15 Jan.
R. O.
[Spanish
Calendar, VI.,
VI., No. 94].
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44. Chapuys to Charles V.
Regrets that since the departure of the Sieur de Holbeque he has
been unable, for want of messengers, to write often; but he has written
almost daily to the Queen Regent in Flanders, and also several times to
Grandvelle since the bruit of his arrival in Italy, and, trusting that copies
of most of the letters have reached the Emperor, makes this the more
summary.
After Holbeque's departure, viz. on the 22nd and 23rd Nov., the King's
deputies came to him, and for two whole days they were in communication
and made more progress than ever before, examining not only the bill of
difficulties which the Emperor gave to the bps. of London and Westminster,
but also the whole treaty carried by Westminster : and Chapuys expected a
brief resolution, for they condescended to the three points upon which the
Emperor stood most, provided that, in the article of defence, instead of the
chapter they gave to De Courrieres and him, as inserted in his letters of
2 Nov., should be put that in the annexed bill, which seems better, for this
article seems very apt to comprise Cleves and Holstein, whom they will
not capitulate against. Made difficulty about accepting it and required
them, as the Queen had written, to get their King to await the
Emperor's answer. They said that perhaps the King would be content,
as his affairs needed no haste; but of themselves, as much desiring this
reconciliation and closer amity, they prayed him not to speak of it;
for, apart from the intrigues current in the world, if any delay were
put in this affair the whole might go to pieces. Offered then to pass
the article subject to the Emperor's approval and, when they refused that,
to pass it if they would accept his view in all the other difficulties,
especially touching Cleves and Holstein and aid against the Turk. They
answered, as heretofore, that it was no use talking of the nomination of the
two dukes, that the aid was not being capitulated, and for the rest of the
difficulties they would answer after speaking with the King. They left
apparently very hopeful, and early next morning went to Hampton Court,
and, after reporting all to the King, sent next day, 25 Nov., to say
that, within two days, without fail, they would return to him with the
answer—but they are still to come.
Thinks they changed opinion because of letters which came from the
King's ambassador in France and news of an unexpected and miraculous
victory which his men of the Borders had over the Scots, which might
have set him thinking so much of making the enterprise for Scotland that
he forgot all other affairs, or perhaps, though it may be rash to
interpret it so, he has derived so much glory from it as to feel
no need of his neighbours; nevertheless he has used his victory modestly,
attributing it to God and not permitting public rejoicing for it. Has
sent more than ten times to the deputies to solicit the answer, and they
have always excused themselves because of business about Scottish affairs,
adding sometimes that the King was moving about, hunting or visiting his
houses, that they must wait for Norfolk or some other of the Council,
and such other excuses; by which it may be conjectured that they wish
to temporise. Thinks it impossible to persuade the King to move against
France this year, seeing the great expense which he has made for the enterprise
of Scotland (which he means to follow out to the end), and the opportunity
which is offered to him to seize the crown of Scotland, by the death of
the King his nephew, with the force which he has already prepared and
the intelligence he has in Scotland. Even without that occasion it seemed
that the King would not be induced to move war against France next
summer; for the deputies, who formerly urged more extremely than anything
else that the common invasion should first be capitulated to be made
before 1 July next, in the last communications proposed to omit prefixing
the time, and remit that to be settled afterwards by the Princes. Not
only do these Scottish affairs make the English temporise, but also French
intrigues, which awoke when the French despaired of taking Perpignan
and were much warmed by the victory of (i.e. over) the Scots. Hearing
of the death of the King of Scotland, the French will do their best to
win this King over or lull him to sleep, and he will give them good
words to amuse them and keep them from troubling his Scottish enterprise.
The French practices cannot be small, seeing that the bp. of Westminster
told Chapuys's man that they were strange and marvellous, and showed
the French to be more crafty and clever than the Emperor and the King
and all their ministers, lamenting that the treaty had not been concluded,
but still expressing hope and promising every good office. He is marvellously
bent upon it, and is the personage of all the Court most truthful
and without dissimulation, or Chapuys would have thought this only said
to make profit.
The French ambassador was at Hampton Court on Christmas Eve, but
did not speak with the King, and was coldly received by the Council in
public, perhaps in order not to make Chapuys suspicious. One occasion
of his going was to show a letter from his master, dated Cognac, 13 Dec.,
countersigned Bayard, which he showed to a friend (ung sien familier)
who reported it to Chapuys, to the effect that, to contradict the tales of
the Imperialists, he (the French king) would write the pure verity, and,
beginning with Perpignan, he affirmed, to his own advantage, the greatest
possible lies both about that and about Luxembourg, Piedmont, Sainct Jan
de Luz, Picardy and elsewhere, certifying that Cleves had ready 30,000
foot and 4,000 horse and that he himself was as fresh as ever, and had
a million and a half francs more than last year. The friend did not
see the rest of the letter; but it is to be thought that such a preface was
not without a sequel. Knows not what else the ambassador could negociate
with the Council, but an usher reports that there was great strife between
them and the ambassador got very angry. He returned on the third day
of Christmas, and then spoke with the King. The Princess, whom Chapuys
had asked for information, sent word that she could not perceive that the
ambassador's practices would hurt the Emperor's affairs; and this morning
she has sent to say that the King has said to one of his Council
that the ambassador might be told that a quarrel was not sought, but if
his master went about to trouble him, especially in Scotland, it would be
found. Thinks that the French hare resumed the practice of the marriage
of the Princess with Orleans; for the ambassador lately said that they
were not so serupulous in France as in Spain, they would take her for
bastard and "telle que Von la leur rouldra bailler." The ambassador
hopes to leave soon and will be succeeded by the Sieur Mervilliers, who
was in Scotland last year and came hither "par fortune de mer," haring
been forbidden to pass this way; and Chapuys thinks that he carried the
treaty of confederation of the Kings of France and Sweden and their
adherents and went to stir the late King of Scotland to begin the war,
as Chapuys then warned this King (which may hare diminished Morvilliers'
credit with him). Is of opinion that although the King may not treat
with the French he will not conclude with the Emperor until he sees the
success of the Emperor's affairs and those of Scotland next summer,
unless he perceires the French practising in Scotland to hinder his taking
the crown of that realm; as it is to be expected that they will do, considering
the advantage to them of having a King of Scotland in their
hands as they have had hitherto. It is to be feared that, the King having
temporised until now, new conditions will be put forward, and the treaty
recommenced and prolonged. Yet this will not be so bad (sera le
moings mal) provided that the King can be kept neutral, which for many
respects would be almost as much for the Emperor's purpose as the conclusion
of the treaty, presupposing that for his neutrality he would require
a good sum of the arrears due, and by thus plucking a good feather keep
the French from flying very far. Will, however, continue soliciting the
completion of the treaty; and wonders that the man he sent to Court about
it two days ago has not returned. Perhaps the Council wished to discuss
certain representations which Chapuys sent them by his said man, whose
return he desires before closing this.
As to news from Scotland, the Emperor will have heard that the
great army under Norfolk and Suffolk, after doing some damage and
meeting with no resistance, retired because of winter and of the horrible
rains which prevented carriage of victuals or munitions, leaving at Berwick,
in charge of Mr. Dodelet, now called lord Lyl, 4,000 men to harass the
Scots. Ships also were left in that quarter to keep succours from coming
to the Scots. Afterwards the King of Scotland, displeased, like a young
and spirited prince, that his men had not the boldness to meet the English,
especially when sought in their own house, inspired them to make an
enterprise against this realm in recompence of the damage done. Chief of
this enterprise was lord Massuel, admiral of the sea and captain general
of the frontiers of Scotland, with whom held charge two earls and certain
other lords and gentlemen experienced in war, with about 18,000 men and
20 or 25 pieces of field artillery. These, after wasting the frontiers on the
opposite side from Berwick and seeing everyone flying before them, thought
all was theirs, and, on 23 Nov., rashly, without sending forward riders to
discover the country, passed a little river which is fordable at
low tide, near which were ambushed in a strong position about
4,000 English, hurriedly assembled by means of bonfires, as here
accustomed in war time, among whom were 700 or 800 on horseback.
These so surprised the Scots that, whether for the disadvantage
of the place or for fear that it was the whole English army, their
only thought was to fly towards the river, which they now found deep
with the rise of the tide and so were compelled to make a stand, which was
done by the said chiefs and the bravest of the army, while most of the rest
escaped. But these, and all who feared to cross, were taken prisoners,
except some slain, and the Scots lost the artillery and certain wagon loads
of pikes and other munition, and all their horses, which were a great
number, for some had no time to seek their horses and also they had had
to leave them in order to cross the river. The English had only two killed.
On 20 Dec. the said Admiral and other chiefs taken, to the number of 23,
were led into this town and lodged in the Tower. Next day they were
called before the Council and, having taken oath not to depart without the
King's leave, were distributed amongst gentlemen here to be well
entertained. Two days afterwards (when news came that the King of
Scots, with grief for the said misfortune and for that, as it is pretended,
some of his men came surlily to him to demand their pay with threats,
was dead in the house of the Cardinal of Scotland, to which he had gone
for solace, and that his Queen was, for trouble, delivered before her time
of a daughter, who was dead, and the said Queen in great danger) this King
began to deliberate about sending back the prisoners; which was finally
resolved upon, and they were called to Court at Christmas and had
great cheer, being permitted to carry swords and daggers and do as
they liked, which did not displease the French Ambassador, who desired
much to communicate with one of them and did so at some length.
After using them with all possible courtesy, the King gave each
a valuable chain according to his rank, and, besides providing them
with good horses, gave each a good sum of money and leave to go into
Scotland. And thus they departed on the 29th ult., promising to return
before Easter or send hostages, and meanwhile to do every good office to
attract men in Scotland to the King's devotion and help towards his promotion
to the crown. Three days before them, Earl Douglas left this
in post for Scotland, where his brother, being on the frontiers when he
heard of the King's death, had entered and retaken possession of their
property near the frontiers. On the 31st ult. Suffolk left Court,
accompanied with a good number of gentlemen, for the said frontiers. He
took with him no men of war and, what is more, the King has written to
Lord Lyl, who has now in Berwick (which is not only a frontier town but
within the said country) 8,000 men, not to make any movement without
express orders; as if they thought by practices alone to obtain the kingdom,
to which the late King left no heir, for his two sons died last year
and his cousin german (fn. 4) is half witted, and if the daughter was still living,
as some maintain, the kingdom would be the easier obtained by marrying
this Prince with her. Suspects that, to advance his practices for Scotland and
lull France to sleep, the King might propose marriage with the Queen, especially
as before her re-marriage in Scotland he made suit to have her. Everyone
thinks that he will easily attain his object, for the needful intelligences
increase daily; and moreover, two days ago, arrived here an earl (fn. 5) who,
being none of the least of Scotland, was banished two years ago for
Lutheranism and has since then been in Italy and France. He is very
welcome to the King, and will not be slow to follow the others, and that not
without being more largely presented than any of them.
These successes rejoiced the King, who, since he discovered the evil
conduct of his last Queen, has been sad and disinclined to feasting and
ladies; and he at once decided to make feasts to the ladies. This came
very a propos for the Princess, who, in default of a Queen, was called to
Court triumphantly, accompanied by many ladies. Almost all the gentlemen
of the Court went out to receive her, and the King met her as she
entered the park and received her most benignly. He treats and
talks to her most amiably and at the New Year gave her jewels, plate and other
things, including two rubies of great estimation. Many think that before
the end of these feasts the King might think of marrying again, but
hitherto there is no appearance of it.
Forgot to say that the ambassador or agent of Cleves (for, though he
calls himself ambassador, he lodges in a tavern and has only one servant)
during the past month has been three or four times in Court, where he
had not been for two years, and the last time, which was the third day
of Christmas, he came upon summons. Cannot yet perceive wherefor, but
the best is that lady Anne of Cleves— (fn. 6) , although she is three or
four miles from the Court; nevertheless I do not hear that she has been
summoned thither or that she has been there.
Wrote on 2 Nov. of the King's answer touching the wheat for which the
Emperor wrote. Has since solicited the Council for a precise answer and
they have licensed the merchant who has charge of it to export 1,000 qr.;
telling him that the King supposed that there was no great dearth in Spain
and that the Emperor wrote at the importunity of the merchants who
sought their own profit; and if the King knew that there was real
necessity, he would gratify the Emperor with more. Has represented the
necessity but no new order is taken; so that new letters will be necessary.
Is grieved that the quantity is no greater, and still more that the merchant,
who knows the necessity, makes no sign of sending the wheat.
After Chapuys's man had been in Court four or five days, while the
King and his Council were debating the affairs, the bps. of Winchester
and Westminster came to say that, on their return to Court after
last communications, they reported to the King all that had passed, and
especially what Chapuys, by the Queen Regent's command, proposed, viz.,
that the King might await the Emperor's reply as to the new article
which they projected, and how, after discussion, Chapuys condescended, out
of zeal for the treaty, to pass the article without waiting, if the King
would condescend to the rest being so made that the Emperor could not
take ill the granting of the said article. The King asked to have in
writing what it was that Chapuys desired to be altered in the rest of
the treaty, and they gave it him. Three days later came news of the
rout of the Scots, upon which, and others since, the King had no leisure
to think of the said writing, and the Council still less to remind him of
it, until Chapuys last sent. And the King had told them to say
that he thought it best and safest to await the Emperor's answer, and
was astonished that it had not already come, and must suspect that the
Emperor cared little for the affair.
Reminded them that, at their instance, he agreed to pass the article
provided that the rest was reduced to reason; and told them that, if the
King would consider what Chapuys demanded it would be found reasonable,
and therefore there was no need to await the Emperor's answer; and the
delay they sought might be interpreted as to gain time to see how the
present wars went, or as a sign that their good fortune in Scotland made
them heedless of their neighbours, but they now had more need of friends
than before, and it more than ever behoved them to declare effectively against
Francis and give him no leisure to think of the affairs of Scotland, or
he would give them much trouble there, either by means of the Danes and
Swedes, who were arming bravely, or, under pretext of his Holiness, by
sending thither Italian arquebusiers or at least money; and, as the
Emperor last wrote to his Holiness, the practices of the French were more
to be feared than their forces; for they would doubtless try to lull the King
to sleep with good words, to keep him from joining the Emperor, and meanwhile
they would strive to provide for the affairs of Scotland, but chiefly to gain, if they
could, with the aid of the French King's colleagues (confederates?) the Low
Countries from the Emperor, reckoning well beforehand that if he (the French
king) could achieve this it would be easy to chase their master out of Scotland, if he
had occupied it, and out of this realm too. The French were beginning to publish
"de par de là" that at all cost they would gain the King their master, but after
having made some exploit against the Emperor they would cause restitution to be
made to him (fn. 7) ; and therefore it was to be believed that the French King never had
greater desire of peace with the Emperor, and his Holiness was bent on contriving
it; but the Emperor would not listen, out of hope of the treaty in
question, and should have been warned of the King's final intention in
order to provide in time for his affairs. The wish to await the
Emperor's answer was a wish never to conclude anything. The "zabre"
which carried Chapuys's letters might hare perished, and for eight months
there might be no answer from the Emperor. If that was the King's
wish Chapuys should have been informed immediately after their communications,
in order that he might send a duplicate of his letters of
2 Nov., but before the news from Scotland, two days after their communications,
when all had been reported to the King, they never thought
of it. If they wished to gain time so as not to be bound to invade
France next summer, on account of the expedition which they were preparing
against Scotland (and this he saw clearly when they proposed to
remit the time of the common invasion to the arbitrament of the Princes),
it seemed to Chapuys, as a servant of the King, that, nevertheless, the
conclusion of the treaty should not be deferred; for, besides that the
Emperor might be content to remit the invasion to another time (and
before the treaties are ratified and sworn and the invasion arranged next
season will be almost past), and besides that the King will have by the
one of the said means the effect of his intention, he will remain assured
of the rest of the treaty which he has long much desired, as also it is
very suitable both for him and his posterity. As for doubting that the
Emperor could disavow the article, seeing that the Queen had not expressly
authorised it, she had since written that Chapuys might boldly pass
it without other answer from the Emperor.
At this they were very joyful, for it cancelled the grounds for awaiting
the Emperor's answer, and indeed they showed themselves very inclined to
the completion of the treaty; and they said that they would report all to
the King and do their best. Said he would like to speak with the King
and prayed them to show the King that he could not believe that they
had made a full report, and would willingly represent the whole to him;
and they promised to solicit his audience and meanwhile to shove at the
affair.
They told him that the King of Scotland's daughter, whom they thought
dead, was alive; and that none in Scotland opposed them but the Cardinal,
and thus it was evident that not without cause they had required their
capitulation for defence against prelates and ecclesiastics, and that the
Holy Spirit must have put it in their heads for they never thought that
such a case could happen. The Cardinal is everything in Scotland and
acts prudently, for, to have the entire administration, he got the late King
before his death to depute as governor of the little daughter a cousin
german (fn. 8) of his who is nearest to the Crown but, as already said, half
foolish, besides that the English maintain him to be a bastard. The bruit
runs that the Cardinal has put much better order in the affairs of the war
than was in the late King's lifetime, and lately the Scots have killed
some people in a foray and taken some English ships. Is told that the
Cardinal and other rulers there (either beliering that the prisoners disloyally
allowed themselves to be routed and taken, seeing the small number
that attacked them, or else perceiring or suspecting that this King could
win them to his devotion and use them to practise in Scotland to the
prejudice of the Cardinal and his colleayues), have made prisoners the
children, brethren and near kinsmen whom the prisoners could gire in
hostage, and proclaimed them traitors; so that they stay at Berwick and
will, it is said, return hither shortly, save one who has offered to go to
Scotland to mend all (rabiller le tout) so that the others may safely go
thither.
The King has summoned his Estates, which commence in eight days.
London, 15 Jan. 1542.
French, pp. 23. Modern transcript of a Vienna MS., endorsed as rec. at
Madrid, 26 Feb. 1542.
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