Henry VIII
April 1543, 6-10

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James Gairdner and R. H. Brodie (editors)

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1901

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'Henry VIII: April 1543, 6-10', Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, Henry VIII, Volume 18 Part 1: January-July 1543 (1901), pp. 217-231. URL: http://www.british-history.ac.uk/report.aspx?compid=76735 Date accessed: 20 April 2014. Add to my bookshelf


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April 1543, 6-10

6 April.
Dasent's A. P. C., 106.
372. The Privy Council.
Meeting at St. James's, 6 April. Present : Chancellor, Privy Seal, Hertford, Winchester, Westminster, St. John, Gage, Browne, Wingfield, Wriothesley. Business :—Passport stamped for 24 Egyptians, with their families, to depart the realm. Warrant stamped for 24l. to Thos. Trefrie, defrayed "about the keeping of Lartigue and a number of other Frenchmen taken upon the sea."
6 April.
R.O. St. P., III. 443.
373. Sir Ant. St. Leger to Henry VIII.
There has long been a bruit of war with the Scots and Frenchmen, but he has not written of it for fear of being noted presumptuous. Now, by those who brought the treasure, and by Sir John Arundell, admiral for this coast, perceives how wisely the King provides for his affairs. Asks whether he shall make any enterprise upon Scotland or assist in an invasion of France, and describes the men he could bring, viz. 500 horsemen, than whom for light scourers there are "no properer horsemen in Christian ground," galloglasse and kerne, with their weapons, hardihood, &c.
As the ships are instructed to keep within certain bounds, has armed and sent a private vessel of Sir John Arundell's and a boat of John Travers' to search the havens of Odonell's country, where Britons and Frenchmen resort. Did this because informed of intelligence between Odonell and the earl of Argyle; which he does not believe, because Odonell, four days ago, sent word that he would be here at the beginning of Parliament on the 17th instant. If he break the appointment, he may as well feel the King's power as others have done; for which the presence of the navy here is "very propice," as he trusts in the strength of his islands.
As to the havens, writes briefly (for the Council will advertise further) that those on the East are frequented mostly by English, and by Bretons and Spaniards in time of peace, those of the North (naming some) by Bretons and Scots both in peace and war, and those of the West, to which no Englishmen come save to Galway and Limerick, by Spaniards and Bretons at all times. In exchange for hides, the great merchandise of this land, the Irishmen of Munster are furnished with salt, iron, guns and powder. Sends a remembrance of the havens and in whose countries they be, and a plat of Vallentymore which is said to be very meet for the King. It could not be had without some war with those who possess it under the McArties. There are 200 or 300 sail there yearly for the fishing. Trusts the King will some time remember his "poor slave that now hath been three years in hell absent from your Majesty, and call me again to your presence, which is my joy in this world." Maynothe, 6 April. Signed.
Pp. 5. Add. Endd. : Ao xxxiiijo.
R.O. St. P., III. 446. 2. "The more part of the notable havens of Ireland, to begin at Dublin and so southward."
Enumerating 35 havens, mostly with some note, such as "a creke" or "a good haven," with the names of chieftains in whose countries they lie. Nineteen of them are the King's.
Pp. 2. Endd.
6 April.
Add. MS. 32,650, f. 140. B.M. Hamilton Papers, No. 350.
374. Sadler to Henry VIII.
Upon receipt of Henry's letters of 30 March, communed with Anguysshe and Sir George Douglas, and also with Maxwell (who, after leaving this town, returned for causes of his own). Told, first, Sir George Douglas (who came, as he often does, to Sadler's lodging) that he (Sadler) was commanded to signify to Anguysshe, Glencarne, Maxwell and him Henry's opinion of their proceedings, and so declared the effect of the said letters. Douglas was much perplexed, saying that what he wrought for the best was taken for the worst, but if it came to force he would serve Henry as well as any of those who made promises which they could not perform. He had travailed to serve the King more than they all, and had much ado to keep the Governor from the cast of France; for here were two parties, viz., Argile, Murrey, Huntley and Bothwell, with all the bishops and clergy, "given to France," and the Governor, Anguysshe, Glencarne, Cassells, Maxwell and their friends "given to the cast of England." The Governor had been told that he (Douglas) meant to betray him to England, and Huntley had insinuated himself and knit alliance with the Governor to betray both him and the English party; and now, if the Governor knew that the King intended "to have the government and obedience of his realm" (as was evident), he would revolt to the other party; and the whole realm would stand with him and die all in a day rather than "be made thrall and subject to England," and those who now were the stronger party would be left weak enough; yet, if the King would presently follow his purpose by force, he (Douglas) would serve him to the uttermost. Sadler replied that he hoped things would not come to that extremity, but it was the part of those whom the King trusted to see that the Ambassadors were instructed to offer what would satisfy the King. Douglas said that the instructions were given by the Three Estates, and to find fault with them before it was known how the King accepted them would only bring their party into more suspicion; "but, if his Majesty will presently have the government and obedience of this realm, it is but folly to spend time in treaty but make ready force, for there was none other way but to get it with the sword." Bade him not doubt but that, if gentle handling failed, the King was ready to use his princely power; and yet he knew that the King could sometimes be satisfied with less than reason would where truth and plainness appeared. "Can you tell," quoth Douglas, "what will satisfy his Majesty?" "By my troth," quoth Sadler, "no; but, to say my fantasy unto you, I think assuredly his Majesty will have the child delivered into his hands, or at the least, if she be too young to be carried, such sufficient pledges for her delivery at such time as his Majesty shall agree upon with your ambassadors, as his Highness shall desire, and in the mean season such persons, both English and Scottish, to be about her for her sure custody as his Majesty shall determine" : also that they should abandon France and bind themselves to serve the King, for his money, against all princes and states. Douglas said the ambassadors were not instructed to go so far, but he thought that, upon further consultation, those here would come to this point that the King should have pledges for the marriage and, meanwhile, Englishmen, with such Scottishmen as should be here appointed, to be about the young Queen; and that they would abandon France and serve against all princes, but it was doubtful whether they would expressly declare themselves enemy to France, for the King was friend to France, and even if he had business with France it would not always endure. These things, said Douglas, would probably be granted, but he would assure nothing until he saw "these men" more constant; and if the ambassadors referred again hither, he himself might peradventure be sent to knit up the matter, and in his absence Huntley would turn the Governor to the other party. Sadler said that he found both Huntley and Murrey inclined to the marriage and the refusal of France. Douglas answered that no credence was to be given "to any word they spake;" and Huntley "was the wiliest lad that lived, who was ever in the Governor's ear with fair words and flattery," so that Douglas could not be two hours out of his sight for fear of a change : the Cardinal was in prison in his own house, and should, if the Governor kept promise, so remain.
Next morning, met Anguyshe and Maxwell together at the Black Freres and proceeded with them as with Douglas. Both seemed much perplexed and troubled. Anguyshe affirmed that he would be as true to the King as any subject or servant, and that he thought the King might have all his purpose quietly, which he perceived as soon as he came into Scotland when a governor was already chosen and himself and friends forfeited and in no position to work any feat : the Governor, said he, was ready every hour to leap from him to the French party, and if the King would follow his purpose by force he would keep promise like a true gentleman. Maxwell said he had liever be dead than reproved in his loyalty to the King; they had promised to spend their lives to obtain the King's purpose, but it lay not in them to bring Scotland into the King's hands, and if the King would send an army, by God's blood!, Anguyshe and he and all the lave of them would spend their bodies, lives and goods according to their promise; they were already suspect and called the English lords, and he himself had lost Scotland and, if he lost the King, would count himself and his house undone. And he was in some passion and swore many great oaths that he would be true to the King. To mollify the matter, Sadler said that he might be sure the King would not willingly lose him, but the King loved plainness and had commanded Sadler to speak frankly to them as those whom he most trusted, and Sadler's advice was that, to redubb those faults, they should help that the ambassadors might be amply instructed. Maxwell said that they were so suspected that more credence would be given to Sadler than to them, but if the ambassadors could not satisfy the King they would refer hither, and order would be taken for the King's satisfaction, if possible; and if not, and the King used force, they would serve his Grace, and these men were "not able to make any defence or resistence." Anguyshe and Maxwell said that the King would be offered the marriage of the young Queen, and (they trusted) pledges for it "and certain English men and Scottish men, to be indifferently appointed, to be about her here"; and France they would abandon and serve against. Sadler said he knew the King's nature and benignity to be such that if they proceeded plainly he might take less than reason, rather than by force achieve a great conquest; and he would advise that the ambassadors should be instructed to conclude the delivery of the child, or, if she be too young to be carried, the delivery of such pledges as the King should desire for her delivery at a time agreed upon with the ambassadors, and meanwhile such Englishmen and Scottishmen to be about her as the King would appoint, with the abandonment of France and a bond to serve the King, for his money, against all princes and states. They thought this did not much differ from what would be offered, and, when they heard from the ambassadors, they would travail for the accomplishment of it. Told them it would be well to set about it now. Maxwell sware a great oath that they were so suspected to be English that they would do more hurt than good; and, besides, the noblemen and Council were not here, but would assemble "by that time that they thought to hear from the ambassadors"; and then they would obtain it, by fair means, or else, if the King would send his army, would serve him. As for the Cardinal, they knew not of his removing till he was at St. Andrews, but he was still in ward and Anguishe was determined to have him at Temptallon. Lynoux, they said, was arrived at Donbrytayne with two ships and a small company, peaceably, and was yesterday at Lithquo with the Queen, and would be here to-day or to-morrow with the Governor. Advised them to take heed, for he was all for France; and reminded Anguyshe of his promise to resist his landing, which (he answered) would have been done had he "come in forcible manner." Finally Maxwell said that he perceived the King was so offended with him that he did not expect to have his pledge changed, but he only desired his son home in order to be able to keep his promise to deliver the strongholds in his keeping to the King in case of war; and he took Anguyshe to record how he would stand if other men were put in these holds, which, as a prisoner, he could not himself keep. This Anguyshe affirmed, and said also that Glencarne lay sick at home and had great lack of his eldest son; and he begged that the King would take pledges for them and let them home.
Had written thus far when Sir George Douglas came to say that Lynoux had arrived, with a gentleman of France, and vaunted that France would now fill their Scottish purses with gold; so that apparently he had brought some money. But he trusted that, the King being good lord to the Governor and dulcely agreeing upon the matters in treaty, they would drive the French party "that is like to grow great here" to become English or else smart for it. If the King so stuck with them as to put them in despair, it would drive the Governor and all to the French party, and the King's assured servants to flee into England. Douglas seemed very sorry that Lynoux had escaped the King's navy, who came with only two ships, a man of war and a merchant. Edinburgh, 6 April, 7 a.m.
Pp. 11. Add. Endd. : ao xxxiiijo.
6 April.
R.O. St. P., IX. 345.
375. Wallop to the Council.
Sent letters on the 4th, with one from the Great Master mentioning Almains about Abbeville to be sent to Scotland. He has sent further word, by Wallop's secretary who was at St. Omez to buy a horse, that many men of war lie on the coast of Normandy, as if fearing invasion from England, but he thinks they are intended to be sent to Scotland. He has stayed at St. Omez certain Scots coming from Paris to Bullen, thinking that if they favoured the King's affairs in Scotland they would have passed by Calais, as others did. He reckons that they have some commission from the French king and is not minded to let them depart yet. Wrote to him to stay them until the King's pleasure were known. Guisnes, 6 April.
P.S.—The Great Master says that Mons. D'Arscott's overthrow was not so great as bruited, but he lost certain artillery. Signed.
P. 1. Add. Endd. : ao xxxiiijo.
6 April.
R.O.
376. City of Lubeck to Henry VIII.
Have received his letters mentioning rumors that the King of the Danes has, with their assistance, lent aid to the Scots. Would be much distressed at these calumnies if it were not that Henry adds that he will not believe them unless proved. Are greatly indebted to the kindness of the kings of England to themselves and their associates, the cities de Anza Germanica, and will never do or think anything to the prejudice of him or his kingdom. Postridie nonas Aprilis, A.D. 1543. Subscribed : Consules et senatores civitatis Lubecæ.
Latin. Parchment broadsheet. Add. Seal lost.
7 April.
Dasent's A. P. C., 106.
377. The Privy Council.
Meeting at St. James's, 7 April. Present : Canterbury, Chancellor, Privy Seal, Hertford, Winchester, Westminster, St. John, Gage, Browne, Wingfield, Wriothesley. Business :—Pedro de Baguaras, Spaniard, taken, as a private, among certain Frenchmen at the Isle of Wight, released from the Marshalsea upon recognisance (cited) of Diego Estudillo, Ant. Bueras, and Lopes de Carillon. Recognisance (cited) of John Burgh, of Devonshire, (who has the King's licence to make reprisals at sea of the Frenchmen) to take only Frenchmen and Scots, certify the names and burthen of his ships, &c.
7 April.
R.O.
378. Suffolk, Durham and Parr to the Council.
Yesterday, 6 April, arrived here the lord Somervile, saying he came to declare things to be certified to the King. He advised that the King "should stick, with th'ambassadors there, after the marriage concluded, to have the Queen delivered"; for no doubt that would be obtained, or else the King to have the marriage and they to take no part either for or against France. Hostages, viz., their heirs apparent, should be laid by 12 earls and 12 barons, six of them each quarter; the six who lay the hostages having custody of the young Queen during that quarter, together with such English men or women as the King will appoint to bring her up in good nurture. These things can only be granted by lords and noblemen appointed thereto, who will be sent as soon as they have answer from the ambassadors; wherefore the King's servants and friends must make friends, "by fair words and some money." This Mr. Sadler may practise with such as the King's servants bring. He says that Murrey is willing to do the King service and has promised to influence Hunteley; and that Murrey "is much favoured and in good credit with the people." Murrey and other lords were not content that such mean men were chosen ambassadors in such great matters, and asked Sir George Douglas why it was, who "answered that it was past now, and said they shall do well enough." He thinks that the King's servants and friends should labour that two noblemen and a bishop should be sent with the next offers; for such persons would not come with "vain matters," and their coming would be to the honour both of the King and of Scotland. Murrey, Hunteley and the bp. of Abirdyne would be the best. Told him that "their coming should be a great tract of time." He answered that they would be as soon appointed as the commissions and instructions were agreed upon, and although they had not been friendly to the King, he was sure that when they spoke with his Majesty, and saw his "honor, wisdom and goodness," they would be sorry that ever they did anything against his purpose; "and, these two men won, all is won, for they may rule the earl of Argile as they list and much of the commonalty and also of the clergy." This, he says, may be done if the King will commission Sadler to practice with the King's servants. He means the other three ambassadors to be still in commission with them. He says that the King's servants and friends have been at great charge, "and must be, now at this next assembly." Asked who they were that were at such charges. He answered, Anguisshe, Caselles, Glencarne, Maxwell, himself and Sir George Douglas. Evidently they would fain have some relief; but he does not seem to know that Anguisshe and Douglas have any entertainment. He desires to have his son home and to lay in two other sons, or else another son and his brother's son, "for his eldest son here is very sick indeed." He shows himself the King's assured servant, and "we take him for a sober wise man." He desired me, Suffolk, to write a gentle letter to Murrey; which I have done (copy enclosed). The said Somervile desires this kept secret from the ambassadors and all other, lest it turn him to great trouble if it come to the Governor's knowledge. Darnton, 7 April. Signed.
Pp. 4. Add. Endd. : Ao xxxiiijo.
7 April.
R.O.
379. Wallop to the Council.
Wrote yesterday that the Great Master had stayed certain Scots who "would have passed home by Zellande (sic)," and that he had written to said Great Master to detain them. Has now received answer, showing that the Scots would gladly pass by England, as they have also written to Mr. Hall, of Calais. Encloses both letters, and begs to know soon whether they may pass by Calais; for it appears by the Great Master's letter that he minds to keep them but three days longer. Guisnes, 7 April, at night. Signed.
P. 1. Add. Endd. : ao xxxiiijo
7 April.
R.O.
380. Adrien De Croy [Sieur De Roeulx] to Wallop.
Has received his letter. As to the French Almains who were to be sent to Scotland; heard yesterday that, on account of the flux (corenche i.e. courance) from which they are suffering and their unwillingness to go, their journey is delayed, and they are to march to the revictualling to Therouenne. It is true that I detained certain Scots, because they desired to go by Zeeland; however, there is an Englishman who has told me that they would gladly go by Calais if they could have leave. I will detain them two or three days longer, and then, if I have no other news, send them back into France. As to your pioneers the deputy of Calais has written as you did, and I have therefore sent them all back. St. Omer, 7 April '43. Signed.
French, p. 1. Add. : Monsr. le gouverneur et capitaine de Guisnes. Endd. : ao xxxiiijo.
7 April.
R.O. St. P., IX., 346
381. Paget to Henry VIII.
Yesterday, after dinner, Mons. de Vervyn said he thought neither Paget nor Marillac were such great personages that there should be such solemnity about their deliverance. Replied that, as their masters' ambassadors, they had always been esteemed great personages, that his arrest had been a "shrewd example" and that he, as first arrested, ought to be delivered first. Vervyn said he would have it so, if he knew how. "Mary," quoth Paget, "you said commandment was sent you from the Court to arrest me here as of yourselves. Let it be imagined on your behalf that you did so without commandment, and even so as of yourself without commandment let me go." Vervyn then spoke of the arrest of their men at Guisnes, and Paget promised to write to Wallop to mitigate the matter.
Before night, Vervyn returned, on pretence of showing the enclosed copy of a letter from the duke of Cleves to the King, of his victory over Arschot; and afterwards reminded Paget of his device and suggested that he might go upon promising, the day after his arrival at Calais, either to send Marillac or return himself. Paget said he could make no such promise without his master's consent; and Vervyn said it were not amiss to consult him. Has thus been drawn into treaty and desires (the more so because he has heard nothing from the King since his arrest, six weeks) to know what to answer if Vervyn, or De Bies himself, enter the said purpose.
Sends copy of a letter from the Emperor to the Bishop of Rome, in June, showing a great piece of affairs between the Emperor and this King since the truce. Sends also a fantasy devised by a French prothonotary, "touching the process of the late Marquesse of Penbroke and of her complices." Thought to have brought these with him, for he obtained them before leaving Court, but (still seeing no certainty of his departure) thinks best to send them. Boulloyn, 7 April, 1543. Signed.
P. 5. Add. Sealed. Endd.
8 April.
382. Sadler to the Council.
The letter printed in Sadler State Papers, I. 122, as of the 8th, is of the 18th April. See No. 418.
8 April.
R.O.
383. Henry VIII. and Charles V.
Oath of Charles V. to the treaty of 11 Feb. last, made with Henry VIII. Datum apud Molendinum Regium, 8 April 1543, imp. 23, reg. 28. Signed : Charles. Comntersigned : [Bave].
Lat. Parchment. Slightly mutilated.
R.O. 2. Another copy, also signed and countersigned.
Lat. Parchment. Much mutilated.
R.O. 3. Copy in cipher, with modern decipher attached.
Latin. pp. 3.
Add. in Bonner's hand. To the King's most excellent majesty my most gracious sovereign lord. Endd. : The letter in cipher from the bishop of London.
R.O. 4. Notarial attestation that, 8 April, 1543, at Molendinum Regium, in the diocese of Barcelona, in a lower chamber beside the garden of the palace (edibus) of Don Juan de Stuniga, then used as the Emperor's chapel, during mass, Edmund bp. of London, ambassador of the King of England, approached the Emperor and declared that a certain league was lately concluded between his Majesty and the said King (as appeared by the treaty thereof signed with the hand of Eustace Chapuys, ambassador with the King) which required confirmation by the Princes, especially in the 16th article; and required the Emperor to give his oath thereto. The Emperor, then, having put off his hat, took his oath, which was read aloud from a schedule by Charles Boisot, of his Council, as follows (§ 1 recited). This done, the Emperor signed the schedule, and, at the bp. of London's request, commanded the notaries to prepare these instruments.
Henry VIII.'s commission (recited) to the bp. of London for the above. Westm., 15 Feb., 1542, r.r. 34 Hen. VIII. These things were done at Molendinum Regium in presence of Don Ferdinando de Tholedo duke of Alva, prefect major of the Emperor's palace, Don Francisco de los Covos, comendador mayor of the Emperor's legion, Councillors, and of Joachimo de Rye and Don Henrico de Tholedo, of his Chamber, and of Philibert Balma, baron of Mont Falconet, prefect of his Household.
ii. Attestations of Alfonsus Idiaques and Gondisalvus Perez, notaries.
Latin. Large parchment.
8 April.
Dasent's A. P. C., 107.
384. The Privy Council.
Meeting at St. James's, 8 April. Present : Canterbury, Chancellor, Privy Seal, Hertford, Winchester, Westminster, St. John, Gage, Browne, Wingfield, Wriothesley. Business : — Whitchurch, Beddle, Grafton, Middelton, Maylour, Petye, Lant and Keyle printers, imprisoned for printing unlawful books, contrary to the proclamation. The mayor, recorder and aldermen to search throughout London what households ate flesh continually all Lent.
8 April.
R.O. [Spanish Calendar, VI. ii., No. 125.]
385. The Queen of Hungary to Chapuys.
Has learnt that the courier despatched towards him on the 29th ult. is taken on the sea (having however thrown his letters into the sea) and therefore sends a duplicate, describing the battle on Easter Eve between her men and the Clevois. Is sorry he did not know it sooner, in order to inform the King, as she desires him to be advertised of it with the first. Has since learnt other particulars by which the King may know that the enemy would rather have lost the artillery to get back the captains, lords and gentlemen slain, confessing that they lost 150 gentlemen of name. On our side we lost no gentlemen (for those thought to be slain are prisoners), the sieur d' Ysche is out of danger and only 27 of our horsemen are killed and about 60 prisoners. If the footmen had done their duty the battle had been won.
On resuming this despatch, has received Chapuys' letters of the 2nd. He has done well to persuade the King to war against France, but she desires to know how he will make it, and with what number and when he will invade, in order that victuals, &c., may be prepared here; and whether he will wait for the Emperor's arrival here. Chapuys may make these inquiries, without saying that she has written, and especially whether the King would have 2,000 horse and 2,000 foot at the Emperor's expense with his army, in pursuance of the 22nd (fn. 1) article of the treaty, and whether the English intend that, in virtue of that article, she must furnish them notwithstanding that on the other side the Emperor would also make enterprise against France. These are things which she desires to know in good time. Besides, it must be considered that the Emperor has not yet resolved whether at his coming into Germany he will make enterprise against France or elsewhere, and could not do so until his arrival in Italy, because it depends upon the speed of his passage, the disposition of his affairs and the enemies' proceedings. As to the necessary ships which the King wishes prepared, she desires to know what ships and when they are to be ready. As to the King's opinion that the Emperor should make his enterprise by Champaigne; that side of France is the most open and least fortified, but the frontiers there have been much harassed last year, both by the passage of men of war and because Martin van Rossem's men, after entering France, lived at discretion upon the country of Champaigne, and it is so famished that some subjects have been forced to abandon their houses. The neutrality of Bourgogne does not hinder an enterprise by Champaigne, and the French have continually made war from thence without regard to the neutrality. If the King wishes to send an army over sea it will be requisite to bring wheat from England for its support, and for this Chapuys must obtain licence. A provision of it at Calais or some other neighbouring town would be of great service. Touching the articles for the conduct of ships of war, she thinks the Council's suggestion good, provided that it is observed sincerely; and as soon as Chapuys sends their writing she will advertise her admiral of the sea of it. As to the books which should be printed here in English she has heard nothing of it and is writing to the margrave of Antwerp for information. Will punish it, if detected, to the satisfaction of the English. As to the King's difficulty about according passage to some ships laden with wine and woad from France; he shall represent to the Council that, for the same considerations, she long deferred allowing wines to be brought; but, considering that, through the war against Cleves, German wines cannot be had and that if an army is to be put on foot wine will be requisite for it, she has granted power to bring 10,000 tuns, of which 3,000 tuns are already laden in 20 French vessels together with 10,000 bales of woad upon other French vessels. Desires that the King will give order that these may pass freely, and she will take heed that no one passes into Scotland and that the ships return straight into France, and that henceforth the wine and woad are brought in Spanish, English and Flemish ships.
Almost all the above is in cipher.
ii. Bill found with the above.
The Emperor's army of 10,000 foot and 2,400 horse entered Julliers, 21 March, and arrived at Haynsberghe at 11 p.m., owing to the impediment of the great wagon which they had and the bad weather; and the army was forced to remain in arms all that night until noon next day before all was discharged. Having made the revictualment, the army retired a short league, where the enemies gave the alarm and a skirmish occurred without loss on either side; and thus our army was led to advance another league towards Zittart where it camped, et ont les allarmes."
French, pp. 5. Modern transcript from Vienna, headed : 8 April 1543 apres Pasques.
8 April.
Nero B IX., 81. B. M.
386. Ferdinand King of the Romans to Henry VIII.
Rejoices to hear of the amity concluded between the Emperor and Henry, as the true means to remedy the public affairs of Christendom. Hopes God will augment the hearts and forces of both, to put an end to the ills of Christendom and constrain him (fn. 2) (celluy) who has so long troubled it to come to reason. Will on his side do his best, as the ambassador Chappuis will declare, to whom he writes the news of the Turk and the state of affairs here. Begs credence for Chappuis, trusting that Henry will aid in repulsing the Turk. Nueremberg, 8 April 1543. Signed.
French, pp. 2. Address copied in a modern hand. Sealed.
8 April.
R.O. St. P. IX., 349.
387. Edmond Harvel to Henry VIII.
Wrote, 26 March, of the legate made by the Roman bishop for Scotland, named Marco Grimani, patriarch of Aquileia, who is departed to France at the French king's request. He is more rash than wise, "and all men reckon his wit and enterprise desperate." The Bishop is departed from Bononye to Parma and Plaisance to await the Emperor's coming; which shall be "by all the present at farthest," for Andrea Doria is gone with all the galleys to Spain. Don Ferrante Gonzaga has arrived in Geane, going to Flanders with 7,000 Spaniards and 5,000 Italians. Venetians have made a general of 60 galleys and keep 40 galleys in reserve, for they distrust the Turks, who, by letters from Andrinopoli, of 7 March, made speed to set forth their power. Suspecting that Barbarossa will enter this gulf and the Turk send men to Friuli, the Signory has sent the duke of Urbin to fortify Friuli. The French make much biscuit in Maran, which should denote Barbarossa's coming to Istria. A Turkish ambassador is come from the sanjacke of Bossina, for small matters.
The Almains seem at no accord. Ferdinand means to defend Vienna and his own country with his own men. The queen of Hungary with Friar George have declared for the Turk. The French king has ready 32 galleys and as many ships in Marseilles under the marquis of Anguillar, a right good warrior. In Piemont are continual skirmishes. Here is great joy that Henry has broken with the French king, all men reckoning it the salvation of Christendom. Venice, 8 April 1543.
Hol., pp. 2. Add. Endd.
9 April.
Dasent's A. P. C., 108.
388. The Privy Council.
Meeting at St. James's, 9 April. Present : Canterbury, Chancellor, Privy Seal, Hertford, Winchester, Westminster, St. John, Gage, Browne, Wingfield, Wriothesley. Business :—Recognisance (cited) of Thos. Henley, of Camberwell, not to molest John Oliver; John Webster and Walles of the said parish.
9 April.
Calig. E. IV., 46. B. M.
389. The Council to Paget.
. . . . . . . to be advertised what . . . . . . . . . . . . . them therein, his Maties pleser is th[at if you be] permitted to coom from thens wyth all [your train] comprising in any wise the Skottishe pre[ist (fn. 3) and Baynton] allso if yow can, that thenne yow shall [promise] assuredlie the like for Marillac and hi[s train] to be the next day dismissed out of Call[ais unto] Boulloyne or whether he shall thinke good [to go. But] in case yow shall se them so sticke upon [the delivery] of Baynton as they shall rather refuse t[o let you] departe than to accept that condition, h[is Maties] pleser is yow shall nott so miche sticke ther[in] . . . . . therefore yowr parson wyth the rest. Bu[t being] your selff dispatched wyth the saide prei[st and] other companie, his Mate wolleth yow to coom [home, leaving] the saide Baynton wyth them accordinglye. [And so we] bidde yow right hartily well to fare. From . . . . . [the] ixth day of April.
"Your assured . . . . . ." Signed by Audeley, Norfolk, Russell, Hertford, Gardiner, St. John, Gage and Wriothesley.
In Mason's hand. Mutilated, p. 1. Endd : The Council to my lord.
9 April.
R. O. [Spanish Calendar, VI. ii., No. 127.]
390. Chapuys to the Queen of Hungary.
Since his last, this King has sent to show him a certain letter touching the fight before Zitart, rather more to the disadvantage of the Emperor's army than was written to Chapuys. Condoling about it with his Council, the King suggested that it would be well to find some means of appointment between the Emperor and the duke of Cleves; but Secretary Vristley broke it by saying that after this loss the Emperor could not in honour condescend thereto. When Chapuys, afterwards, advertised the King of news of the fight, from divers quarters, to the praise of the Emperor's army, he seemed pleased; but he is not quite satisfied, because the case is written so diversely, and it would be well if she were to advertise Chapuys about it amply.
The Council have been too busy to consider the order (fn. 4) to be kept by ships at sea, but to-day they will do it, and the vice-admiral of Flanders will carry the resolution. For the same cause the ambassadors to her are not yet despatched. Has made no other instance for them, because the principal point for which he desired them has been resolved, as declared in his last, and he believes that they will soon leave. Meanwhile desires to have news of occurrents there as often as possible, for this King's satisfaction. Yesterday the King sent word that he heard from a good place that a man of arms and an archer of Du Roeulx's band had great intelligence with the French. Their names he did not know, but they were both from Brussels. Is advertising Du Roeulx to take heed to it.
The French ambassador (fn. 5) has been, two days running (deux jours de rotte), at Court but could not speak with the King. His charge, as he told the Council, was to say that his master would allow the English ambassador who was at Boulogne to leave, provided that, jointly, Marillac (at Calais) was released, and did not think that the King would violate the privileges of ambassadors by retaining him in exchange for a Scottish priest (fn. 6) in the King's service imprisoned in France, especially when that priest was charged with practices about Rouen and Dieppe. The ambassador also intimated that he was charged to demand his congé, in case the King does not intend to send another ambassador into France. It seems to be fixed that the restitution of the two ambassadors shall be made on the confines of Calais and Boulogne, each to be accompanied by five or six persons only; and the English would not agree to a great band on either side, as the French desired, fearing that the French, with their ordinary deceit, being wont to rush in first when they suspect war, may play them some trick and begin with some reputation and advantage. As for the ambassador here [he was answered that] (fn. 7) it was in his own power to go or stay, as the King was at liberty to send another to France or not, and would do so when he thought fit and not at another's pleasure.
The Scottish priest was sent to France to spy the disposition of Rouen and the country round, and he has also got out of France the brother (fn. 8) of the Governor of Scotland and certain other gentlemen, who have passed this way, being well received and féted by the King and not leaving without a present.
Two days ago arrived the two ambassadors of Scotland who were expected, one (fn. 9) of them being the Governor's cousin. Their charge is not known, for they have not yet explained it to the King. It is thought, in Court, that they bring the consent of the Estates of Scotland upon the marriage of their Princess with the Prince of Wales, but that these Estates would not put her into the King's hands until she was of age to consummate the marriage. Still, those here are not without hope to obtain her sooner with the favour of the Douglases, whom the Estates have restored and who are powerful both with Governor and people and have acquired reputation by so ordering the Estates (where all the lords of the realm are assembled) that as yet no strife nor hurt (desbat ne noise) has happened.
The Estates here have again (as four years ago) accorded the King a tenth of their goods, strangers to pay a fifth. They continue still and seem intent upon the extirpation of heresies, for which four or five priests were yesterday put in prison. The prime mover of this reformation is Winchester, who is now in the King's favour, to the great regret of Lutherans and Frenchmen who hate him like poison (? "que le ayent comme prison"). The earl of Surrey, Norfolk's eldest son, is in prison these eight days for being in company two or three nights, when several glass windows of worthy men of this city were broken. His two principal accomplices, the sons of Mr. Huyet and of the prévost de la Maison have been put in the Tower, very closely. Believes that all three will be detained some time, the more so for being suspected of Lutheranism, with which Surrey is said to be strongly infected and also French in his living. Talking yesterday with the master of the Artillery, learnt that they had abundance of artillery and munitions, but were scarcely well furnished with powder. Order should be taken betimes there that they may get it, for their money, when they send their army over; and likewise carriage must be seen to, of which they are ill provided. London, 9 April 1543.
French, pp. 5. Modern transcript from Vienna.
9 April.
Add. MS. 32,650, f. 146, B. M. Sadler State Papers, I. 127.
391. Sadler to Henry VIII.
Yesterday, received Henry's letters of the 4th containing three points (recapitulated) to be communicated to the Governor. Has to-day conferred with the Governor upon them as follows :—1. For the setting forth of Scripture he is in the terms which Henry would wish, saying that by act of Parliament people are admonished to read it for their own learning, without taking upon them any rash interpretation, and all other English books are banished; and if Henry would send the books intended to be set forth, containing a pure doctrine, they should be published here. 2. To reform the Church, extirpate monks and friars and abolish the Bishop of Rome's authority would, said he, be hard; because so many great men were Papists and Pharisees that unless the "sin of covetice" (of the abbey lands) brought them to it no other means would. He thought that all houses of religion were first founded to pray for souls in Purgatory, and if there was no Purgatory (as was his opinion) these foundations were vain and should be converted to better use. Sadler told him that he should find reasons enough "if he would once go about it"; and he answered that when peace was established he would "proceed by your advice and counsel afore all other princes living." 3. When Sadler spoke of the marriage of Henry's daughter (fn. 10) with his son, the Governor put off his cap and said he was most bound that a prince of such reputation should offer alliance with so poor a man as he (for which he would ever bear his heart to the King next to his sovereign lady) and confessed the surety and support he should gain by it, both in governing and in setting forth God's word and extirpating the Bishop of Rome's authority; but he could not believe in any such combination against him by the lords and bishops, who would not come to him at the first, and if peace were once established he could rule them; and as for the Parliament matters, they were solemnly agreed upon by all, none absent save Argyle, who sent a procurator. Touching the Cardinal, the Governor said he was evil served in that matter by lord Seton; and sware that Henry's opinion (that to remove the Cardinal to his own house was the surest way to lose both) was true, and that Seton had forfeited both life and lands "if he list to put him to that extremity." Asked what he meant to do in it, and the Governor said he was at his wits' end, but would see what the Council would determine. Sadler then asked what he should write of the answer to the overture of marriage. The Governor put off his cap again, and prayed him to write that he thanked the King a thousand times and would communicate with his brother and Sir George Douglas "and not many moe," and ere long let the King know his resolution, and that he gave the King humble thanks for clemency shown to his said brother and the other gentlemen who were lately with the King. Intends diligently to solicit his further answer.
Douglas says that, sent by the Governor, he went to St. Andrews, on Saturday last, to see how the Cardinal was kept by Seton; and found him master of his own castle,—wherein Douglas much "depraved" Seton. The Cardinal told Douglas that, although at liberty, he would stand his trial and willingly serve the Governor in the affairs of the realm; for, although noted to be a good Frenchman, and having cause to favour France (for his living there), he was a true Scotsman and knew (no man better) how necessary Henry's amity was and what benefit should ensue "by the conjunction of those two realms in perfect friendship and alliance," whereto he would travail as much as any man in Scotland, "saving the freedom and liberty of the same." Asked Douglas what they meant to do. He answered, with a great oath, that he could not tell; the Cardinal's money had corrupted Seton and a great many more; Huntley had licence to go home and had gone, instead, to the Cardinal at St. Andrews; Lennox began to gather a company and was with Argyle, lord Areskine and certain bishops about Stirling, who "would make a party if they could" and if the Cardinal joined them he could, "with his money and friends, do more hurt than all the rest," so that it was expedient to allure the Cardinal to come out of his castle to the Governor, so that they might eftsoons get him into their hands. Sadler told him that matters were so perplexed that he could not advise, but it behoved the Governor, Angus and him to look to it, for if the other party prevailed they should smart. Douglas answered that they were strong enough for any party in Scotland, and would, at need, seek aid of the King. Advised him to foresee that they were not taken unawares; which he said he would do, assuring Sadler "that there could be no party so soon assembled as should be able suddenly to distress them."
The Governor said nothing of such practise or assembly by Lennox, nor would admit any such division, of which there is great appearance. ["And as yet the same earl came not at the Governor, albeit there was a saying that he came as an ambassador out of France"] (fn. 11) Since Sadler wrote last the Cardinal has sent a chaplain to him with the same tale as he told Douglas, and offers of service. Answered that he knew not "in what case he stood, hearing tell that he was committed upon sundry great crimes," but, if he were in such terms that Sadler might lawfully treat with him, he would gladly use his advice. The chaplain then told Sadler that his master bade him say that Henry's information as to his said master having prevented the late King's coming to Henry was untrue, and he had as great desire for amity between these two realms as any man living; "wherein, when it shall be his chance to speak with your Majesty, he shall declare himself by pregnant reasons." Lord Fleming has also discoursed with Sadler, saying that if Henry had not all his desire the Douglases were to blame; for they established a Governor here, most unmeet for the office, with whom they, especially Sir George, might do what they would, so that if they did not fulfil Henry's desires his liberality to them was ill bestowed; and if Sir George had not taken upon him to work all things after his own fancy Henry should ere this have had his whole purpose. There is a dispute between them and Fleming about a sheriffwick, which percase moved Fleming to speak against them; but Sadler heard him quietly, and he went on to dispraise the Governor, as a dissembler and inconstant, who minded nothing less than the marriage of the young Queen to the Prince and had said to him (Fleming), at his return from England, "that he would rather take the said young Queen and carry her with him into the Isles, and go dwell there, than he would consent to marry her into England"; to which Fleming had answered that, if so, the King could for 10l. Scots get one of the Irish cattericks there "to bring you his head." Fleming said, further, that, unless the child were delivered ("which would not here be granted") or pledges given, the marriage would never take effect; and it was not in the Governor's power to give good pledges, for no nobleman "would lie pledge in England for the matter." Also that he had just come from the Queen Dowager, who bade him tell Sadler that the Governor had been with her and demanded if Henry made her any offers of marriage; and whether she intended to go dwell in England; to which she answered that if Henry should mind or offer her such an honor she must account herself most bounden; and the Governor said again that Henry dissembled with her and showed him (the Governor) all that she said. Fleming said that the Queen was true and plain in all her proceedings, and singularly well affected to Henry's desires; also that he had written part of his mind to the lord Privy Seal, and would, before his day, go to the King for his further declaration; and he was fully determined to serve the King according to his promise.
Thus writes every man's tale as he hears it, to show the perplexed state of matters. This day Angus has married Maxwell's daughter, "which hitherto hath been protracted by the Governor." Edinburgh, 9 April, after midnight. Signed.
Pp. 10. Add. Endd. : ao xxxiiijo.
*** The above is noted in Hamilton Papers, No. 351, with a list of corrigenda for the printed copy in the Sadler State Papers.
10 April.
Dasent's A. P. C., 108.
392. The Privy Council.
Meeting at St. James's, 10 April. Present : Canterbury, Chancellor, Privy Seal, Hertford, Winchester, Westminster, St. John, Gage, Browne, Wingfield, Wriothesley. Business :—Recognisance (cited) of John Bell of Winchelsea and Thomas Fugler and John Raynolde of Rye, who have letters of marque, and of Thos. Guillett, vintner, and Geo. Doddes, fishmonger, as sureties for them, to take only Frenchmen and Scots, certify the names and burthen of their ships, &c. Twenty joiners, having "made a disguising upon the Sunday morning, without respect either of the day or the order, which was known openly the King's Highness intended to take for the repressing of plays," committed to the Tower, Newgate and the Gatehouse. Letters written to Mr. Pagett, declaring what he might promise touching Marillac's departure from Calais; and to Wallop, for restitution of Barnard Greete's money and goods. Four players belonging to the lord Warden, "for playing contrary to an order taken by the Mayor," committed to the Counter.

Footnotes

1 The 23rd, as numbered in No. 144.
2 Francis.
3 Robert Richardson.
4 See No. 353 (2).
5 D'Aspremont, brother of the vicomte d'Orthe. See No. 163.
6 Robert Richardson.
7 Words omitted?
8 John Hamilton illegitimate brother of Arran, Abbot of Paisley, afterwards Archbishop of St. Andrews.
9 Sir William Hamilton. The other was Sir James Leirmonth.
10 Elizabeth.
11 Not in Sadler State Papers.