche. Business :—Order (detailed) taken in a long standing contention between the bailiffs of Droitwich, Worc., and Ric. Cornewall, priest, touching a service of St. Richard there. Wm. Bulmer, who absented himself from Joan his wife without cause, having disobeyed the Council's former order; letters were written to the President of the Council in the North to sequester his lands and send the receipts from time to time to Mr. Mason, clerk of the Council, to apportion between them.
2 Nov.
Add MS. 32,648 f. 120. B. M. Hamilton Papers, No. 231.
1016. Henry VIII. to the Duke Of Norfolk And Others.
Has received theirs of 29 Oct. and seen theirs of the 28th to the Council and Hertford's letters, touching the wardenry. (1) Wishes that such a costly and notable enterprise had been more displeasant to the enemies, but trusts hereafter to have recompence for what is now, for lack of necessaries, omitted. (2) Supposed that Hertford should have been furnished out of the late lord Privy Seal's stuff, but, since he has no relief thereof, and cannot without furniture serve the room of warden, discharges him of it until he may be better provided, and appoints Rutland again, whose commission shall be sent within two days. They are to appoint for his Council the gentlemen they named before.
(3) Marvels that they have not written what the Scots do and whether they have levied an army, and if so that they should so suddenly dissolve his army without his command. Lest the Scots should seek revenge, such order must be taken in the Borders and the countries adjoining, that their malice may be defended, and they made to suffer more than they have already done, rather than, by doing hurt in England or by sowing and manuring the overridden ground, enabled to redubb their injuries. Orders them to lay 4,000 men in garrison for this winter (500 or 600 of them at Carlisle), to be picked from the best of the armies both of the dukes of Norfolk and Suffolk. Also to devise with Rutland to supply the room of deputy warden of the Middle Marches, and take order for the laying and victualling of the garrisons, and their instruction to beware of being trapped as Bowes and the rest were, and yet let the enemies know that they are not asleep; providing that captains of fortresses shall not issue out for any provocation that can be given, but only the captains of the garrisons at large. (4) Also they must put order for the leading of the country if the Scots lay siege to any hold. (fn. 1) (5) As to victuals, hears that there is no such great scarcity in the North, but that provision may be made there and in Lincolnshire, if they appoint substantial ministers to it. These things done, Norfolk, Suffolk, Hertford, Gage and Brown shall return hither, while Durham remains there to aid and advise Rutland. Is content for this time to wink at the matter of the Northumberland men, but desires that they may be given good advice to do their duty better this winter. (6) Marvels they have not sent the names of the towns, villages and castles which they, Jak a Musgrave and the garrison of Berwick, have destroyed, with an estimate of the spoil done, that it might be set forth and magnified to the world.
Draft, with corrections in Wriothesley's hand, pp. 18. Endd. : Minute to my l. of Norff., etc., ijo Novembr. ao xxxiiijo.
2 Nov.
R. O. [Spanish Calendar, VI. II. No. 74.]
1017. Chapuys to Charles V.
On the 3rd of this month (fn. 2) arrived the Sieur de Corrierez at Falemue; upon notice of which the King ordered Mr. Huyet to meet him, as far off as possible, who about 80 miles hence took ill, and died within two days; so that De Corrierez missed his company, and had no other than that of the captain of Falemue and his son-in-law, who were bringing hither a French corsair named Vreica. On the 14th De Corrierez arrived in this town, being met a mile or two out by the captain of the King's Guard and a great number of gentlemen, who accompanied him to Chapuys' lodging. Having perused the Emperor's letters of 13 and 16 Aug. and 13 Sept., they obtained audience for the 16th, and lord Coban and the captain of the Guard came to fetch them. The Council's reception of them was very meagre, compared with that of former times; as likewise was the King's, after dinner. After De Courrieres had presented the letters of credence and both had thanked the King for his affection to the Emperor, as understood from his ambassadors, and had assured him of the Emperor's reciprocity, he answered that he had long heard such language but never perceived the effect, and, if the Emperor had the least desire in the world for his amity, stay would not be made upon many little points, as in the article of rebels; and he persisted strongly upon that, and then fell upon the defence from persons spiritual and ecclesiastic, saying that no real amity was possible without these two articles being passed as he made them, and that he had been so often deceived in treaties and had found so many interpretations and cavillations that henceforth he meant to treat so amply that there might be nothing to gainsay. Answered graciously, with suitable representations, but briefly, considering that he would take the whole better from his deputies' report; for he holds it against honor to give way to reason and retract anything he has affirmed; and they avoided striving much with him, because Chapuys had disputed at great length with him three days before (having been summoned, on pretext of speaking about a ship of Mons. de Beures, in order that the King might complain of the said two articles to him, as a friend and counsellor, and not as an ambassador) and had then satisfied him. The King next spoke of the non-observance of his treaties, both with the Emperor and France; and said in passing, half between his teeth, that that was not much compared with the having made a league against him, and a certain partition (repartement) between the Pope, the Emperor, and the French king, and that the ships which were said, three years ago, to be preparing in Flanders to go against the Turk, were for an enterprise against him. Then suddenly, to efface these words and prevent an answer (which Chapuys has heretofore made), the King asked de Courrieres about the Emperor's health; and, with a jest of extravagant praise of Chapuys and some small talk, referred them to communicate with his deputies.
Next day, 17th inst., the said deputies, viz. the bps. of Winchester and Westminster and Secretary Wriothesley, dined with them, and began the discussion which followed by making the whole treaty depend upon the clearing of the article concerning the Pope. With much ado got them to pass to the other difficulties made on the Emperor's behalf to the bps. of London and Westminster; and after long debate they concluded to report to their master and answer next day.
Next day came news that the Privy Seal was dead in the North, of his ordinary malady of the stone (which is indeed a great loss), and Wriothesley was sent to his house to console his wife and take away "quelques paques et auttres besongnes" belonging to the King; so that they could not re-assemble until the 21st, when the deputies came to them.
The deputies said that they had persuaded the King to condescend to the article touching rebels as in the treaty of Cambray, with the term of 15 days instead of the other longer term and the clause "si commodement faire faire se pouvoit," and to substitute for "personne prince spirituel," in the article of defence, the ordinary clause promising defence against all of whatsoever quality or condition. The deputies insisted much on the article of "contractation et hantise," but Chapuys thinks they will not stay upon any, unless it be the aid against the Turk which they will not have mentioned in the treaty, but consider afterwards. It will be difficult to obtain the exemption of the Emperor's aid when occupied on the side of Italy or in the common offence, and assistance against the dukes of Cleves and Holstein by name. As to the duration of the aid defensive, thinks that one month will be the utmost extension obtained. Did not speak of the time of the common invasion and the war against Francis, because the Emperor was already engaged in it, and there was no likelihood of altering the article as at present couched. Nor did they press for the enterprise upon Montreuil; because they await the Queen's command, and the English are against it this year, on account of events against the Scots, the lateness of the season and the loss of the best opportunity.
The deputies being grieved at our determined opposition to the said "qualité" in case of defence, said that the French were not asleep, and their practises extended further than we thought, and that the ambassadors with the Emperor understood that if only the word spirituelz were omitted the Emperor would be satisfied. Answered that the Emperor's intention was not only to exclude the word but also the meaning, in such wise that his Holiness might have no occasion for displeasure; and read the second chapter of the Emperor's letter, speaking of the respect to be had to his Holiness, but excused giving a copy by saying that the deputies were of good memory, and the King would accept their report of it, as the Emperor had already told it to the ambassadors; and we said that we knew more of the French practises than they thought, and that the French king now desired nothing more than an appointment with the Emperor, and all his practises tended to that, and if the Emperor would gratify him in something, he would capitulate all that the Emperor could wish, against anyone, and (although the Emperor made no mention of it) offer (fn. 3) assistance to the Emperor against the King their master. And Chapuys added, after giving them some taste of it, that he would, for all he had, that their master knew what he knew of the intrigues of the French against him, and what they had formerly solicited, to which their Emperor would not listen.
It was concluded that in a day or two they should signify their King's whole will; but, notwithstanding solicitations, and representations of De Courrieres's haste to pass into Flanders, and their desire to despatch to the Emperor, who might thereupon see to his affairs, the deputies showed themselves as cold as possible.
Finally, on the 26th, were called to the lodging of the bp. of Winchester, where it was thought that De Courrieres should not be present, both because he was a little indisposed and because Chapuys thought that affairs would be disputed a little closely, and the deputies would not take his representations so well in presence of another, and, moreover, that if perchance he used a sharp word, they would have better opportunity to soften it, besides his being able to speak to them more frankly as a servant of their master; and, moreover, some kind of coolness had to be shown on our side as on theirs, and the absence of De Courrieres rather assisted it; and it gave the King and these commissioners "assez a penser." Had the matter not been so important, and had Chapuys been free to use his own judgment, he would have shown still greater coolness, and thinks it would have profited.
Coming to the said commissioners, they began to tell me that the King found it strange that the Emperor would prefer the Pope's amity to his, which was the more necessary to the Emperor, especially when the succession of this realm is certain, and that of the Papal dignity not so, and this Pope, being very frail, might die to-morrow and be succeeded by one of the French faction; that the King's influence with the Venetians was such that he might bring them to a league for the defence of Italy, even against his Holiness. I replied that this seemed to need no answer, as the thing was notorious, and had been already so often debated, but, since they pressed me, I would tell my opinion (being very glad of De Courrieres's absence); [and] I pointed out that your Majesty did more for the King than he did for you, and that what they asked was unreasonable, and I could not imagine that the King wished to put the Emperor in such danger, without any advantage to himself, and that, if he would consider what he himself would do if he were in the Emperor's position, he would not, I firmly believed, require him to do a thing which his Holiness might resent, but rather dissuade it; that there was no need of comparing amities; and that increased amity between the Emperor and his Holiness would give the Emperor more influence to dissuade his Holiness from attempts against the King (whose amity the Emperor much esteemed, and the King should esteem his also), and since the Pope was frail, as they said, he had in his old age other matter to think of than enterprises against this realm, and when another, such as they spoke of, succeeded, the needful measures will be devised; and this exclusion of persons spiritual seemed, in some ways, to make more for their master than for the Emperor who might fall in dissension with the Holy Father, and, his countries being easier to invade than this, the King would be at charge for their defence, as also in the case of the bps. of Liege, Cologne, Treves and Munster, who were princes of the Empire and the Emperor's neighbours; from which expense he would be free if the treaty was only against temporal princes. As to the Venetians it was a mistake to suppose the Signory was going to quarrel with the Pope and France, and the Venetians were nothing in Italy in comparison with the Pope's power, and this country was too far off from Italy. To pass the articles which they demanded would irritate not only his Holiness and the sacred College but also the Catholic states of Germany, as might be presumed from what passed in last Diet of Ratisbon, and would scandalize all or the most part of the Emperor's subjects.
To this they could only reply that they saw that God would not permit the treaty, and all must be considered broken for the present; and afterwards the exigence of affairs might bring better opportunity for concluding. Seeing their coldness, Chapuys said that since they saw no appearance of effecting what was treated, he begged them as soon as possible to obtain congé for De Courrieres, and the King's final resolution, which it was most important that the Emperor should know. At this the commissioners seemed astonished, and looked at one another; and, after speaking together, they said that they were extremely sorry that affairs went not otherwise, and would still advance them to their power, and they did not think that De Courrieres, whatever haste he had, would leave without speaking with the King. After some other conversation, as Chapuys was leaving, Wriothesley, who has the credit and governs all, begged him privately to use gracious language to the King when De Courrieres took leave. Thanked him, and begged him to think what they should say.
The day before yesterday (fn. 4) De Courrieres and he were in Court, and, before dinner, he took Wriothesley aside, who told him that the King was a little exasperated (escarmouche) upon hearing their last communication, but was afterwards mollified, and much desired that a form might be found to assure him from the Pope without endangering the Emperor, and, as for sending anyone to the Queen in Flanders (as Chapuys had proposed), the King would not hear of it, suspecting (as he himself said after dinner) that nothing could pass there to his advantage, as the Queen had men about her who were not partial to him. And Wriothesley advised them to speak as they thought best to the King, but not strive with him, and to conclude by praying him to take the trouble to put his own hand to the pen, for there was no councillor or secretary who knew nearly so well how to order the whole or to understand the importance of the affair.
After dinner the King began by saying that he understood that De Courrieres had a charge to the Queen in Flanders, and he would not delay him here to the prejudice of the Emperor's affairs, the promotion of which he desired no less than that of his own; that he was sorry that things treated here had rather gone back than advanced, for it had been said in the Emperor's Court that there was nothing to alter in all the treaty if the word princes et personnes spirituelles was omitted, but now, when he condescended to substitute for it the promise of defence, customary in all treaties, viz., against all persons of what degree, condition, estate, and quality whatsoever, it was refused, and new difficulties put in the other articles; it was to be noted that it was not his fault that this closer amity was not concluded. And he repeated the representations which he and his ministers have so often made.
In reply, after begging him to hear them patiently, and, by his great goodness and prudence, excuse and correct their errors, they answered his more substantial points, and then gave a summary of their representations, which, although it was long, he heard without his accustomed interruptions, only making a little grimace at what he did not like. When they had done, he said that they knew how to take advantage of things, and that, as he had often told Chapuys, the Emperor should keep his friends, and to acquire others should not seek the Pope, who was his (Henry's) enemy; if the Emperor reserved treating against his Holiness, he (Henry) might reserve the King of France and duke of Cleves, with whom he still had good amity and intelligence; and he thought that the Emperor, by his amity [and] alliance with his Holiness, would easily induce the latter to take the thing in good part, who would be afraid to resent it (nauroit garde de grondir, saichant l'union entre vre. Mate et luy). Told him that, if so, he should not insist on demanding defence against his Holiness, whose forces were so far off. He was confused, and did not reply; but, with a little heat, said that if his Holiness sought to do him ill he would set the Venetians on him, who were not so difficult to sever from his friendship as we imagined; and, chafing still more, but gaily, he answered to what we had said (that, although your Majesty might need defence against a Pope sooner than himself, for the reasons above touched upon, you did not ask him for it, nor would he listen to such a demand), he replied that he would listen to it and capitulate about it if you pleased. We said that we thought you so acquitted yourself towards the Holy See that such extremities would not be reached, and it would be ominous and new among Christian princes, in place of comprehending the Holy See as a principal contrahent, to capitulate against it, and that See being so powerful in Italy, an assistance of 25,000 or 30,000 men would be necessary, and would be difficult to transport to Italy, where also it would be difficult to send the aid in money promptly. And where we had said that if His Holiness were given cause of resentment, he might easily be gained over by Francis, with the offer of Naples, and persuasion that Francis only took intelligence with the Turk for lack of assistance from his Holiness, the King answered that we were ill informed of the affairs of France, and that Francis would be in no hurry to make such offers,—forgetting that the said offer was among the news he [gave] us eight or ten days before as from his ambassador in France. He was surprised at the Emperor's scruples, seeing that heretofore he had not shown such great respect to the Pope, as was seen at the taking of Rome and of Pope Clement. Answered that that was done against the Emperor's will, as was afterwards shown, although the Emperor had cause to take arms against Pope Clement, who, besides plotting against him, had begun to invade Naples. Where we had said that not even after the rout of Pavia were the French ever barer of money and friends, and, consequently, easier to bring to reason by force or amity, which they would procure by all means they knew [before] the conclusion of this treaty; the King answered that we were ill informed of the affairs of France. After further discussion, he said he would rather remain in his neutrality than enter an imperfect treaty, and some better opportunity of getting rid of the difficulties now made might offer hereafter. He would not hear of sending a person of his to the Queen, saying that if any good was to be done there, De Courrieres by mouth and Chapuys by letter could do it far better. Told him that to report or write the whole, a new meeting with his commissioners was necessary, at which he demurred, saying that his commissioners knew not what further to say, and it was for us as the pursuers to think how to clear away the difficulties; but finally he consented.
Yesterday, (fn. 5) after dinner, we were at Winchester's lodging, and, after much altercation and urging us to write the article of defence without mention of the spirituality, they withdrew, and wrote the following article, to be placed after the 4th, viz., "Item conventum, concordatum et conclusum quod casu quo aliqua invasio," &c. (article quoted to the effect that, in case of invasion of the possessions of either or their heirs or successors, or, during minority of the heirs, their curators or administrators, the author of the invasion and whosoever assists with funds, men or arms, shall be held a common enemy; and if the invasion be with 10,000 men, then, etc.). To this we made difficulties, and, in passing, put forward the clause which your Majesty mentions for the extremity, viz., to promise defence against all powers, temporal and secular, but they disapproved it, saying that if the chief were ecclesiastic and spiritual, the whole army might be considered spiritual; and no other resolution could be taken than that they would do their best to get their King to accept the above article, and we should do the like with the Queen. And to-day they were to advertise us of the King's intention and send De Courrieres's passport.
I thought to close this the day before yesterday and upon that supposition calculated the days above mentioned, but deferred because the passport and answer did not come until to-day. This morning the clerk of the Council brought the passport and 1,000 ducats as a present to De Courrieres, and told us, on behalf of the deputies, that the King persisted that the 6th and 7th articles should remain in their entirety, and they wished us to obtain that, or in default get the Queen to condescend to the article above couched, and meanwhile they would do their best to get the King to like it. They have also sent word that the King has, at our contemplation, pardoned an honest young compaignon de Haynault, who was accused of retaining a piece of the King's plate, in which something had been brought to his lodging.
Thinks the Emperor was well advised not to write privately to the King's counsellors. Events will show how to proceed in that, and in the constitution of the pensions. The prolongation mentioned in the end of the Emperor's letters of 13 Aug. has not been spoken of. As to the export of wheat, of which the Emperor wrote privately on 14 Aug., the King answered that there was no great abundance here, and that upon opportunity he would license him in whose favour the Emperor wrote to export some; and also license some of his own people to do it, so that they might share the gain. Showed the copy of the Emperor's letter to his Holiness, upon the convocation of the Council, to the King's Council; by whom, and by the King himself, it was much commended.
Has had no Flemish news from the Queen since 23 Sept.; but learns by merchants that in the beginning of October 14,000 or 15,000 Almains marched into Julliers, where first Dure surrendered and compounded for 70,000 fl. (and, some say, promised to build a castle), and then Julliers, which held out longer, being fortified, surrendered at discretion on the 10th, and on the 22nd the last town of Julliers was gained; the Emperor's army finding no resistance in the field. It is doubted that there will be a little more resistance in Cleves, through the assistance of the Gueldrois, to whom the duke of Cleves has withdrawn, and the Queen has not gained their favour, as was said, or at least they have not kept neutrality; for a booty of merchandise going from Antwerp to Cologne, by the Rhine, worth 80,000 cr., has made them turn aside (fleschir). The rest of the army, as De Roeulx wrote 20 days ago, was divided, the one part being in Luxemburg and the other in Hainault, towards Liege, to keep relief from the French (garder le secours dez François), who had made three or four courses upon the frontiers of Hainault and Artois, and had always been well beaten. When De Roeulx wrote he had been two days and a night near Corbie, thinking to draw out the garrisons of Peronne, Orleans and Corbie, but no one dared to show himself. Since his return the captain of Bapaulme found the garrison of Chastelet in the fields and slew or took them all.
The war of Scotland has been almost stopped by the great rains, whereby it was impossible to conduct artillery or victuals, and Norfolk has retired, after spoiling some of the country without finding any one in the fields.
Thanks for the Emperor's goodness to him touching "lez xije ducatz," and promised recommendation. London, 2 Nov. 1542.
French. Modern transcript from Vienna, pp. 21.
2 Nov.
Hatfield MS. 231, No. 36. [Cal. of Cecil MSS.. Pt. I. 77.]
1018. Norfolk to Hertford.
Where he sends word for one of the "Stratforde cartes," will stay two for him unless advertised to the contrary. Morpeth, 2 Nov.
P.S.—As it is requisite to have good knowledge by espial, I require you to entreat gently John Carre and Gilbert Swynowe, and also my espial which the captain of Norham brought me, who has been very good both in these wars and in others; also to handle well Lawry Bele and Clement Mustyan, of Berwick, "who are very sure men to get knowledge." If you promise my espial 10l. or 20 nobles to get you knowledge when any raid shall be made by the Scots, by the marches of Tevidale, the money will be well employed. "As soon as Somerset the herald and Raye the pursuivant shall repair unto you, I require you to despatch their answer unto me by post." Signed.
My cooks come with my company; but, as soon as they arrive at Newcastle, I shall return one to you.
P.S. in his own hand.—As Wynter is captain of the gunners, and has five well horsed servants, and must daily ride from place to place to see the gunners well ruled, pray admit his servants into wages. "Also I appointed 6 gunners to lie at Cornell, before the others were chosen, whom I pray you to put in wages; and I shall send Wodhall to you with money as soon as I can."
P. 1. Fly leaf with address lost. Headed in a later hand : "To therle of Hertforde."
2 Nov.
Add. MS., 5,754 f. 6. B. M.
1019. Conduct Money.
Norfolk's warrant to Sir John Harryngton, treasurer of wars, to pay Ralph Boullmer, 12l. 2s. 7d., besides 39l. 4s. remaining in his hands for 7 days' wages not yet expired, the whole to be employed for conduct of 200 men from Rydyngburne, in Scotland, to Bulmer, 110 miles at ½d. a mile, and 2 captains and 2 petty captains at 7d. Newcastle, 2 Nov. 34 Hen. VIII. Signed.
Signed (as received?) by Rauff Bygod.
Note at the foot that the treasurer loses by this 23s. 4d., which Bulmer did not deduct for part of the wages of 20 horsemen for 7 days.
P. 1.
2 Nov.
R. O. St. P. v., 215.
1020. Sir Wm. Eure to Norfolk.
This 2nd Nov., at noon, came word from an espial in Scotland that, yesterday, coming from Edinburgh to Haddington and towards the Borders, he met ordnance that was with the army of Scotland, going backward, and them of Lowdean "scayllande and going homewarde," who said all the army would depart home. Berwick castle, 2 Nov. Signed.
P. 1. Endd. : "Sir Wm. Evre to my lord of Norff., ijo Novemb. ao xxxiiijo."
3 Nov.
Journals of the House of Lords, I., 199.
1021. Parliament.
List of peers attending Parliament 3 Nov. 34 Hen. VIII., prorogued to 22 Jan. following.
Latin.
3 Nov.
Dasent's A.P.C., 48.
1022. The Privy Council.
Meeting at Hampton Court, 3 Nov. Present : Winchester, Westminster, Cheyney, Wriothesley. Business :—Upon information by Wallop of unlawful exaction of head money by the bailiff of Guisnes, for beasts taken by "bowtyrs" and sold in the Pale; letters were written to the Deputy and Ant. Rows, comptroller, to examine whether previous bailiffs have so exacted, and if not order him to surcease and restore what he has taken. Letter to Wallop to release prisoners taken in the Pale without ransom paid to the takers.
[*** Next entry is 5 Nov.]
3 Nov.
Harl. MS., 6,989 f. 108. B. M.
1023. The Privy Council to [Norfolk and Others].
In laying the garrisons they are to choose out about three score of the best haquebutiers of the army, and lay them in a convenient place to serve either in the East or Middle Marches. In case of raid or invasion the noise they make with their guns, and the hurt they do, will do notable service among the horsemen. Also they shall see what treasure remains there, and estimate the cost of the garrisons for one month, and the quantity of victual necessary for their maintenance, and report with diligence. Hampton Court, 3 Nov.
P.S.—When Sabian's ship repaired thither with wheat, we bought the lading of another ship, (fn. 6) of Mr. Gressham and others, which was lost, as you, my lord of Norfolk, know. Now we are about to enquire the value, which will draw near 400l., and must be paid "of that mass," so that we require your lordships to consider it in your view of the treasure remaining there. Signed : Ste. Winton : Tho. [We]stm. : T. Cheyne : Thom's Wriothesley.
In Mason's hand, pp. 2. Fly leaf, with address lost. Endd. : Du Con. du Roy.
3 Nov.
R. O. [Spanish Calendar. VI. II., No. 75.]
1024. Chapuys to the Queen Of Hungary.
By documents hereto annexed, and by report of Mons. de Corrierez she will learn the progress of affairs here. Begs her, for reasons which she can best consider, and for the satisfaction of those here, to inform him soon of her intention, in writing, considering that, apart from (oultre) the necessity of the time and of affairs, when it should please the Emperor the treaty would not be obligatory on his side, although I hold that your Majesties wish to use it quite otherwise. Touching the pensions, there seems no great haste; but a gracious present to the Secretary (fn. 7) would be well employed. At his departure from Mons, the Queen assured Chapuys that, within two months, some money would be advanced to him. Has waited four months, and spent, in addition, the money he gave to George and to the other courier, upon whose despatch the Emperor founded his resolution upon the affairs here treated, "qu'est venu bien a poinct, de sorte que la depence dud. courrier n'est a plaindre." London, 3 Nov. 1542.
French. Modern transcript from Vienna, pp. 2.
3 Nov.
R. O. St. P. v. 213.
1025. Norfolk, Gage and Browne to the Council.
Since our departure out of Scotland, we have heard that the army of Scotland, 10,000 or 12,000 men, was at Lawder, 20 miles from the Borders, intending this night or to-morrow to invade this country. Yesterday, at Alnwick, with my lords of Suffolk and Hertford, we heard that they were scaled and gone home, as confirmed this morning by a letter (herewith) sent by John Carr to Norfolk at Morpeth. Other espials show that the hunger among them at Lawder, caused by the great waste done by us, was such that their King licensed them to take for every six men a sheep where they could get it. Thereupon they took every man a sheep and so spoiled their own country, "that th'inhabitants exclaimed marvelously thereat;" and for lack of victuals they were constrained to sparcle.
Have taken order for defence, and for hurts to be done by the garrison men, by advice of Suffolk and Hertford and the wisest Borderers. By espials and the words of the late ambassadors of Scotland, the King of Scots would gladly have come to the King, but his lords would not suffer it, the principals being the Cardinal and the earls of Murray and Argyle. Will here order the victuals in the ships which have been in the Frythe, and could not reach Berwick before our departure into Scotland, to be sold. Depart to-morrow for York to appoint fresh men to relieve Suffolk's men. Have already written to them to learn the King's pleasure how many men should lie in garrison on the Borders, advising no less than 3,000. Beg them to advertise my lord Warden of the King's pleasure in that, and they will at York take order with my lord President to send such soldiers as my lord Warden shall thereupon, by letter, require. It has never before been accustomed to leave after All Hallowtide more than 1,500 men, and even for that number corn, both for men and horses, must be sent from the south before Christmas.
Heard on Tuesday last, at Berwick, that the ships of war had burnt Coldingham in Scotland, and killed certain persons, but do not know what exploits they have done since. We desire you to advertise John Care, vice-admiral, at Yarmouth Road (where he will be by next wind), how many of the King's ships shall remain at seal and what they shall do.
P.S.—Being too busy to despatch these letters yesternight, we hear this morning that the commons of Scotland are gone home, but the lords and gentlemen remain together, intending some invasion. Again, sitting at dinner, we received contrary news by Sir Wm. Flvers' letter enclosed.
According to the King's pleasure, to send into Scotland for delivery of the prisoners upon ransom, Norfolk has written to the King of Scots by Somerset herald and Ray, pursuivant of Berwick, and has received answer (enclosed) thereupon from the earl of Murray. The Council would not permit "him" to have access to the King. Will to-morrow depart towards York, and after seeing there to the appointing of new men, repair to Hull to view the fortifications, and thence to the Court. Newcastle, 3 Nov., 3 p.m. Signed : T. Norffolk : John Gage : Antone Browne.
Pp. 4. Add. Endd. : ao xxxiiijo.
3 Nov.
R. O.
1026. Norfolk, Gage and Browne to Wriothesley.
As the horses of the garrison, who were here before our coming, are so travelled that they cannot serve, and as my lord of Suffolk's company have taken little pain, it would save the cost of bringing new men if a number of that company were commanded to remain here. If the King will be content with 1,500 to tarry on the Borders, 1,000 of my said lord's company with the 636 we have left will suffice; and, if a greater number shall remain, we think the King should advertise my lord Warden, and we will put order with the President that the number shall be ready upon short warning. We study to alleviate the charges for coats and conduct money, "which my lord of Suffolk's company remaining here may save," whose 14 days' wages end this day. Write this to be uttered to the King as Wriothesley thinks convenient. Newcastle, 3 Nov., 3 p.m. Signed : T. Norffolk : John Gage : Antone Browne.
P. 1. Add. Endd. : ao xxxiiijo.
3 Nov.
R. O. St. P. v., 216.
1027. Norfolk to Wriothesley.
I thank you heartily for helping my despatch hence, which I trust will somewhat lengthen my life. I was never sorer vexed with my disease of the lax. Please forward my letter, enclosed, to my servants at Horsham to make provisions for my house there this winter, as I desire not to be far from the Court. About Tuesday or Wednesday se'nnight, the master of the horse, Mr. Comptroller and I will be with the King. I dare not take great journeys. Newcastle, 3 Nov.
Hol., p. 1. Add. : Sir Thomas Wriothesley, knight, one of the King's two principal secretaries. Endd. : ao xxxiiijo.
3 Nov.
R. O.
1028. Sir John Gage to Wriothesley.
Doubtless, you know the success of this journey by our letters to the King and Council. I trust his Highness will take it in good part, after our declaration of the occasions of the same. Thanks for your goodness, in my absence, to Edw. Gage, (fn. 8) whom I beg you to bring to a good end in his suit. Affairs here put in order, my lord of Northffolke, the Master of the Horses and I shall repair to Court. Pray cause my letters in this packet to be delivered; and if Edw. Gage is not in Court, send his to Byflit, to his mother, with hers. Newcastell, 3 Nov. Signed.
P. 1. Add. : Chief Secretary. Endd. : Mr. Comptroller to Mr. Secretary, Mr. Wriothesley, iijo Novemb. ao xxxiiijo.
3 Nov.
Add. MS., 32,091 f. 124. B. M.
1029. Sir Thomas Wharton to Hertford.
On 3 Nov., at 8 a.m., received his letters dated at Anwyke the 2nd, and perceives that the King has made him warden of all the Marches, and that he desires Wharton to be his deputy warden in the West Marches. His letters also purport that the writer is to defend the King's subjects, annoy the enemy, send intelligence, and send notice of any exploit which needs the help of the garrison in those parts; with promise of favour. Thanks him, and will serve willingly. There is no exploit wherein the garrisons there may help, save the burning of Ledesdall; which may be done at the light of the moon by 1,000 good men from the East and Middle Marches, meeting 1,000 from these Marches at daybreak, at Cassylton church in Ledesdall, and then each party burning the country homeward so as to leave nothing for inhabitation. Sundry Ledesdales have been heretofore "in bonds" with him, as the Council allowed. The Ledesdales would not "lie in hostage for their service," as my lord of Southfolke devised, and therefore now "stand at aventure." Meanwhile, in this "dark," will practise with them and other Eshdales and Ussedalles, who have been in like bond; and, upon his report, Hertford may command at next light of the moon as shall seem good. Begs to have 100 horsemen in wages at his own appointment. Would choose light horsemen, both English and Scottish rebels, who have been notable offenders in Scotland, and expects that they would annoy the enemy more than 1,000 men in garrison. Twice a week at least they should raise fires. At this season great powers can here do nothing worth venturing, as "lately was seen at my lord of Combrelandes being here." Begs the expedition of this with all speed, if only for two or three months. Carlisle castle, 3 Nov., 11 a.m.
Sent his letters to lord Dacres. Yesterday, before receiving Hertford's letters, sent a suit to Sir Ant. Browne for the hundred men as above. Signed.
Pp. 4. Add. Endd. : ao xxxiiijo.
3 Nov.
R. O. [Spanish Calendar. VI. II., No. 76.]
1030. Charles V. to Chapuys.
Received his letters of 10 Aug. before leaving Monsson, and those of 9 Sept. on the 1st inst. by François de Falaix, showing the state of affairs with regard to the closer amity. As Falaix said that before his departure from England, he heard that the Sieur de Corrieres was arrived, by whom Chapuys would know what has been here treated with the bps. of Westminster and London, and the Emperor's final determination, nothing more can be written until it is known what has been done there. Doubts not but that they will have done their utmost to persuade the King to the treaty, and hopes soon to have their letters. Duplicates should be sent to the Sieur de Grandvelle, who is despatched to Italy and Germany, to represent the Emperor at the Council and for other affairs, and is still waiting at Palamox, because of contrary weather. Falaix, who is sent back with this and other despatches, will report occurrents here. Barcelona, 3 Nov. 1542.
French. Modern transcript from Vienna, pp. 2.
4 Nov.
R. O.
1031. [Hertford] to Norfolk.
Ralph Bulmer, my servant, has declared that your Lordship would that I should do some enterprise in Tyvedale and burn Jedwourth. I marvel that you would so advise me to cast away both myself and the King's subjects under my governance, for as you know Tevidale is "the chief country of men in all Scotland, and doth at this hour remain wholly untouched, hurt or spoiled, and also the lieutenant of Scotland lieth at Jedwourth with a garrison; and again I remember ye told me yourself that [it was asmuch as ye could do (fn. 9) having with you],† ye had ten thousand men when ye did it, whereof were many good captains and wise heads, [and yet it was not facile], (fn. 10) and then the Scottish king being very young, and his lords and commons at division among themself." Before the arrival of my said servant, Robert Collingwode, whom I consulted, had advised me that it was much more difficult than the burning of Kelsey or any other exploit attempted at this voyage; and also that if Jedwourth had been burnt and Tevidale overrun a less garrison "here should have needed than now it requireth." I lack 500 of my number, and most of those here are unhorsed, and the horses of the rest unable to carry them two miles; ["and also their captains changed and gentlemen of my lord of Suffolk's, being strangers to them, appointed in their places so that thereby they be also much discouraged"],* and further as they be sorted they are not meet for any enterprise in these parts, "for there is almost in every hundred lx. bilimen, who can serve here to small effect." I have six falcons without shot or gunner.
[Where you think Mr. Evers might do better service at Berwick than here; though I be slenderly left as never man was, having the charge that is committed to me, he shall go there. There has been no warden before this but has had 400 or 500 to attend him, and I remain here with six.] (fn. 11)
On Monday next I intend to take musters of the garrisons to know how many I lack, and how they are furnished, and thereupon "t'advertise the state of things" [for my discharge, lest I might happen to take dishonesty; trusting that your Lordship will not be offended therewith, for I have and will forbear as much as I may, avoiding that I do not take dishonesty for other men's facts, which my trust is your Lordship will not require me to do].* Alnewike, the iiijth of November.
Draft in Uvedale's hand, pp. 6. Subscribed : To my lord of Norff. Endd. : The copy of a letter sent to my lord of Norfolk, iiij Novemb.
5 Nov.
Dasent's A.P.C., 49.
1032. The Privy Council.
Meeting at Hampton Court, 5 Nov. Present : Canterbury, Russell, Winchester, Westminster, Cheyney, Wriothesley. Business : — Recognisance (cited) of Jan van Ginckelberghe van Hans de Fremont, of Antwerp, and Robt. Throwar, keeper of Ludgate, to abide the Council's order in their dispute about the escape of Paulo de Rasto.
[*** Next entry is 7 Nov.]
1033. The War with Scotland.
"A declaration conteynyng the just causes and consyderations of this present warre with the Scottis, wherin alsoo appereth the trewe and right title that the Kinges most royall majesty hath to the Souerayntie of Scotland."
Being now enforced to war by his neighbour and nephew, the king of Scots, Henry notifies his nephew's provocation of it, whom he maintained and protected in minority, and from whom he has received letters, embassies, etc., as gently devised as possibly could be. Last year, when he received a message and promise of the king of Scots's repair to him at York, and, in lieu of it (he being at York), his realm was invaded by the Scots, he imputed the fault to his nephew's Council and subjects, and received the ambassadors who repaired hither at Christmas as if no such displeasure had happened. Upon the good words of these ambassadors, albeit his nephew had, contrary to the league, received and refused to restore the chief stirrers of the insurrection in the North, Henry agreed to send commissioners to the Borders to determine debates about the confines, without pressing (for the time) the matter of the rebels. When the commissioners met, the Scots rejected evidence, shown for a piece of ground usurped by Scots, only because made by Englishmen (although it was ancient, and the ground of so little value that no man would falsify for it), and the commissioners parted as friends. Thereupon lord Maxwell proclaimed order for good rule, but added that Scottish borderers should withdraw their goods from the Borders; and, incontinently after, on 4 July, the Scots entered and spoiled this realm. Henry was therefore compelled to garrison the Borders. The King of Scots then sent Leyrmonth in embassy, at whose entry the Scots made an unexpected foray, and yet Henry gave him benign audience. Meanwhile Henry's subjects were continually spoiled, and Sir Robert Bowes and many others, making a raid in revenge thereof, taken prisoners and kept without ransom. Describes subsequent negociations with Norfolk, the lord Privy Seal, the bp. of Durham, and the Master of the Horses, at York, in which what James authorised by his commissions he revoked by his instructions, and vice versa, so that nothing could be done.
The above shows that this war has not proceeded from any demand of superiority, for if Henry had minded the possession of Scotland, he had the opportunity during his nephew's minority; and yet he has just claim to Scotland, recognised by the kings of Scotland, but would not move war at a time when all Christendom should be united to resist the Turk. Can show this title by history, by the instruments of homage remaining in his treasury, and by registers and records. (1) As for history, touches upon the division of Britain by Brutus and events before the year 900, from which time he gives the years in which kings (named) of Scotland did homage, viz., 947, 977, 1017, 1056, 1068, 1093, 1100, 1127, 1150, 1175, 1190, 1204, 1216, 1282, 1326, 1346, and 1423. (2) There remain instruments sealed by the kings of Scotland in testimony of these homages; and it appears by history how the Scots practised to steal divers of them out of the Treasury, but they were recovered. To meet the allegation that the homage was for the earldom of Huntingdon, "which is as true as the allegation of him that is burnt in the hand to say he was cut with a sickle," gives an example. (3) As for records and registers has the judicial process (described) of King Edward I. upon the title to Scotland, in which it appears that the Parliament of Scotland recognised the superiority. At that time Scotland was ruled by guardians deputed by Edw. I. and the bps. of St. Andrew's and Glasgow were not, as now, abps., but the abpric. of York extended all over that country.
Shows how, in the 120 years since James Steward did homage to Henry VI., wars and troubles and the minority of the present king of Scots prevented claim of homage being made until these last 13 years, which homage, however, he does not mean to demand, desiring rather his nephew's friendship than to cause him displeasure. It is the work of God to minister occasions whereby due superiority may be known.
At the end : "Londini in officinal Thome Bertheleti typis impress. Cum privilegio ad imprimendum solum. Anno MDXLII." (fn. 12)
The whole text is printed in Hall's Chronicle, although introduced with the words : "And it beginneth thus."

R. O.
1034. Invasion of Scotland.
"A consultation for prosecution of the war against Scotland." If the King intends to enlarge his frontiers to the water of Fyeth, and there build fortresses and establish garrisons until further opportunity of conquest, a "mayne armye" must be used at the beginning of June next; and convenient provision must be made against that season. Also the possessioners of those countries are to be allured by privy practises and open proclamation, and by terror of the preparations now to be made at Berwick, to yield to the King as their Sovereign. However if the King, out of pity of his nephew, will satisfy himself with "a warre gargareable" to chastise the Scots, and force them to convenient conditions of peace, the great provisions are not needed, but only garrisons required.
If the King resolve upon the invasion with a "mayne armye," that army shall be 18,000 foot and 6,000 horse. Tabulated estimate for this army, viz., for coats at 3s. 4d., conduct money at ½d. a mile for 160 miles, footmen's wages at 6d. a day, with 180 captains at 4s., and 180 petty captains at 2s., horsemen's wages at 8d., with 60 captains at 4s., and 60 petty captains at 2s., diets of lieutenants, chieftains and councillors at 560l. a month, and carriage and extras 1,000l. a month : total for the first month 33,776l., and for the second 21,776l. Besides, wages of 2,000 horsemen to furnish the Borders for two months, 4,000l., a garrison in Scotland costing 5,000l. a month for three months, and 3,000l. for the next three, and 2,000 men by sea, four months at 2,000l. a month, make the total charge of the army 91,552l. Similar careful estimates for the various items of victualling (viz., malt, corn, and hops for brewing, aqua vitæ, sack, malvesey, flour, cheese, oats, beans, wages of victuallers, and building of brewhouses at Berwick, Wark, and Holy Island), munitions and ordnance, and carriages, concluding that all charges of the army both by land and sea will amount to 99,568l.
Pp. 9.

Add. MS. 9,835 f. 14. B. M.
1035. Invasion of Scotland.
A number of proverbial sayings arranged in two rhyming stanzas of eight lines each, beginning : —"It is hard to make soft that will break or it bowe."
P. 1.
ii. "An abstracte for Englyschemen to knowe the realme of Scotlande thorowe oute."
Suggestion for a campaign in Scotland, giving the distances between the towns through which the "ost" shall pass, the places on the east coast where "the King's navy" may meet the host and some brief notes of local features. The course to be taken is : —Barwyke to Dunbar 20 miles, Edynbrowe 20, Stravelyn 24, Stryppesforde (Tryppesforde in § 2) 3, Downe in Mentethe 3, along between the water of Forth "and the viij. hills which some calls mountains and some fells, very fair way," to Faukelande 30, south to Sysande (Dysarde in § 2) 14, Anderstone, where is a castle and the bishop's see, and, near by, two havens called Kynkern (Kynkorne in § 2) and Compe (Comphe in § 2) 14, Saint Joniston 16, Skonne (Skone in § 2) 2, Dunde (from Saynt Johnston) 16, Aberden 50.
From Aberden "ye must turn to Strevelyn again homeward." From Strevelyn to Glassynge (Glasgu in § 3) 24, Are 24, Lanarke 24, Bumbles (Publes in § 2) 16, Saltere (Seltre in § 2, Soltre in § 3) 12, Warke on Twyde 12. Near Glassinge is the strongest castle in Scotland called Dunbretten, where St. Patrick was born, "and by his petition there should never horse dung in it." From Glasqu there is another way, viz., to Are 24 miles, Dumfrese 60, Carlyll 24.
Pp. 3.
Harl. MS. 289 f. 4. B. M. 2. Another copy of § ii. (1), in which the names are very differently and more correctly spelt.
Pp. 4.
R. O. 3. Another copy similar in spelling to § 2.
Pp. 4. Mutilated.
5 Nov.
Hatfield MS. 231, No. 106. [Cal. of Cecil MSS., Pt. I., 78.] Haynes, St. Papers, p. 1.
1036. Norfolk and Others to Hertford.
Received the enclosed letters this night after 10 o'clock. Desire him to return the King's letter, whereby he will see that Rutland is appointed warden, whose coming they trust he will await. Durosme, 5 Nov., 6 a.m. Signed by Norfolk, Suffolk, Durham, Gage, and Browne.
P. 1. Add. : lord Warden of the Marches. Endd. : Rec. the vjth of Novembr'.
5 Nov.
R. O. St. P. v., 216.
1037. Norfolk and Others to Henry VIII.
In reply to his letters of the 2nd inst. :—(1) Humbly thank him for taking their proceedings in good part, although not in all things accomplished according to the intended purpose. (2) Concerning the despatch of Hertford from the wardenry and the return of Rutland, with Council, to supply that room; will at York take order for 4,000 men to reside upon the Borders, and will there await Rutland's coming and give him advice. (3) Where the King marvels that they have not reported what the Scots intend; their letters from Newcastle will have done so ere this. Will execute his order for 500 or 600 of the said 4,000 men to lie at Carlisle, for fear of a siege, although it seems superfluous, because the Scots cannot come there without knowledge given in time to warn the country nor carry battery pieces thither at this time of year, and the scarcity on those borders of Scotland is even more than on these. Dissolved the army without first knowing the King's pleasure, only for lack of victuals. Had they had enough to keep the army together they would have gone further into Scotland. Perceive by his letters that they shall leave 4,000 men in garrison on the Borders, but know not how to victual them. Assure him that if the duke of Suffolk had not helped the army at their return from Scotland a great number should have perished. Some of them "offered a crown for a draught of drink." Hay and corn are so scarce in Northumberland that the garrison put their horses to grass, so that the King may perceive what service they shall be able to do. Returning out of Scotland they found at Berwick such scarcity of hay that they were forced to avoid the town.
(4) As to appointing leaders of the countrymen in case the Scots lay siege to any fortress; have taken order for the lord warden to have charge thereof, and will commit it to Rutland at his coming, who is already at Bever with all his men and all his council, save Mr. Harrington, who is treasurer with us here. Rutland has such diseases upon him that if he return thither he shall shortly finish his life. Recommend the earl of Cumberland as much better qualified to serve in the said room, who has a great power of fresh men near at hand. With the earl of Cumberland as warden and lord Dacre remaining in Cumberland, to assist the deputy warden there, the King will be much better served. As for provision of victuals for the garrisons, have done what they could with the remainder of Suffolk's victuals, and others at Berwick and Newcastle; but for horsemeat there is great difficulty, both for hay, oats, and beans.
Finally, where the King marvels that they have not written what fortresses have been thrown down, and what towns and villages burnt by them, Jack Amusgrave, the garrison of Berwick and others; there were no fortresses, for they were thrown down by Norfolk 20 years past, and as for the towns and villages they do not know the names, but the country will not recover it this many years. Will at York wait to hear his further pleasure. Northeallerton, 5 Nov., 8 p.m. Signed : T. Norffolk : Charlys Suffolk : Cuth. Duresme : John Gage : Antone Browne.
Pp. 6. Add. Endd. : ao xxxiiijo. Sealed.
5 Nov.
R. O. St. P. v., 220.
1038. Norfolk to Wriothesley.
Since I wrote last I have been so very ill of the lax that if medicines had not stopped it, I think I should never have seen you. Had incredible purging from 6 o'clock on Friday night till 10 o'clock in the morning, but is now well. Begs to know what answer Wriothesley has received about Bath Place, and how the King is content with Norfolk. Has had no letter from Wriothesley or the Council for a long time. Is sure no man could have done more to give satisfaction, though all things may not have been as well as could have been wished. Alderton, 5 Nov., at night.
Hol., p. 1. Add. Endd. : Ao xxxiiijo.
5 Nov.
Longleat MS. Hamilton Papers, I. lxiii.
1039. Hertford to the Council.
Learning that the Scots assembled men for some notable enterprise between Wednesday last and this present, Hertford remained here, although unfurnished. Hears to-day that they severed on Wednesday last for lack of victuals, there being such famine that they were like to kill one another. On Thursday proclamation was made at Edinburgh for all to return home, except those of Fife, who watch the coast for fear of the King's fleet, which is still in the Frith awaiting wind to return. The King of Scots blames Huntley for not attacking Sir Ant. Browne and the rearward at the return over Tweed, and has made Murray lieutenant in his stead. The Scots have done nothing on the Marches since the return of the army, save that small companies of eight or ten have stolen cattle and horses. Of them the watches have taken six. Reports raids in Scotland on Thursday night by 40 men of Berwick, and on Friday night by Sir Ralph Evres and 90 of the garrison, who burnt Chirnside. At least 500 of the garrison are lacking, and the rest are said to be unprovided with horses. Has ordered a general muster on Tuesday, Wednesday and Thursday next. With the wet and late harvest, and the passage of the army, there is not victual and horsemeat here to last over Candlemas. 5 Nov.
Draft. Endd. : The copy of a letter to the Council, vo Novembris.

Footnotes

1 A cancelled passage here advises them to refer to the letters and instructions written to Rutland when it was thought that the Scots would have laid siege to Wark. See No. 650.
2 As stated later on, the greater part of this despatch was written in October. See p. 576.
3 Here two pages of the transcript are transposed.
4 Oct. 29th, as this part apparently was written on the 31st.
5 Oct. 30th.
6 The Thomas Doughty? See No. 846.
7 Wriothesley.
8 See Grants in November, No. 88.
9 In 1523, when the duke of Norfolk was only earl of Surrey. See Vol. III., Nos. 3360, 3364.
10 Cancelled.
11 Cancelled.
12 In an account of Berthelet's, rendered in the following year, three dozen copies of this are charged for as delivered on 5 Nov., 1542.