St. P. V., 213.
1013. John Car to Norfolk.
The King of Scotland, the last of October, was at Lawder with
the lords and commons of his whole realm, and very desirous to be in
England, but the lords would not agree thereto. The same day after
the King had dined in his tent, they "disperclyd," every man to his
own country; and that night the King rode to Muers, but I cannot
tell whether he lay there. The King's castle of Werk, 1 Nov., 2 p.m.
P. 1. Endd. : "John Carr to my lord of Norff., primo Novembr. ao
1014. Adrien De Croy [Sieur De Roeulx] to Wallop.
Has received his letter, and, in reply, explains that the English
gentleman and his servant were arrested in taking away three horses
without licence, and, being released upon parole, fled, and the horses
were afterwards sold. Has recovered two of the horses, and restored
them and 8 cr. which had been taken. Will send the third horse, if
he can get it.
Thanks for news and for friendship to our men. Our men have
conquered all Julliers, and have now entered Cleves. Arras, 1 Nov.
French, p. 1. Add. : Captain of Guysnes. Endd. : ao xxxiiijo.
1015. The Privy Council.
Meeting at Hampton Court, 2 Nov. Present : Canterbury,
Chancellor, Russell, Winchester, Westminster, Cheyney, Wingfield,
Wriothesley, Riche. Business :—Order (detailed) taken in a long
standing contention between the bailiffs of Droitwich, Worc., and Ric.
Cornewall, priest, touching a service of St. Richard there. Wm. Bulmer,
who absented himself from Joan his wife without cause, having disobeyed
the Council's former order; letters were written to the President
of the Council in the North to sequester his lands and send the receipts
from time to time to Mr. Mason, clerk of the Council, to apportion
32,648 f. 120.
1016. Henry VIII. to the Duke Of Norfolk And Others.
Has received theirs of 29 Oct. and seen theirs of the 28th to
the Council and Hertford's letters, touching the wardenry. (1) Wishes
that such a costly and notable enterprise had been more displeasant
to the enemies, but trusts hereafter to have recompence for what is now,
for lack of necessaries, omitted. (2) Supposed that Hertford should
have been furnished out of the late lord Privy Seal's stuff, but, since
he has no relief thereof, and cannot without furniture serve the room
of warden, discharges him of it until he may be better provided, and
appoints Rutland again, whose commission shall be sent within two days.
They are to appoint for his Council the gentlemen they named before.
(3) Marvels that they have not written what the Scots do and
whether they have levied an army, and if so that they should so
suddenly dissolve his army without his command. Lest the Scots should
seek revenge, such order must be taken in the Borders and the countries
adjoining, that their malice may be defended, and they made to suffer
more than they have already done, rather than, by doing hurt in England
or by sowing and manuring the overridden ground, enabled to redubb
their injuries. Orders them to lay 4,000 men in garrison for this
winter (500 or 600 of them at Carlisle), to be picked from the best of
the armies both of the dukes of Norfolk and Suffolk. Also to devise
with Rutland to supply the room of deputy warden of the Middle
Marches, and take order for the laying and victualling of the garrisons,
and their instruction to beware of being trapped as Bowes and the
rest were, and yet let the enemies know that they are not asleep;
providing that captains of fortresses shall not issue out for any provocation
that can be given, but only the captains of the garrisons at
large. (4) Also they must put order for the leading of the country
if the Scots lay siege to any hold. (fn. 1) (5) As to victuals, hears that there
is no such great scarcity in the North, but that provision may be
made there and in Lincolnshire, if they appoint substantial ministers
to it. These things done, Norfolk, Suffolk, Hertford, Gage and Brown
shall return hither, while Durham remains there to aid and advise
Rutland. Is content for this time to wink at the matter of the
Northumberland men, but desires that they may be given good
advice to do their duty better this winter. (6) Marvels they have not
sent the names of the towns, villages and castles which they, Jak a
Musgrave and the garrison of Berwick, have destroyed, with an estimate
of the spoil done, that it might be set forth and magnified to the
Draft, with corrections in Wriothesley's hand, pp. 18. Endd. :
Minute to my l. of Norff., etc., ijo Novembr. ao xxxiiijo.
VI. II. No.
1017. Chapuys to Charles V.
On the 3rd of this month (fn. 2) arrived the Sieur de Corrierez at
Falemue; upon notice of which the King ordered Mr. Huyet to meet
him, as far off as possible, who about 80 miles hence took ill, and died
within two days; so that De Corrierez missed his company, and had no
other than that of the captain of Falemue and his son-in-law, who
were bringing hither a French corsair named Vreica. On the 14th De
Corrierez arrived in this town, being met a mile or two out by the
captain of the King's Guard and a great number of gentlemen, who
accompanied him to Chapuys' lodging. Having perused the Emperor's
letters of 13 and 16 Aug. and 13 Sept., they obtained audience for
the 16th, and lord Coban and the captain of the Guard came to fetch
them. The Council's reception of them was very meagre, compared
with that of former times; as likewise was the King's, after dinner.
After De Courrieres had presented the letters of credence and both
had thanked the King for his affection to the Emperor, as understood
from his ambassadors, and had assured him of the Emperor's reciprocity,
he answered that he had long heard such language but never perceived
the effect, and, if the Emperor had the least desire in the world for
his amity, stay would not be made upon many little points, as in the
article of rebels; and he persisted strongly upon that, and then fell
upon the defence from persons spiritual and ecclesiastic, saying that no
real amity was possible without these two articles being passed as he
made them, and that he had been so often deceived in treaties and
had found so many interpretations and cavillations that henceforth he
meant to treat so amply that there might be nothing to gainsay.
Answered graciously, with suitable representations, but briefly, considering
that he would take the whole better from his deputies' report;
for he holds it against honor to give way to reason and retract anything
he has affirmed; and they avoided striving much with him, because
Chapuys had disputed at great length with him three days before
(having been summoned, on pretext of speaking about a ship of Mons.
de Beures, in order that the King might complain of the said two
articles to him, as a friend and counsellor, and not as an ambassador)
and had then satisfied him. The King next spoke of the non-observance
of his treaties, both with the Emperor and France; and said in passing,
half between his teeth, that that was not much compared with the
having made a league against him, and a certain partition (repartement)
between the Pope, the Emperor, and the French king, and that
the ships which were said, three years ago, to be preparing in Flanders
to go against the Turk, were for an enterprise against him. Then
suddenly, to efface these words and prevent an answer (which Chapuys
has heretofore made), the King asked de Courrieres about the Emperor's
health; and, with a jest of extravagant praise of Chapuys and some
small talk, referred them to communicate with his deputies.
Next day, 17th inst., the said deputies, viz. the bps. of Winchester
and Westminster and Secretary Wriothesley, dined with them, and began
the discussion which followed by making the whole treaty depend
upon the clearing of the article concerning the Pope. With much ado
got them to pass to the other difficulties made on the Emperor's behalf
to the bps. of London and Westminster; and after long debate they
concluded to report to their master and answer next day.
Next day came news that the Privy Seal was dead in the North, of
his ordinary malady of the stone (which is indeed a great loss), and
Wriothesley was sent to his house to console his wife and take away
"quelques paques et auttres besongnes" belonging to the King; so
that they could not re-assemble until the 21st, when the deputies came
The deputies said that they had persuaded the King to condescend
to the article touching rebels as in the treaty of Cambray, with the
term of 15 days instead of the other longer term and the clause "si
commodement faire faire se pouvoit," and to substitute for "personne
prince spirituel," in the article of defence, the ordinary clause promising
defence against all of whatsoever quality or condition. The deputies
insisted much on the article of "contractation et hantise," but Chapuys
thinks they will not stay upon any, unless it be the aid against the
Turk which they will not have mentioned in the treaty, but consider
afterwards. It will be difficult to obtain the exemption of the Emperor's
aid when occupied on the side of Italy or in the common offence, and
assistance against the dukes of Cleves and Holstein by name. As to
the duration of the aid defensive, thinks that one month will be the
utmost extension obtained. Did not speak of the time of the common
invasion and the war against Francis, because the Emperor was already
engaged in it, and there was no likelihood of altering the article as
at present couched. Nor did they press for the enterprise upon
Montreuil; because they await the Queen's command, and the English
are against it this year, on account of events against the Scots, the lateness
of the season and the loss of the best opportunity.
The deputies being grieved at our determined opposition to the said
"qualité" in case of defence, said that the French were not asleep, and
their practises extended further than we thought, and that the ambassadors
with the Emperor understood that if only the word spirituelz
were omitted the Emperor would be satisfied. Answered that the
Emperor's intention was not only to exclude the word but also the
meaning, in such wise that his Holiness might have no occasion for
displeasure; and read the second chapter of the Emperor's letter,
speaking of the respect to be had to his Holiness, but excused
giving a copy by saying that the deputies were of good memory,
and the King would accept their report of it, as the Emperor
had already told it to the ambassadors; and we said that we
knew more of the French practises than they thought, and
that the French king now desired nothing more than an appointment
with the Emperor, and all his practises tended to that,
and if the Emperor would gratify him in something, he would capitulate
all that the Emperor could wish, against anyone, and (although the
Emperor made no mention of it) offer (fn. 3) assistance to the Emperor
against the King their master. And Chapuys added, after giving them
some taste of it, that he would, for all he had, that their master knew
what he knew of the intrigues of the French against him, and what
they had formerly solicited, to which their Emperor would not listen.
It was concluded that in a day or two they should signify their
King's whole will; but, notwithstanding solicitations, and representations
of De Courrieres's haste to pass into Flanders, and their desire
to despatch to the Emperor, who might thereupon see to his affairs,
the deputies showed themselves as cold as possible.
Finally, on the 26th, were called to the lodging of the bp. of
Winchester, where it was thought that De Courrieres should not be
present, both because he was a little indisposed and because Chapuys
thought that affairs would be disputed a little closely, and the deputies
would not take his representations so well in presence of another, and,
moreover, that if perchance he used a sharp word, they would have
better opportunity to soften it, besides his being able to speak to
them more frankly as a servant of their master; and, moreover, some
kind of coolness had to be shown on our side as on theirs, and the
absence of De Courrieres rather assisted it; and it gave the King and
these commissioners "assez a penser." Had the matter not been so
important, and had Chapuys been free to use his own judgment, he
would have shown still greater coolness, and thinks it would have
Coming to the said commissioners, they began to tell me that the
King found it strange that the Emperor would prefer the Pope's amity
to his, which was the more necessary to the Emperor, especially when
the succession of this realm is certain, and that of the Papal dignity
not so, and this Pope, being very frail, might die to-morrow and be
succeeded by one of the French faction; that the King's influence
with the Venetians was such that he might bring them to a league
for the defence of Italy, even against his Holiness. I replied that
this seemed to need no answer, as the thing was notorious, and
had been already so often debated, but, since they pressed me, I
would tell my opinion (being very glad of De Courrieres's absence);
[and] I pointed out that your Majesty did more for the King than
he did for you, and that what they asked was unreasonable, and I
could not imagine that the King wished to put the Emperor in such
danger, without any advantage to himself, and that, if he would consider
what he himself would do if he were in the Emperor's position, he
would not, I firmly believed, require him to do a thing which his Holiness
might resent, but rather dissuade it; that there was no need of
comparing amities; and that increased amity between the Emperor
and his Holiness would give the Emperor more influence to dissuade his
Holiness from attempts against the King (whose amity the Emperor
much esteemed, and the King should esteem his also), and since the
Pope was frail, as they said, he had in his old age other matter to think
of than enterprises against this realm, and when another, such as
they spoke of, succeeded, the needful measures will be devised; and
this exclusion of persons spiritual seemed, in some ways, to make more
for their master than for the Emperor who might fall in dissension with
the Holy Father, and, his countries being easier to invade than this,
the King would be at charge for their defence, as also in the case of the
bps. of Liege, Cologne, Treves and Munster, who were princes of the
Empire and the Emperor's neighbours; from which expense he would
be free if the treaty was only against temporal princes. As to the
Venetians it was a mistake to suppose the Signory was going to quarrel
with the Pope and France, and the Venetians were nothing in Italy in
comparison with the Pope's power, and this country was too far off
from Italy. To pass the articles which they demanded would irritate
not only his Holiness and the sacred College but also the Catholic states
of Germany, as might be presumed from what passed in last Diet of
Ratisbon, and would scandalize all or the most part of the Emperor's
To this they could only reply that they saw that God would not permit
the treaty, and all must be considered broken for the present; and
afterwards the exigence of affairs might bring better opportunity for
concluding. Seeing their coldness, Chapuys said that since they saw no
appearance of effecting what was treated, he begged them as soon as
possible to obtain congé for De Courrieres, and the King's final resolution,
which it was most important that the Emperor should know.
At this the commissioners seemed astonished, and looked at one another;
and, after speaking together, they said that they were extremely sorry
that affairs went not otherwise, and would still advance them to their
power, and they did not think that De Courrieres, whatever haste he
had, would leave without speaking with the King. After some other
conversation, as Chapuys was leaving, Wriothesley, who has the credit
and governs all, begged him privately to use gracious language to the
King when De Courrieres took leave. Thanked him, and begged him
to think what they should say.
The day before yesterday (fn. 4) De Courrieres and he were in Court, and,
before dinner, he took Wriothesley aside, who told him that the King
was a little exasperated (escarmouche) upon hearing their last communication,
but was afterwards mollified, and much desired that a
form might be found to assure him from the Pope without endangering
the Emperor, and, as for sending anyone to the Queen in Flanders
(as Chapuys had proposed), the King would not hear of it, suspecting
(as he himself said after dinner) that nothing could pass there to his
advantage, as the Queen had men about her who were not partial to
him. And Wriothesley advised them to speak as they thought best to
the King, but not strive with him, and to conclude by praying him to
take the trouble to put his own hand to the pen, for there was no
councillor or secretary who knew nearly so well how to order the whole
or to understand the importance of the affair.
After dinner the King began by saying that he understood that De
Courrieres had a charge to the Queen in Flanders, and he would not
delay him here to the prejudice of the Emperor's affairs, the promotion
of which he desired no less than that of his own; that he was sorry
that things treated here had rather gone back than advanced, for it
had been said in the Emperor's Court that there was nothing to alter
in all the treaty if the word princes et personnes spirituelles was omitted,
but now, when he condescended to substitute for it the promise of defence,
customary in all treaties, viz., against all persons of what degree,
condition, estate, and quality whatsoever, it was refused, and new difficulties
put in the other articles; it was to be noted that it was not his
fault that this closer amity was not concluded. And he repeated the
representations which he and his ministers have so often made.
In reply, after begging him to hear them patiently, and, by his great
goodness and prudence, excuse and correct their errors, they answered
his more substantial points, and then gave a summary of their representations,
which, although it was long, he heard without his accustomed
interruptions, only making a little grimace at what he did not like.
When they had done, he said that they knew how to take advantage
of things, and that, as he had often told Chapuys, the Emperor should
keep his friends, and to acquire others should not seek the Pope, who
was his (Henry's) enemy; if the Emperor reserved treating against
his Holiness, he (Henry) might reserve the King of France and duke
of Cleves, with whom he still had good amity and intelligence; and he
thought that the Emperor, by his amity [and] alliance with his Holiness,
would easily induce the latter to take the thing in good part, who
would be afraid to resent it (nauroit garde de grondir, saichant l'union
entre vre. Mate et luy). Told him that, if so, he should not insist on
demanding defence against his Holiness, whose forces were so far off.
He was confused, and did not reply; but, with a little heat, said that
if his Holiness sought to do him ill he would set the Venetians on him,
who were not so difficult to sever from his friendship as we imagined;
and, chafing still more, but gaily, he answered to what we had said
(that, although your Majesty might need defence against a Pope sooner
than himself, for the reasons above touched upon, you did not ask
him for it, nor would he listen to such a demand), he replied that he
would listen to it and capitulate about it if you pleased. We
said that we thought you so acquitted yourself towards the Holy
See that such extremities would not be reached, and it would be
ominous and new among Christian princes, in place of comprehending
the Holy See as a principal contrahent, to capitulate against it, and
that See being so powerful in Italy, an assistance of 25,000 or 30,000
men would be necessary, and would be difficult to transport to Italy,
where also it would be difficult to send the aid in money promptly.
And where we had said that if His Holiness were given cause of resentment,
he might easily be gained over by Francis, with the offer of
Naples, and persuasion that Francis only took intelligence with the Turk
for lack of assistance from his Holiness, the King answered that we
were ill informed of the affairs of France, and that Francis would be in
no hurry to make such offers,—forgetting that the said offer was among
the news he [gave] us eight or ten days before as from his ambassador
in France. He was surprised at the Emperor's scruples, seeing that
heretofore he had not shown such great respect to the Pope, as was
seen at the taking of Rome and of Pope Clement. Answered that that
was done against the Emperor's will, as was afterwards shown, although
the Emperor had cause to take arms against Pope Clement, who, besides
plotting against him, had begun to invade Naples. Where we had
said that not even after the rout of Pavia were the French ever barer
of money and friends, and, consequently, easier to bring to reason by
force or amity, which they would procure by all means they knew
[before] the conclusion of this treaty; the King answered that we were
ill informed of the affairs of France. After further discussion, he said
he would rather remain in his neutrality than enter an imperfect treaty,
and some better opportunity of getting rid of the difficulties now made
might offer hereafter. He would not hear of sending a person of his to
the Queen, saying that if any good was to be done there, De Courrieres
by mouth and Chapuys by letter could do it far better. Told him that
to report or write the whole, a new meeting with his commissioners was
necessary, at which he demurred, saying that his commissioners knew
not what further to say, and it was for us as the pursuers to think how
to clear away the difficulties; but finally he consented.
Yesterday, (fn. 5) after dinner, we were at Winchester's lodging, and, after
much altercation and urging us to write the article of defence without
mention of the spirituality, they withdrew, and wrote the following article,
to be placed after the 4th, viz., "Item conventum, concordatum et
conclusum quod casu quo aliqua invasio," &c. (article quoted to the
effect that, in case of invasion of the possessions of either or their heirs
or successors, or, during minority of the heirs, their curators or administrators,
the author of the invasion and whosoever assists with
funds, men or arms, shall be held a common enemy; and if the invasion
be with 10,000 men, then, etc.). To this we made difficulties, and, in
passing, put forward the clause which your Majesty mentions for the
extremity, viz., to promise defence against all powers, temporal and
secular, but they disapproved it, saying that if the chief were
ecclesiastic and spiritual, the whole army might be considered spiritual;
and no other resolution could be taken than that they would do their
best to get their King to accept the above article, and we should do
the like with the Queen. And to-day they were to advertise us of the
King's intention and send De Courrieres's passport.
I thought to close this the day before yesterday and upon that
supposition calculated the days above mentioned, but deferred because
the passport and answer did not come until to-day. This morning the
clerk of the Council brought the passport and 1,000 ducats as a present
to De Courrieres, and told us, on behalf of the deputies, that the
King persisted that the 6th and 7th articles should remain in their
entirety, and they wished us to obtain that, or in default get the
Queen to condescend to the article above couched, and meanwhile they
would do their best to get the King to like it. They have also sent
word that the King has, at our contemplation, pardoned an honest
young compaignon de Haynault, who was accused of retaining a piece
of the King's plate, in which something had been brought to his
Thinks the Emperor was well advised not to write privately to the
King's counsellors. Events will show how to proceed in that, and in
the constitution of the pensions. The prolongation mentioned in the
end of the Emperor's letters of 13 Aug. has not been spoken of. As
to the export of wheat, of which the Emperor wrote privately on 14
Aug., the King answered that there was no great abundance here, and
that upon opportunity he would license him in whose favour the
Emperor wrote to export some; and also license some of his own people
to do it, so that they might share the gain. Showed the copy of the
Emperor's letter to his Holiness, upon the convocation of the Council,
to the King's Council; by whom, and by the King himself, it was
Has had no Flemish news from the Queen since 23 Sept.; but learns
by merchants that in the beginning of October 14,000 or 15,000
Almains marched into Julliers, where first Dure surrendered and compounded
for 70,000 fl. (and, some say, promised to build a castle), and
then Julliers, which held out longer, being fortified, surrendered at
discretion on the 10th, and on the 22nd the last town of Julliers was
gained; the Emperor's army finding no resistance in the field. It is
doubted that there will be a little more resistance in Cleves, through
the assistance of the Gueldrois, to whom the duke of Cleves has withdrawn,
and the Queen has not gained their favour, as was said, or at
least they have not kept neutrality; for a booty of merchandise going
from Antwerp to Cologne, by the Rhine, worth 80,000 cr., has made
them turn aside (fleschir). The rest of the army, as De Roeulx wrote
20 days ago, was divided, the one part being in Luxemburg and the
other in Hainault, towards Liege, to keep relief from the French (garder
le secours dez François), who had made three or four courses upon the
frontiers of Hainault and Artois, and had always been well beaten.
When De Roeulx wrote he had been two days and a night near Corbie,
thinking to draw out the garrisons of Peronne, Orleans and Corbie, but
no one dared to show himself. Since his return the captain of Bapaulme
found the garrison of Chastelet in the fields and slew or took them all.
The war of Scotland has been almost stopped by the great rains,
whereby it was impossible to conduct artillery or victuals, and Norfolk
has retired, after spoiling some of the country without finding any one
in the fields.
Thanks for the Emperor's goodness to him touching "lez xije ducatz,"
and promised recommendation. London, 2 Nov. 1542.
French. Modern transcript from Vienna, pp. 21.
231, No. 36.
[Cal. of Cecil
MSS.. Pt. I.
1018. Norfolk to Hertford.
Where he sends word for one of the "Stratforde cartes," will stay
two for him unless advertised to the contrary. Morpeth, 2 Nov.
P.S.—As it is requisite to have good knowledge by espial, I require
you to entreat gently John Carre and Gilbert Swynowe, and also my
espial which the captain of Norham brought me, who has been very
good both in these wars and in others; also to handle well Lawry Bele
and Clement Mustyan, of Berwick, "who are very sure men to get
knowledge." If you promise my espial 10l. or 20 nobles to get you
knowledge when any raid shall be made by the Scots, by the marches
of Tevidale, the money will be well employed. "As soon as Somerset
the herald and Raye the pursuivant shall repair unto you, I require
you to despatch their answer unto me by post." Signed.
My cooks come with my company; but, as soon as they arrive at Newcastle,
I shall return one to you.
P.S. in his own hand.—As Wynter is captain of the gunners, and
has five well horsed servants, and must daily ride from place to place to
see the gunners well ruled, pray admit his servants into wages. "Also
I appointed 6 gunners to lie at Cornell, before the others were chosen,
whom I pray you to put in wages; and I shall send Wodhall to you
with money as soon as I can."
P. 1. Fly leaf with address lost. Headed in a later hand : "To
therle of Hertforde."
5,754 f. 6.
1019. Conduct Money.
Norfolk's warrant to Sir John Harryngton, treasurer of wars,
to pay Ralph Boullmer, 12l. 2s. 7d., besides 39l. 4s. remaining in his
hands for 7 days' wages not yet expired, the whole to be employed for
conduct of 200 men from Rydyngburne, in Scotland, to Bulmer, 110
miles at ½d. a mile, and 2 captains and 2 petty captains at 7d. Newcastle,
2 Nov. 34 Hen. VIII. Signed.
Signed (as received?) by Rauff Bygod.
Note at the foot that the treasurer loses by this 23s. 4d., which
Bulmer did not deduct for part of the wages of 20 horsemen for 7 days.
St. P. v., 215.
1020. Sir Wm. Eure to Norfolk.
This 2nd Nov., at noon, came word from an espial in Scotland
that, yesterday, coming from Edinburgh to Haddington and towards
the Borders, he met ordnance that was with the army of Scotland, going
backward, and them of Lowdean "scayllande and going homewarde,"
who said all the army would depart home. Berwick castle, 2 Nov.
P. 1. Endd. : "Sir Wm. Evre to my lord of Norff., ijo Novemb.
the House of
Lords, I., 199.
List of peers attending Parliament 3 Nov. 34 Hen. VIII., prorogued
to 22 Jan. following.
1022. The Privy Council.
Meeting at Hampton Court, 3 Nov. Present : Winchester,
Westminster, Cheyney, Wriothesley. Business :—Upon information by
Wallop of unlawful exaction of head money by the bailiff of Guisnes,
for beasts taken by "bowtyrs" and sold in the Pale; letters were
written to the Deputy and Ant. Rows, comptroller, to examine whether
previous bailiffs have so exacted, and if not order him to surcease and
restore what he has taken. Letter to Wallop to release prisoners taken
in the Pale without ransom paid to the takers.
[*** Next entry is 5 Nov.]
6,989 f. 108.
1023. The Privy Council to [Norfolk and Others].
In laying the garrisons they are to choose out about three score
of the best haquebutiers of the army, and lay them in a convenient
place to serve either in the East or Middle Marches. In case of raid
or invasion the noise they make with their guns, and the hurt they do,
will do notable service among the horsemen. Also they shall see what
treasure remains there, and estimate the cost of the garrisons for one
month, and the quantity of victual necessary for their maintenance,
and report with diligence. Hampton Court, 3 Nov.
P.S.—When Sabian's ship repaired thither with wheat, we bought
the lading of another ship, (fn. 6) of Mr. Gressham and others, which was lost,
as you, my lord of Norfolk, know. Now we are about to enquire
the value, which will draw near 400l., and must be paid "of that
mass," so that we require your lordships to consider it in your view of
the treasure remaining there. Signed : Ste. Winton : Tho. [We]stm. :
T. Cheyne : Thom's Wriothesley.
In Mason's hand, pp. 2. Fly leaf, with address lost. Endd. : Du
Con. du Roy.
II., No. 75.]
1024. Chapuys to the Queen Of Hungary.
By documents hereto annexed, and by report of Mons. de
Corrierez she will learn the progress of affairs here. Begs her, for
reasons which she can best consider, and for the satisfaction of those
here, to inform him soon of her intention, in writing, considering that,
apart from (oultre) the necessity of the time and of affairs, when it
should please the Emperor the treaty would not be obligatory on his
side, although I hold that your Majesties wish to use it quite otherwise.
Touching the pensions, there seems no great haste; but a gracious
present to the Secretary (fn. 7) would be well employed. At his departure
from Mons, the Queen assured Chapuys that, within two months, some
money would be advanced to him. Has waited four months, and spent,
in addition, the money he gave to George and to the other courier, upon
whose despatch the Emperor founded his resolution upon the affairs
here treated, "qu'est venu bien a poinct, de sorte que la depence dud.
courrier n'est a plaindre." London, 3 Nov. 1542.
French. Modern transcript from Vienna, pp. 2.
St. P. v. 213.
1025. Norfolk, Gage and Browne to the Council.
Since our departure out of Scotland, we have heard that the
army of Scotland, 10,000 or 12,000 men, was at Lawder, 20 miles from
the Borders, intending this night or to-morrow to invade this country.
Yesterday, at Alnwick, with my lords of Suffolk and Hertford, we heard
that they were scaled and gone home, as confirmed this morning by a
letter (herewith) sent by John Carr to Norfolk at Morpeth. Other
espials show that the hunger among them at Lawder, caused by the
great waste done by us, was such that their King licensed them to take
for every six men a sheep where they could get it. Thereupon they
took every man a sheep and so spoiled their own country, "that th'inhabitants
exclaimed marvelously thereat;" and for lack of victuals
they were constrained to sparcle.
Have taken order for defence, and for hurts to be done by the garrison
men, by advice of Suffolk and Hertford and the wisest Borderers.
By espials and the words of the late ambassadors of Scotland, the King
of Scots would gladly have come to the King, but his lords would not
suffer it, the principals being the Cardinal and the earls of Murray
and Argyle. Will here order the victuals in the ships which have
been in the Frythe, and could not reach Berwick before our departure
into Scotland, to be sold. Depart to-morrow for York to appoint fresh
men to relieve Suffolk's men. Have already written to them to learn
the King's pleasure how many men should lie in garrison on the
Borders, advising no less than 3,000. Beg them to advertise my lord
Warden of the King's pleasure in that, and they will at York take order
with my lord President to send such soldiers as my lord Warden shall
thereupon, by letter, require. It has never before been accustomed to
leave after All Hallowtide more than 1,500 men, and even for that
number corn, both for men and horses, must be sent from the south
Heard on Tuesday last, at Berwick, that the ships of war had burnt
Coldingham in Scotland, and killed certain persons, but do not know
what exploits they have done since. We desire you to advertise John
Care, vice-admiral, at Yarmouth Road (where he will be by next wind),
how many of the King's ships shall remain at seal and what they shall do.
P.S.—Being too busy to despatch these letters yesternight, we hear
this morning that the commons of Scotland are gone home, but the
lords and gentlemen remain together, intending some invasion. Again,
sitting at dinner, we received contrary news by Sir Wm. Flvers' letter
According to the King's pleasure, to send into Scotland for delivery
of the prisoners upon ransom, Norfolk has written to the King of Scots
by Somerset herald and Ray, pursuivant of Berwick, and has received
answer (enclosed) thereupon from the earl of Murray. The Council
would not permit "him" to have access to the King. Will to-morrow
depart towards York, and after seeing there to the appointing of new
men, repair to Hull to view the fortifications, and thence to the Court.
Newcastle, 3 Nov., 3 p.m. Signed : T. Norffolk : John Gage : Antone
Pp. 4. Add. Endd. : ao xxxiiijo.
1026. Norfolk, Gage and Browne to Wriothesley.
As the horses of the garrison, who were here before our coming,
are so travelled that they cannot serve, and as my lord of Suffolk's
company have taken little pain, it would save the cost of bringing new
men if a number of that company were commanded to remain here.
If the King will be content with 1,500 to tarry on the Borders, 1,000
of my said lord's company with the 636 we have left will suffice; and,
if a greater number shall remain, we think the King should advertise
my lord Warden, and we will put order with the President that the
number shall be ready upon short warning. We study to alleviate the
charges for coats and conduct money, "which my lord of Suffolk's company
remaining here may save," whose 14 days' wages end this day.
Write this to be uttered to the King as Wriothesley thinks convenient.
Newcastle, 3 Nov., 3 p.m. Signed : T. Norffolk : John Gage : Antone
P. 1. Add. Endd. : ao xxxiiijo.
St. P. v., 216.
1027. Norfolk to Wriothesley.
I thank you heartily for helping my despatch hence, which I
trust will somewhat lengthen my life. I was never sorer vexed with my
disease of the lax. Please forward my letter, enclosed, to my servants
at Horsham to make provisions for my house there this winter, as I
desire not to be far from the Court. About Tuesday or Wednesday
se'nnight, the master of the horse, Mr. Comptroller and I will be with
the King. I dare not take great journeys. Newcastle, 3 Nov.
Hol., p. 1. Add. : Sir Thomas Wriothesley, knight, one of the
King's two principal secretaries. Endd. : ao xxxiiijo.
1028. Sir John Gage to Wriothesley.
Doubtless, you know the success of this journey by our letters
to the King and Council. I trust his Highness will take it in good
part, after our declaration of the occasions of the same. Thanks for
your goodness, in my absence, to Edw. Gage, (fn. 8) whom I beg you to bring
to a good end in his suit. Affairs here put in order, my lord of Northffolke,
the Master of the Horses and I shall repair to Court. Pray
cause my letters in this packet to be delivered; and if Edw. Gage is
not in Court, send his to Byflit, to his mother, with hers. Newcastell,
3 Nov. Signed.
P. 1. Add. : Chief Secretary. Endd. : Mr. Comptroller to Mr.
Secretary, Mr. Wriothesley, iijo Novemb. ao xxxiiijo.
32,091 f. 124.
1029. Sir Thomas Wharton to Hertford.
On 3 Nov., at 8 a.m., received his letters dated at Anwyke the
2nd, and perceives that the King has made him warden of all the
Marches, and that he desires Wharton to be his deputy warden in the
West Marches. His letters also purport that the writer is to defend
the King's subjects, annoy the enemy, send intelligence, and send
notice of any exploit which needs the help of the garrison in those
parts; with promise of favour. Thanks him, and will serve willingly.
There is no exploit wherein the garrisons there may help, save the burning
of Ledesdall; which may be done at the light of the moon by 1,000
good men from the East and Middle Marches, meeting 1,000 from
these Marches at daybreak, at Cassylton church in Ledesdall, and then
each party burning the country homeward so as to leave nothing for
inhabitation. Sundry Ledesdales have been heretofore "in bonds"
with him, as the Council allowed. The Ledesdales would not "lie in
hostage for their service," as my lord of Southfolke devised, and therefore
now "stand at aventure." Meanwhile, in this "dark," will practise
with them and other Eshdales and Ussedalles, who have been in like
bond; and, upon his report, Hertford may command at next light of
the moon as shall seem good. Begs to have 100 horsemen in wages at
his own appointment. Would choose light horsemen, both English
and Scottish rebels, who have been notable offenders in Scotland,
and expects that they would annoy the enemy more than 1,000 men in
garrison. Twice a week at least they should raise fires. At this season
great powers can here do nothing worth venturing, as "lately was seen
at my lord of Combrelandes being here." Begs the expedition of this
with all speed, if only for two or three months. Carlisle castle, 3 Nov.,
Sent his letters to lord Dacres. Yesterday, before receiving Hertford's
letters, sent a suit to Sir Ant. Browne for the hundred men as
Pp. 4. Add. Endd. : ao xxxiiijo.
II., No. 76.]
1030. Charles V. to Chapuys.
Received his letters of 10 Aug. before leaving Monsson, and those
of 9 Sept. on the 1st inst. by François de Falaix, showing the state of
affairs with regard to the closer amity. As Falaix said that before his
departure from England, he heard that the Sieur de Corrieres was
arrived, by whom Chapuys would know what has been here treated
with the bps. of Westminster and London, and the Emperor's final
determination, nothing more can be written until it is known what
has been done there. Doubts not but that they will have done their
utmost to persuade the King to the treaty, and hopes soon to have
their letters. Duplicates should be sent to the Sieur de Grandvelle,
who is despatched to Italy and Germany, to represent the Emperor at
the Council and for other affairs, and is still waiting at Palamox,
because of contrary weather. Falaix, who is sent back with this and
other despatches, will report occurrents here. Barcelona, 3 Nov. 1542.
French. Modern transcript from Vienna, pp. 2.
1031. [Hertford] to Norfolk.
Ralph Bulmer, my servant, has declared that your Lordship
would that I should do some enterprise in Tyvedale and burn Jedwourth.
I marvel that you would so advise me to cast away both myself and the
King's subjects under my governance, for as you know Tevidale is "the
chief country of men in all Scotland, and doth at this hour remain
wholly untouched, hurt or spoiled, and also the lieutenant of Scotland
lieth at Jedwourth with a garrison; and again I remember ye told me
yourself that [it was asmuch as ye could do (fn. 9) having with you],† ye had
ten thousand men when ye did it, whereof were many good captains and
wise heads, [and yet it was not facile], (fn. 10) and then the Scottish king
being very young, and his lords and commons at division among themself."
Before the arrival of my said servant, Robert Collingwode, whom
I consulted, had advised me that it was much more difficult than the
burning of Kelsey or any other exploit attempted at this voyage; and
also that if Jedwourth had been burnt and Tevidale overrun a less
garrison "here should have needed than now it requireth." I lack 500
of my number, and most of those here are unhorsed, and the horses of
the rest unable to carry them two miles; ["and also their captains
changed and gentlemen of my lord of Suffolk's, being strangers to them,
appointed in their places so that thereby they be also much discouraged"],*
and further as they be sorted they are not meet for any
enterprise in these parts, "for there is almost in every hundred lx. bilimen,
who can serve here to small effect." I have six falcons without
shot or gunner.
[Where you think Mr. Evers might do better service at Berwick than
here; though I be slenderly left as never man was, having the charge
that is committed to me, he shall go there. There has been no warden
before this but has had 400 or 500 to attend him, and I remain here
with six.] (fn. 11)
On Monday next I intend to take musters of the garrisons to know
how many I lack, and how they are furnished, and thereupon "t'advertise
the state of things" [for my discharge, lest I might happen to take
dishonesty; trusting that your Lordship will not be offended therewith,
for I have and will forbear as much as I may, avoiding that I do not
take dishonesty for other men's facts, which my trust is your Lordship
will not require me to do].* Alnewike, the iiijth of November.
Draft in Uvedale's hand, pp. 6. Subscribed : To my lord of Norff.
Endd. : The copy of a letter sent to my lord of Norfolk, iiij Novemb.
1032. The Privy Council.
Meeting at Hampton Court, 5 Nov. Present : Canterbury,
Russell, Winchester, Westminster, Cheyney, Wriothesley. Business : —
Recognisance (cited) of Jan van Ginckelberghe van Hans de Fremont,
of Antwerp, and Robt. Throwar, keeper of Ludgate, to abide the
Council's order in their dispute about the escape of Paulo de Rasto.
[*** Next entry is 7 Nov.]
1033. The War with Scotland.
"A declaration conteynyng the just causes and consyderations
of this present warre with the Scottis, wherin alsoo appereth the trewe
and right title that the Kinges most royall majesty hath to the
Souerayntie of Scotland."
Being now enforced to war by his neighbour and nephew, the king of
Scots, Henry notifies his nephew's provocation of it, whom he maintained
and protected in minority, and from whom he has received letters,
embassies, etc., as gently devised as possibly could be. Last year, when
he received a message and promise of the king of Scots's repair to him
at York, and, in lieu of it (he being at York), his realm was invaded by
the Scots, he imputed the fault to his nephew's Council and subjects, and
received the ambassadors who repaired hither at Christmas as if no
such displeasure had happened. Upon the good words of these ambassadors,
albeit his nephew had, contrary to the league, received and
refused to restore the chief stirrers of the insurrection in the North,
Henry agreed to send commissioners to the Borders to determine debates
about the confines, without pressing (for the time) the matter of
the rebels. When the commissioners met, the Scots rejected evidence,
shown for a piece of ground usurped by Scots, only because made by
Englishmen (although it was ancient, and the ground of so little value
that no man would falsify for it), and the commissioners parted as
friends. Thereupon lord Maxwell proclaimed order for good rule, but
added that Scottish borderers should withdraw their goods from the
Borders; and, incontinently after, on 4 July, the Scots entered and
spoiled this realm. Henry was therefore compelled to garrison the
Borders. The King of Scots then sent Leyrmonth in embassy, at whose
entry the Scots made an unexpected foray, and yet Henry gave him
benign audience. Meanwhile Henry's subjects were continually spoiled,
and Sir Robert Bowes and many others, making a raid in revenge thereof,
taken prisoners and kept without ransom. Describes subsequent
negociations with Norfolk, the lord Privy Seal, the bp. of Durham, and
the Master of the Horses, at York, in which what James authorised by
his commissions he revoked by his instructions, and vice versa, so that
nothing could be done.
The above shows that this war has not proceeded from any demand
of superiority, for if Henry had minded the possession of Scotland, he
had the opportunity during his nephew's minority; and yet he has just
claim to Scotland, recognised by the kings of Scotland, but would not
move war at a time when all Christendom should be united to resist the
Turk. Can show this title by history, by the instruments of homage
remaining in his treasury, and by registers and records. (1) As for
history, touches upon the division of Britain by Brutus and events
before the year 900, from which time he gives the years in which kings
(named) of Scotland did homage, viz., 947, 977, 1017, 1056, 1068, 1093,
1100, 1127, 1150, 1175, 1190, 1204, 1216, 1282, 1326, 1346, and 1423.
(2) There remain instruments sealed by the kings of Scotland in testimony
of these homages; and it appears by history how the Scots
practised to steal divers of them out of the Treasury, but they were
recovered. To meet the allegation that the homage was for the earldom
of Huntingdon, "which is as true as the allegation of him that is burnt
in the hand to say he was cut with a sickle," gives an example. (3)
As for records and registers has the judicial process (described) of King
Edward I. upon the title to Scotland, in which it appears that the
Parliament of Scotland recognised the superiority. At that time Scotland
was ruled by guardians deputed by Edw. I. and the bps. of St.
Andrew's and Glasgow were not, as now, abps., but the abpric. of York
extended all over that country.
Shows how, in the 120 years since James Steward did homage to
Henry VI., wars and troubles and the minority of the present king of
Scots prevented claim of homage being made until these last 13 years,
which homage, however, he does not mean to demand, desiring rather
his nephew's friendship than to cause him displeasure. It is the work
of God to minister occasions whereby due superiority may be known.
At the end : "Londini in officinal Thome Bertheleti typis impress. Cum
privilegio ad imprimendum solum. Anno MDXLII." (fn. 12)
The whole text is printed in Hall's Chronicle, although introduced
with the words : "And it beginneth thus."
1034. Invasion of Scotland.
"A consultation for prosecution of the war against Scotland."
If the King intends to enlarge his frontiers to the water of Fyeth,
and there build fortresses and establish garrisons until further opportunity
of conquest, a "mayne armye" must be used at the
beginning of June next; and convenient provision must be made
against that season. Also the possessioners of those countries are to
be allured by privy practises and open proclamation, and by terror of
the preparations now to be made at Berwick, to yield to the King as
their Sovereign. However if the King, out of pity of his nephew,
will satisfy himself with "a warre gargareable" to chastise the Scots,
and force them to convenient conditions of peace, the great provisions
are not needed, but only garrisons required.
If the King resolve upon the invasion with a "mayne armye," that
army shall be 18,000 foot and 6,000 horse. Tabulated estimate
for this army, viz., for coats at 3s. 4d., conduct money at ½d. a
mile for 160 miles, footmen's wages at 6d. a day, with 180
captains at 4s., and 180 petty captains at 2s., horsemen's wages
at 8d., with 60 captains at 4s., and 60 petty captains at 2s.,
diets of lieutenants, chieftains and councillors at 560l. a month,
and carriage and extras 1,000l. a month : total for the first
month 33,776l., and for the second 21,776l. Besides, wages of 2,000
horsemen to furnish the Borders for two months, 4,000l., a garrison in
Scotland costing 5,000l. a month for three months, and 3,000l. for the
next three, and 2,000 men by sea, four months at 2,000l. a month,
make the total charge of the army 91,552l. Similar careful estimates
for the various items of victualling (viz., malt, corn, and hops for brewing,
aqua vitæ, sack, malvesey, flour, cheese, oats, beans, wages of
victuallers, and building of brewhouses at Berwick, Wark, and Holy
Island), munitions and ordnance, and carriages, concluding that all
charges of the army both by land and sea will amount to 99,568l.
9,835 f. 14.
1035. Invasion of Scotland.
A number of proverbial sayings arranged in two rhyming stanzas
of eight lines each, beginning : —"It is hard to make soft that will
break or it bowe."
ii. "An abstracte for Englyschemen to knowe the realme of Scotlande
Suggestion for a campaign in Scotland, giving the distances between
the towns through which the "ost" shall pass, the places on the east
coast where "the King's navy" may meet the host and some brief notes
of local features. The course to be taken is : —Barwyke to Dunbar 20
miles, Edynbrowe 20, Stravelyn 24, Stryppesforde (Tryppesforde in
§ 2) 3, Downe in Mentethe 3, along between the water of Forth "and the
viij. hills which some calls mountains and some fells, very fair way," to
Faukelande 30, south to Sysande (Dysarde in § 2) 14, Anderstone, where
is a castle and the bishop's see, and, near by, two havens called Kynkern
(Kynkorne in § 2) and Compe (Comphe in § 2) 14, Saint Joniston 16,
Skonne (Skone in § 2) 2, Dunde (from Saynt Johnston) 16, Aberden 50.
From Aberden "ye must turn to Strevelyn again homeward." From
Strevelyn to Glassynge (Glasgu in § 3) 24, Are 24, Lanarke 24, Bumbles
(Publes in § 2) 16, Saltere (Seltre in § 2, Soltre in § 3) 12, Warke on
Twyde 12. Near Glassinge is the strongest castle in Scotland called
Dunbretten, where St. Patrick was born, "and by his petition there
should never horse dung in it." From Glasqu there is another way,
viz., to Are 24 miles, Dumfrese 60, Carlyll 24.
289 f. 4.
2. Another copy of § ii. (1), in which the names are very differently
and more correctly spelt.
3. Another copy similar in spelling to § 2.
Pp. 4. Mutilated.
231, No. 106.
[Cal. of Cecil
MSS., Pt. I.,
Papers, p. 1.
1036. Norfolk and Others to Hertford.
Received the enclosed letters this night after 10 o'clock. Desire
him to return the King's letter, whereby he will see that Rutland is
appointed warden, whose coming they trust he will await. Durosme,
5 Nov., 6 a.m. Signed by Norfolk, Suffolk, Durham, Gage, and
P. 1. Add. : lord Warden of the Marches. Endd. : Rec. the vjth
St. P. v., 216.
1037. Norfolk and Others to Henry VIII.
In reply to his letters of the 2nd inst. :—(1) Humbly thank him
for taking their proceedings in good part, although not in all things
accomplished according to the intended purpose. (2) Concerning the
despatch of Hertford from the wardenry and the return of Rutland,
with Council, to supply that room; will at York take order for 4,000
men to reside upon the Borders, and will there await Rutland's coming
and give him advice. (3) Where the King marvels that they have not
reported what the Scots intend; their letters from Newcastle will have
done so ere this. Will execute his order for 500 or 600 of the said
4,000 men to lie at Carlisle, for fear of a siege, although it seems superfluous,
because the Scots cannot come there without knowledge given in
time to warn the country nor carry battery pieces thither at this time
of year, and the scarcity on those borders of Scotland is even more
than on these. Dissolved the army without first knowing the King's
pleasure, only for lack of victuals. Had they had enough to keep the
army together they would have gone further into Scotland. Perceive
by his letters that they shall leave 4,000 men in garrison on the
Borders, but know not how to victual them. Assure him that if the
duke of Suffolk had not helped the army at their return from Scotland
a great number should have perished. Some of them "offered a crown
for a draught of drink." Hay and corn are so scarce in Northumberland
that the garrison put their horses to grass, so that the King may
perceive what service they shall be able to do. Returning out of Scotland
they found at Berwick such scarcity of hay that they were forced
to avoid the town.
(4) As to appointing leaders of the countrymen in case the Scots lay
siege to any fortress; have taken order for the lord warden to have charge
thereof, and will commit it to Rutland at his coming, who is already
at Bever with all his men and all his council, save Mr. Harrington, who
is treasurer with us here. Rutland has such diseases upon him that
if he return thither he shall shortly finish his life. Recommend the
earl of Cumberland as much better qualified to serve in the said room,
who has a great power of fresh men near at hand. With the earl of
Cumberland as warden and lord Dacre remaining in Cumberland, to
assist the deputy warden there, the King will be much better served.
As for provision of victuals for the garrisons, have done what they
could with the remainder of Suffolk's victuals, and others at Berwick
and Newcastle; but for horsemeat there is great difficulty, both for
hay, oats, and beans.
Finally, where the King marvels that they have not written what
fortresses have been thrown down, and what towns and villages burnt
by them, Jack Amusgrave, the garrison of Berwick and others; there
were no fortresses, for they were thrown down by Norfolk 20 years
past, and as for the towns and villages they do not know the names,
but the country will not recover it this many years. Will at York
wait to hear his further pleasure. Northeallerton, 5 Nov., 8 p.m.
Signed : T. Norffolk : Charlys Suffolk : Cuth. Duresme : John Gage :
Pp. 6. Add. Endd. : ao xxxiiijo. Sealed.
St. P. v., 220.
1038. Norfolk to Wriothesley.
Since I wrote last I have been so very ill of the lax that if
medicines had not stopped it, I think I should never have seen you.
Had incredible purging from 6 o'clock on Friday night till 10 o'clock
in the morning, but is now well. Begs to know what answer Wriothesley
has received about Bath Place, and how the King is content with Norfolk.
Has had no letter from Wriothesley or the Council for a long time.
Is sure no man could have done more to give satisfaction, though all
things may not have been as well as could have been wished. Alderton,
5 Nov., at night.
Hol., p. 1. Add. Endd. : Ao xxxiiijo.
1039. Hertford to the Council.
Learning that the Scots assembled men for some notable enterprise
between Wednesday last and this present, Hertford remained
here, although unfurnished. Hears to-day that they severed on Wednesday
last for lack of victuals, there being such famine that they were
like to kill one another. On Thursday proclamation was made at
Edinburgh for all to return home, except those of Fife, who watch the
coast for fear of the King's fleet, which is still in the Frith awaiting
wind to return. The King of Scots blames Huntley for not attacking
Sir Ant. Browne and the rearward at the return over Tweed, and has
made Murray lieutenant in his stead. The Scots have done nothing on
the Marches since the return of the army, save that small companies
of eight or ten have stolen cattle and horses. Of them the watches
have taken six. Reports raids in Scotland on Thursday night by 40
men of Berwick, and on Friday night by Sir Ralph Evres and 90 of
the garrison, who burnt Chirnside. At least 500 of the garrison are
lacking, and the rest are said to be unprovided with horses. Has
ordered a general muster on Tuesday, Wednesday and Thursday next.
With the wet and late harvest, and the passage of the army, there is
not victual and horsemeat here to last over Candlemas. 5 Nov.
Draft. Endd. : The copy of a letter to the Council, vo Novembris.