A. P. C., 106.
372. The Privy Council.
Meeting at St. James's, 6 April. Present : Chancellor, Privy Seal,
Hertford, Winchester, Westminster, St. John, Gage, Browne, Wingfield,
Wriothesley. Business :—Passport stamped for 24 Egyptians, with their
families, to depart the realm. Warrant stamped for 24l. to Thos. Trefrie,
defrayed "about the keeping of Lartigue and a number of other Frenchmen
taken upon the sea."
St. P., III. 443.
373. Sir Ant. St. Leger to Henry VIII.
There has long been a bruit of war with the Scots and Frenchmen,
but he has not written of it for fear of being noted presumptuous. Now,
by those who brought the treasure, and by Sir John Arundell, admiral for
this coast, perceives how wisely the King provides for his affairs. Asks
whether he shall make any enterprise upon Scotland or assist in an
invasion of France, and describes the men he could bring, viz. 500 horsemen,
than whom for light scourers there are "no properer horsemen in
Christian ground," galloglasse and kerne, with their weapons, hardihood,
As the ships are instructed to keep within certain bounds, has armed
and sent a private vessel of Sir John Arundell's and a boat of John Travers'
to search the havens of Odonell's country, where Britons and Frenchmen
resort. Did this because informed of intelligence between Odonell and the
earl of Argyle; which he does not believe, because Odonell, four days ago,
sent word that he would be here at the beginning of Parliament on the
17th instant. If he break the appointment, he may as well feel the King's
power as others have done; for which the presence of the navy here is
"very propice," as he trusts in the strength of his islands.
As to the havens, writes briefly (for the Council will advertise further)
that those on the East are frequented mostly by English, and by Bretons
and Spaniards in time of peace, those of the North (naming some) by
Bretons and Scots both in peace and war, and those of the West, to which
no Englishmen come save to Galway and Limerick, by Spaniards and
Bretons at all times. In exchange for hides, the great merchandise of this
land, the Irishmen of Munster are furnished with salt, iron, guns and
powder. Sends a remembrance of the havens and in whose countries they
be, and a plat of Vallentymore which is said to be very meet for the King.
It could not be had without some war with those who possess it under the
McArties. There are 200 or 300 sail there yearly for the fishing. Trusts
the King will some time remember his "poor slave that now hath been
three years in hell absent from your Majesty, and call me again to your
presence, which is my joy in this world." Maynothe, 6 April. Signed.
Pp. 5. Add. Endd. : Ao xxxiiijo.
St. P., III. 446.
2. "The more part of the notable havens of Ireland, to begin at Dublin
and so southward."
Enumerating 35 havens, mostly with some note, such as "a creke" or "a
good haven," with the names of chieftains in whose countries they lie.
Nineteen of them are the King's.
Pp. 2. Endd.
32,650, f. 140.
374. Sadler to Henry VIII.
Upon receipt of Henry's letters of 30 March, communed with
Anguysshe and Sir George Douglas, and also with Maxwell (who, after
leaving this town, returned for causes of his own). Told, first, Sir George
Douglas (who came, as he often does, to Sadler's lodging) that he (Sadler)
was commanded to signify to Anguysshe, Glencarne, Maxwell and him
Henry's opinion of their proceedings, and so declared the effect of the said
letters. Douglas was much perplexed, saying that what he wrought for the
best was taken for the worst, but if it came to force he would serve Henry
as well as any of those who made promises which they could not perform.
He had travailed to serve the King more than they all, and had much ado
to keep the Governor from the cast of France; for here were two parties,
viz., Argile, Murrey, Huntley and Bothwell, with all the bishops and clergy,
"given to France," and the Governor, Anguysshe, Glencarne, Cassells,
Maxwell and their friends "given to the cast of England." The Governor
had been told that he (Douglas) meant to betray him to England, and
Huntley had insinuated himself and knit alliance with the Governor to
betray both him and the English party; and now, if the Governor knew
that the King intended "to have the government and obedience of his
realm" (as was evident), he would revolt to the other party; and the whole
realm would stand with him and die all in a day rather than "be made
thrall and subject to England," and those who now were the stronger party
would be left weak enough; yet, if the King would presently follow his
purpose by force, he (Douglas) would serve him to the uttermost. Sadler
replied that he hoped things would not come to that extremity, but it was
the part of those whom the King trusted to see that the Ambassadors were
instructed to offer what would satisfy the King. Douglas said that the
instructions were given by the Three Estates, and to find fault with them
before it was known how the King accepted them would only bring their
party into more suspicion; "but, if his Majesty will presently have the
government and obedience of this realm, it is but folly to spend time in
treaty but make ready force, for there was none other way but to get
it with the sword." Bade him not doubt but that, if gentle handling
failed, the King was ready to use his princely power; and yet he
knew that the King could sometimes be satisfied with less than reason
would where truth and plainness appeared. "Can you tell," quoth
Douglas, "what will satisfy his Majesty?" "By my troth," quoth Sadler,
"no; but, to say my fantasy unto you, I think assuredly his Majesty will
have the child delivered into his hands, or at the least, if she be too young
to be carried, such sufficient pledges for her delivery at such time as his
Majesty shall agree upon with your ambassadors, as his Highness shall
desire, and in the mean season such persons, both English and Scottish, to
be about her for her sure custody as his Majesty shall determine" : also
that they should abandon France and bind themselves to serve the King,
for his money, against all princes and states. Douglas said the
ambassadors were not instructed to go so far, but he thought that, upon
further consultation, those here would come to this point that the King
should have pledges for the marriage and, meanwhile, Englishmen, with
such Scottishmen as should be here appointed, to be about the young
Queen; and that they would abandon France and serve against all princes,
but it was doubtful whether they would expressly declare themselves enemy
to France, for the King was friend to France, and even if he had business
with France it would not always endure. These things, said Douglas, would
probably be granted, but he would assure nothing until he saw "these
men" more constant; and if the ambassadors referred again hither, he
himself might peradventure be sent to knit up the matter, and in his
absence Huntley would turn the Governor to the other party. Sadler said
that he found both Huntley and Murrey inclined to the marriage and the
refusal of France. Douglas answered that no credence was to be given "to
any word they spake;" and Huntley "was the wiliest lad that lived, who
was ever in the Governor's ear with fair words and flattery," so that
Douglas could not be two hours out of his sight for fear of a change : the
Cardinal was in prison in his own house, and should, if the Governor kept
promise, so remain.
Next morning, met Anguyshe and Maxwell together at the Black Freres
and proceeded with them as with Douglas. Both seemed much perplexed
and troubled. Anguyshe affirmed that he would be as true to the King as
any subject or servant, and that he thought the King might have all his
purpose quietly, which he perceived as soon as he came into Scotland when
a governor was already chosen and himself and friends forfeited and in no
position to work any feat : the Governor, said he, was ready every
hour to leap from him to the French party, and if the King would follow
his purpose by force he would keep promise like a true gentleman.
Maxwell said he had liever be dead than reproved in his loyalty to the
King; they had promised to spend their lives to obtain the King's purpose,
but it lay not in them to bring Scotland into the King's hands, and if the
King would send an army, by God's blood!, Anguyshe and he and all the
lave of them would spend their bodies, lives and goods according to their
promise; they were already suspect and called the English lords, and he
himself had lost Scotland and, if he lost the King, would count himself and
his house undone. And he was in some passion and swore many great
oaths that he would be true to the King. To mollify the matter, Sadler said
that he might be sure the King would not willingly lose him, but the King
loved plainness and had commanded Sadler to speak frankly to them as those
whom he most trusted, and Sadler's advice was that, to redubb those faults,
they should help that the ambassadors might be amply instructed. Maxwell
said that they were so suspected that more credence would be given to Sadler
than to them, but if the ambassadors could not satisfy the King they would refer
hither, and order would be taken for the King's satisfaction, if possible; and
if not, and the King used force, they would serve his Grace, and these men
were "not able to make any defence or resistence." Anguyshe and
Maxwell said that the King would be offered the marriage of the young
Queen, and (they trusted) pledges for it "and certain English men and
Scottish men, to be indifferently appointed, to be about her here"; and
France they would abandon and serve against. Sadler said he knew the
King's nature and benignity to be such that if they proceeded plainly
he might take less than reason, rather than by force achieve a great
conquest; and he would advise that the ambassadors should be
instructed to conclude the delivery of the child, or, if she be too
young to be carried, the delivery of such pledges as the King should
desire for her delivery at a time agreed upon with the ambassadors, and
meanwhile such Englishmen and Scottishmen to be about her as the King
would appoint, with the abandonment of France and a bond to serve the
King, for his money, against all princes and states. They thought this
did not much differ from what would be offered, and, when they heard
from the ambassadors, they would travail for the accomplishment of it.
Told them it would be well to set about it now. Maxwell sware a great
oath that they were so suspected to be English that they would do more
hurt than good; and, besides, the noblemen and Council were not here,
but would assemble "by that time that they thought to hear from the
ambassadors"; and then they would obtain it, by fair means, or else, if
the King would send his army, would serve him. As for the Cardinal, they
knew not of his removing till he was at St. Andrews, but he was still in
ward and Anguishe was determined to have him at Temptallon. Lynoux,
they said, was arrived at Donbrytayne with two ships and a small company,
peaceably, and was yesterday at Lithquo with the Queen, and would be
here to-day or to-morrow with the Governor. Advised them to take heed,
for he was all for France; and reminded Anguyshe of his promise to resist
his landing, which (he answered) would have been done had he "come in
forcible manner." Finally Maxwell said that he perceived the King was
so offended with him that he did not expect to have his pledge changed,
but he only desired his son home in order to be able to keep his promise to
deliver the strongholds in his keeping to the King in case of war; and he
took Anguyshe to record how he would stand if other men were put in
these holds, which, as a prisoner, he could not himself keep. This
Anguyshe affirmed, and said also that Glencarne lay sick at home and
had great lack of his eldest son; and he begged that the King would take
pledges for them and let them home.
Had written thus far when Sir George Douglas came to say that Lynoux
had arrived, with a gentleman of France, and vaunted that France would
now fill their Scottish purses with gold; so that apparently he had brought
some money. But he trusted that, the King being good lord to the Governor
and dulcely agreeing upon the matters in treaty, they would drive the French
party "that is like to grow great here" to become English or else smart
for it. If the King so stuck with them as to put them in despair, it would
drive the Governor and all to the French party, and the King's assured
servants to flee into England. Douglas seemed very sorry that Lynoux had
escaped the King's navy, who came with only two ships, a man of war and
a merchant. Edinburgh, 6 April, 7 a.m.
Pp. 11. Add. Endd. : ao xxxiiijo.
St. P., IX. 345.
375. Wallop to the Council.
Sent letters on the 4th, with one from the Great Master mentioning
Almains about Abbeville to be sent to Scotland. He has sent further word,
by Wallop's secretary who was at St. Omez to buy a horse, that many men
of war lie on the coast of Normandy, as if fearing invasion from England,
but he thinks they are intended to be sent to Scotland. He has stayed at
St. Omez certain Scots coming from Paris to Bullen, thinking that if they
favoured the King's affairs in Scotland they would have passed by Calais, as
others did. He reckons that they have some commission from the French
king and is not minded to let them depart yet. Wrote to him to stay them
until the King's pleasure were known. Guisnes, 6 April.
P.S.—The Great Master says that Mons. D'Arscott's overthrow was not
so great as bruited, but he lost certain artillery. Signed.
P. 1. Add. Endd. : ao xxxiiijo.
376. City of Lubeck to Henry VIII.
Have received his letters mentioning rumors that the King of the
Danes has, with their assistance, lent aid to the Scots. Would be much
distressed at these calumnies if it were not that Henry adds that he will
not believe them unless proved. Are greatly indebted to the kindness of
the kings of England to themselves and their associates, the cities de Anza
Germanica, and will never do or think anything to the prejudice of him or
his kingdom. Postridie nonas Aprilis, A.D. 1543. Subscribed : Consules
et senatores civitatis Lubecæ.
Latin. Parchment broadsheet. Add. Seal lost.
A. P. C., 106.
377. The Privy Council.
Meeting at St. James's, 7 April. Present : Canterbury, Chancellor,
Privy Seal, Hertford, Winchester, Westminster, St. John, Gage,
Browne, Wingfield, Wriothesley. Business :—Pedro de Baguaras, Spaniard,
taken, as a private, among certain Frenchmen at the Isle of Wight, released
from the Marshalsea upon recognisance (cited) of Diego Estudillo,
Ant. Bueras, and Lopes de Carillon. Recognisance (cited) of John Burgh,
of Devonshire, (who has the King's licence to make reprisals at sea of the
Frenchmen) to take only Frenchmen and Scots, certify the names and
burthen of his ships, &c.
378. Suffolk, Durham and Parr to the Council.
Yesterday, 6 April, arrived here the lord Somervile, saying he came
to declare things to be certified to the King. He advised that the King
"should stick, with th'ambassadors there, after the marriage concluded, to
have the Queen delivered"; for no doubt that would be obtained, or else
the King to have the marriage and they to take no part either for or against
France. Hostages, viz., their heirs apparent, should be laid by 12 earls
and 12 barons, six of them each quarter; the six who lay the hostages
having custody of the young Queen during that quarter, together with such
English men or women as the King will appoint to bring her up in good
nurture. These things can only be granted by lords and noblemen
appointed thereto, who will be sent as soon as they have answer from the
ambassadors; wherefore the King's servants and friends must make friends,
"by fair words and some money." This Mr. Sadler may practise with
such as the King's servants bring. He says that Murrey is willing to do
the King service and has promised to influence Hunteley; and that
Murrey "is much favoured and in good credit with the people." Murrey
and other lords were not content that such mean men were chosen
ambassadors in such great matters, and asked Sir George Douglas
why it was, who "answered that it was past now, and said they shall do
well enough." He thinks that the King's servants and friends should
labour that two noblemen and a bishop should be sent with the next offers;
for such persons would not come with "vain matters," and their coming
would be to the honour both of the King and of Scotland. Murrey, Hunteley
and the bp. of Abirdyne would be the best. Told him that "their coming
should be a great tract of time." He answered that they would be as soon
appointed as the commissions and instructions were agreed upon, and
although they had not been friendly to the King, he was sure that when
they spoke with his Majesty, and saw his "honor, wisdom and goodness,"
they would be sorry that ever they did anything against his purpose; "and,
these two men won, all is won, for they may rule the earl of Argile as they
list and much of the commonalty and also of the clergy." This, he says,
may be done if the King will commission Sadler to practice with the
King's servants. He means the other three ambassadors to be still in
commission with them. He says that the King's servants and friends
have been at great charge, "and must be, now at this next assembly."
Asked who they were that were at such charges. He answered, Anguisshe,
Caselles, Glencarne, Maxwell, himself and Sir George Douglas. Evidently
they would fain have some relief; but he does not seem to know that
Anguisshe and Douglas have any entertainment. He desires to have his
son home and to lay in two other sons, or else another son and his brother's
son, "for his eldest son here is very sick indeed." He shows himself the
King's assured servant, and "we take him for a sober wise man." He
desired me, Suffolk, to write a gentle letter to Murrey; which I have done
(copy enclosed). The said Somervile desires this kept secret from the
ambassadors and all other, lest it turn him to great trouble if it come to
the Governor's knowledge. Darnton, 7 April. Signed.
Pp. 4. Add. Endd. : Ao xxxiiijo.
379. Wallop to the Council.
Wrote yesterday that the Great Master had stayed certain Scots who
"would have passed home by Zellande (sic)," and that he had written to
said Great Master to detain them. Has now received answer, showing that
the Scots would gladly pass by England, as they have also written to Mr.
Hall, of Calais. Encloses both letters, and begs to know soon whether
they may pass by Calais; for it appears by the Great Master's letter that
he minds to keep them but three days longer. Guisnes, 7 April, at night.
P. 1. Add. Endd. : ao xxxiiijo
380. Adrien De Croy [Sieur De Roeulx] to Wallop.
Has received his letter. As to the French Almains who were to be
sent to Scotland; heard yesterday that, on account of the flux (corenche
i.e. courance) from which they are suffering and their unwillingness to go,
their journey is delayed, and they are to march to the revictualling to
Therouenne. It is true that I detained certain Scots, because they desired
to go by Zeeland; however, there is an Englishman who has told me
that they would gladly go by Calais if they could have leave. I will detain
them two or three days longer, and then, if I have no other news, send them
back into France. As to your pioneers the deputy of Calais has written as
you did, and I have therefore sent them all back. St. Omer, 7 April '43.
French, p. 1. Add. : Monsr. le gouverneur et capitaine de Guisnes.
Endd. : ao xxxiiijo.
St. P., IX., 346
381. Paget to Henry VIII.
Yesterday, after dinner, Mons. de Vervyn said he thought neither
Paget nor Marillac were such great personages that there should be such
solemnity about their deliverance. Replied that, as their masters' ambassadors,
they had always been esteemed great personages, that his arrest
had been a "shrewd example" and that he, as first arrested, ought to be
delivered first. Vervyn said he would have it so, if he knew how.
"Mary," quoth Paget, "you said commandment was sent you from the
Court to arrest me here as of yourselves. Let it be imagined on your
behalf that you did so without commandment, and even so as of yourself
without commandment let me go." Vervyn then spoke of the arrest of
their men at Guisnes, and Paget promised to write to Wallop to mitigate
Before night, Vervyn returned, on pretence of showing the enclosed copy
of a letter from the duke of Cleves to the King, of his victory over Arschot;
and afterwards reminded Paget of his device and suggested that he might
go upon promising, the day after his arrival at Calais, either to send
Marillac or return himself. Paget said he could make no such promise
without his master's consent; and Vervyn said it were not amiss to consult
him. Has thus been drawn into treaty and desires (the more so
because he has heard nothing from the King since his arrest, six weeks)
to know what to answer if Vervyn, or De Bies himself, enter the said
Sends copy of a letter from the Emperor to the Bishop of Rome, in
June, showing a great piece of affairs between the Emperor and this King
since the truce. Sends also a fantasy devised by a French prothonotary,
"touching the process of the late Marquesse of Penbroke and of her
complices." Thought to have brought these with him, for he obtained
them before leaving Court, but (still seeing no certainty of his departure)
thinks best to send them. Boulloyn, 7 April, 1543. Signed.
P. 5. Add. Sealed. Endd.
382. Sadler to the Council.
The letter printed in Sadler State Papers, I. 122, as of the 8th, is
of the 18th April. See No. 418.
383. Henry VIII. and Charles V.
Oath of Charles V. to the treaty of 11 Feb. last, made with
Henry VIII. Datum apud Molendinum Regium, 8 April 1543, imp. 23,
reg. 28. Signed : Charles. Comntersigned : [Bave].
Lat. Parchment. Slightly mutilated.
2. Another copy, also signed and countersigned.
Lat. Parchment. Much mutilated.
3. Copy in cipher, with modern decipher attached.
Latin. pp. 3.
Add. in Bonner's hand. To the King's most excellent majesty my most
gracious sovereign lord. Endd. : The letter in cipher from the bishop of
4. Notarial attestation that, 8 April, 1543, at Molendinum Regium, in
the diocese of Barcelona, in a lower chamber beside the garden of the palace
(edibus) of Don Juan de Stuniga, then used as the Emperor's chapel, during
mass, Edmund bp. of London, ambassador of the King of England,
approached the Emperor and declared that a certain league was lately concluded
between his Majesty and the said King (as appeared by the treaty
thereof signed with the hand of Eustace Chapuys, ambassador with the
King) which required confirmation by the Princes, especially in the 16th
article; and required the Emperor to give his oath thereto. The Emperor,
then, having put off his hat, took his oath, which was read aloud from a
schedule by Charles Boisot, of his Council, as follows (§ 1 recited).
This done, the Emperor signed the schedule, and, at the
bp. of London's request, commanded the notaries to prepare these
Henry VIII.'s commission (recited) to the bp. of London for the above.
Westm., 15 Feb., 1542, r.r. 34 Hen. VIII.
These things were done at Molendinum Regium in presence of Don
Ferdinando de Tholedo duke of Alva, prefect major of the Emperor's palace,
Don Francisco de los Covos, comendador mayor of the Emperor's legion,
Councillors, and of Joachimo de Rye and Don Henrico de Tholedo, of his
Chamber, and of Philibert Balma, baron of Mont Falconet, prefect of his
ii. Attestations of Alfonsus Idiaques and Gondisalvus Perez, notaries.
Latin. Large parchment.
A. P. C., 107.
384. The Privy Council.
Meeting at St. James's, 8 April. Present : Canterbury, Chancellor,
Privy Seal, Hertford, Winchester, Westminster, St. John, Gage, Browne,
Wingfield, Wriothesley. Business : — Whitchurch, Beddle, Grafton,
Middelton, Maylour, Petye, Lant and Keyle printers, imprisoned for
printing unlawful books, contrary to the proclamation. The mayor,
recorder and aldermen to search throughout London what households ate
flesh continually all Lent.
385. The Queen of Hungary to Chapuys.
Has learnt that the courier despatched towards him on the 29th ult.
is taken on the sea (having however thrown his letters into the sea) and
therefore sends a duplicate, describing the battle on Easter Eve between
her men and the Clevois. Is sorry he did not know it sooner, in order to
inform the King, as she desires him to be advertised of it with the first.
Has since learnt other particulars by which the King may know that the
enemy would rather have lost the artillery to get back the captains,
lords and gentlemen slain, confessing that they lost 150 gentlemen of
name. On our side we lost no gentlemen (for those thought to be slain
are prisoners), the sieur d' Ysche is out of danger and only 27 of our
horsemen are killed and about 60 prisoners. If the footmen had done
their duty the battle had been won.
On resuming this despatch, has received Chapuys' letters of the 2nd.
He has done well to persuade the King to war against France, but she
desires to know how he will make it, and with what number and when he
will invade, in order that victuals, &c., may be prepared here; and whether
he will wait for the Emperor's arrival here. Chapuys may make these
inquiries, without saying that she has written, and especially whether the
King would have 2,000 horse and 2,000 foot at the Emperor's expense with
his army, in pursuance of the 22nd (fn. 1) article of the treaty, and whether the
English intend that, in virtue of that article, she must furnish them
notwithstanding that on the other side the Emperor would also make
enterprise against France. These are things which she desires to
know in good time. Besides, it must be considered that the Emperor has
not yet resolved whether at his coming into Germany he will make enterprise
against France or elsewhere, and could not do so until his arrival in
Italy, because it depends upon the speed of his passage, the disposition of
his affairs and the enemies' proceedings. As to the necessary ships which
the King wishes prepared, she desires to know what ships and when they
are to be ready. As to the King's opinion that the Emperor
should make his enterprise by Champaigne; that side of France is
the most open and least fortified, but the frontiers there have
been much harassed last year, both by the passage of men of war
and because Martin van Rossem's men, after entering France, lived at
discretion upon the country of Champaigne, and it is so famished that some
subjects have been forced to abandon their houses. The neutrality of
Bourgogne does not hinder an enterprise by Champaigne, and the French
have continually made war from thence without regard to the neutrality. If
the King wishes to send an army over sea it will be requisite to bring wheat
from England for its support, and for this Chapuys must obtain licence.
A provision of it at Calais or some other neighbouring town would be
of great service. Touching the articles for the conduct of ships of war, she
thinks the Council's suggestion good, provided that it is observed sincerely;
and as soon as Chapuys sends their writing she will advertise her admiral
of the sea of it. As to the books which should be printed here in English
she has heard nothing of it and is writing to the margrave of Antwerp for
information. Will punish it, if detected, to the satisfaction of the English.
As to the King's difficulty about according passage to some ships laden
with wine and woad from France; he shall represent to the Council that,
for the same considerations, she long deferred allowing wines to be brought;
but, considering that, through the war against Cleves, German wines
cannot be had and that if an army is to be put on foot wine will be requisite
for it, she has granted power to bring 10,000 tuns, of which 3,000 tuns are
already laden in 20 French vessels together with 10,000 bales of woad
upon other French vessels. Desires that the King will give order that these
may pass freely, and she will take heed that no one passes into Scotland
and that the ships return straight into France, and that henceforth the
wine and woad are brought in Spanish, English and Flemish ships.
Almost all the above is in cipher.
ii. Bill found with the above.
The Emperor's army of 10,000 foot and 2,400 horse entered Julliers,
21 March, and arrived at Haynsberghe at 11 p.m., owing to the impediment
of the great wagon which they had and the bad weather; and the
army was forced to remain in arms all that night until noon next day
before all was discharged. Having made the revictualment, the army
retired a short league, where the enemies gave the alarm and a skirmish
occurred without loss on either side; and thus our army was led to
advance another league towards Zittart where it camped, et ont les allarmes."
French, pp. 5. Modern transcript from Vienna, headed : 8 April 1543
Nero B IX., 81.
386. Ferdinand King of the Romans to Henry VIII.
Rejoices to hear of the amity concluded between the Emperor and
Henry, as the true means to remedy the public affairs of Christendom.
Hopes God will augment the hearts and forces of both, to put an end to
the ills of Christendom and constrain him (fn. 2) (celluy) who has so long troubled
it to come to reason. Will on his side do his best, as the ambassador
Chappuis will declare, to whom he writes the news of the Turk and the
state of affairs here. Begs credence for Chappuis, trusting that Henry
will aid in repulsing the Turk. Nueremberg, 8 April 1543. Signed.
French, pp. 2. Address copied in a modern hand. Sealed.
St. P. IX.,
387. Edmond Harvel to Henry VIII.
Wrote, 26 March, of the legate made by the Roman bishop for
Scotland, named Marco Grimani, patriarch of Aquileia, who is departed to
France at the French king's request. He is more rash than wise, "and
all men reckon his wit and enterprise desperate." The Bishop is departed
from Bononye to Parma and Plaisance to await the Emperor's coming;
which shall be "by all the present at farthest," for Andrea Doria is gone
with all the galleys to Spain. Don Ferrante Gonzaga has arrived in Geane,
going to Flanders with 7,000 Spaniards and 5,000 Italians. Venetians
have made a general of 60 galleys and keep 40 galleys in reserve, for they
distrust the Turks, who, by letters from Andrinopoli, of 7 March, made
speed to set forth their power. Suspecting that Barbarossa will enter this
gulf and the Turk send men to Friuli, the Signory has sent the duke of
Urbin to fortify Friuli. The French make much biscuit in Maran, which
should denote Barbarossa's coming to Istria. A Turkish ambassador is
come from the sanjacke of Bossina, for small matters.
The Almains seem at no accord. Ferdinand means to defend Vienna
and his own country with his own men. The queen of Hungary with
Friar George have declared for the Turk. The French king has ready 32
galleys and as many ships in Marseilles under the marquis of Anguillar, a
right good warrior. In Piemont are continual skirmishes. Here is great
joy that Henry has broken with the French king, all men reckoning it the
salvation of Christendom. Venice, 8 April 1543.
Hol., pp. 2. Add. Endd.
A. P. C., 108.
388. The Privy Council.
Meeting at St. James's, 9 April. Present : Canterbury, Chancellor,
Privy Seal, Hertford, Winchester, Westminster, St. John, Gage, Browne,
Wingfield, Wriothesley. Business :—Recognisance (cited) of Thos. Henley,
of Camberwell, not to molest John Oliver; John Webster and Walles of
the said parish.
Calig. E. IV.,
389. The Council to Paget.
. . . . . . . to be advertised what . . . . . . . . . . . . . them therein,
his Maties pleser is th[at if you be] permitted to coom from thens wyth
all [your train] comprising in any wise the Skottishe pre[ist (fn. 3) and Baynton]
allso if yow can, that thenne yow shall [promise] assuredlie the like for
Marillac and hi[s train] to be the next day dismissed out of Call[ais
unto] Boulloyne or whether he shall thinke good [to go. But] in case yow
shall se them so sticke upon [the delivery] of Baynton as they shall rather
refuse t[o let you] departe than to accept that condition, h[is Maties]
pleser is yow shall nott so miche sticke ther[in] . . . . . therefore yowr
parson wyth the rest. Bu[t being] your selff dispatched wyth the saide
prei[st and] other companie, his Mate wolleth yow to coom [home, leaving]
the saide Baynton wyth them accordinglye. [And so we] bidde yow right
hartily well to fare. From . . . . . [the] ixth day of April.
"Your assured . . . . . ." Signed by Audeley, Norfolk, Russell, Hertford,
Gardiner, St. John, Gage and Wriothesley.
In Mason's hand. Mutilated, p. 1. Endd : The Council to my lord.
VI. ii., No.
390. Chapuys to the Queen of Hungary.
Since his last, this King has sent to show him a certain letter
touching the fight before Zitart, rather more to the disadvantage of the
Emperor's army than was written to Chapuys. Condoling about it with
his Council, the King suggested that it would be well to find some means
of appointment between the Emperor and the duke of Cleves; but
Secretary Vristley broke it by saying that after this loss the Emperor could
not in honour condescend thereto. When Chapuys, afterwards, advertised
the King of news of the fight, from divers quarters, to the praise of the
Emperor's army, he seemed pleased; but he is not quite satisfied, because
the case is written so diversely, and it would be well if she were to
advertise Chapuys about it amply.
The Council have been too busy to consider the order (fn. 4) to be kept by ships
at sea, but to-day they will do it, and the vice-admiral of Flanders will carry
the resolution. For the same cause the ambassadors to her are not yet
despatched. Has made no other instance for them, because the principal
point for which he desired them has been resolved, as declared in his last,
and he believes that they will soon leave. Meanwhile desires to have news
of occurrents there as often as possible, for this King's satisfaction.
Yesterday the King sent word that he heard from a good place that a man
of arms and an archer of Du Roeulx's band had great intelligence with the
French. Their names he did not know, but they were both from Brussels.
Is advertising Du Roeulx to take heed to it.
The French ambassador (fn. 5) has been, two days running (deux jours de rotte),
at Court but could not speak with the King. His charge, as he told the
Council, was to say that his master would allow the English ambassador
who was at Boulogne to leave, provided that, jointly, Marillac (at Calais)
was released, and did not think that the King would violate the privileges
of ambassadors by retaining him in exchange for a Scottish priest (fn. 6) in the
King's service imprisoned in France, especially when that priest was charged
with practices about Rouen and Dieppe. The ambassador also intimated
that he was charged to demand his congé, in case the King does not intend
to send another ambassador into France. It seems to be fixed that the
restitution of the two ambassadors shall be made on the confines of Calais
and Boulogne, each to be accompanied by five or six persons only; and the
English would not agree to a great band on either side, as the French
desired, fearing that the French, with their ordinary deceit, being wont to
rush in first when they suspect war, may play them some trick and begin
with some reputation and advantage. As for the ambassador here [he was
answered that] (fn. 7) it was in his own power to go or stay, as the King was
at liberty to send another to France or not, and would do so when he
thought fit and not at another's pleasure.
The Scottish priest was sent to France to spy the disposition of Rouen
and the country round, and he has also got out of France the brother (fn. 8) of
the Governor of Scotland and certain other gentlemen, who have passed
this way, being well received and féted by the King and not leaving without
Two days ago arrived the two ambassadors of Scotland who were
expected, one (fn. 9) of them being the Governor's cousin. Their charge is not
known, for they have not yet explained it to the King. It is thought, in
Court, that they bring the consent of the Estates of Scotland upon the
marriage of their Princess with the Prince of Wales, but that these Estates
would not put her into the King's hands until she was of age to consummate
the marriage. Still, those here are not without hope to obtain her
sooner with the favour of the Douglases, whom the Estates have restored
and who are powerful both with Governor and people and have acquired
reputation by so ordering the Estates (where all the lords of the realm are
assembled) that as yet no strife nor hurt (desbat ne noise) has happened.
The Estates here have again (as four years ago) accorded the King a
tenth of their goods, strangers to pay a fifth. They continue still and seem
intent upon the extirpation of heresies, for which four or five priests were
yesterday put in prison. The prime mover of this reformation is
Winchester, who is now in the King's favour, to the great regret of
Lutherans and Frenchmen who hate him like poison (? "que le ayent comme
prison"). The earl of Surrey, Norfolk's eldest son, is in prison these eight
days for being in company two or three nights, when several glass windows
of worthy men of this city were broken. His two principal accomplices,
the sons of Mr. Huyet and of the prévost de la Maison have been
put in the Tower, very closely. Believes that all three will be detained
some time, the more so for being suspected of Lutheranism, with which
Surrey is said to be strongly infected and also French in his living. Talking
yesterday with the master of the Artillery, learnt that they had abundance of
artillery and munitions, but were scarcely well furnished with powder. Order
should be taken betimes there that they may get it, for their money, when they
send their army over; and likewise carriage must be seen to, of which they are
ill provided. London, 9 April 1543.
French, pp. 5. Modern transcript from Vienna.
32,650, f. 146,
Papers, I. 127.
391. Sadler to Henry VIII.
Yesterday, received Henry's letters of the 4th containing three points
(recapitulated) to be communicated to the Governor. Has to-day conferred
with the Governor upon them as follows :—1. For the setting forth of
Scripture he is in the terms which Henry would wish, saying that by act
of Parliament people are admonished to read it for their own learning,
without taking upon them any rash interpretation, and all other English
books are banished; and if Henry would send the books intended to be set
forth, containing a pure doctrine, they should be published here. 2. To
reform the Church, extirpate monks and friars and abolish the Bishop of
Rome's authority would, said he, be hard; because so many great men
were Papists and Pharisees that unless the "sin of covetice" (of the abbey
lands) brought them to it no other means would. He thought that all
houses of religion were first founded to pray for souls in Purgatory, and
if there was no Purgatory (as was his opinion) these foundations were
vain and should be converted to better use. Sadler told him that he should
find reasons enough "if he would once go about it"; and he answered
that when peace was established he would "proceed by your advice and
counsel afore all other princes living." 3. When Sadler spoke of the
marriage of Henry's daughter (fn. 10) with his son, the Governor put off his cap
and said he was most bound that a prince of such reputation should offer
alliance with so poor a man as he (for which he would ever bear his heart
to the King next to his sovereign lady) and confessed the surety and
support he should gain by it, both in governing and in setting forth God's
word and extirpating the Bishop of Rome's authority; but he could not
believe in any such combination against him by the lords and bishops, who
would not come to him at the first, and if peace were once established he
could rule them; and as for the Parliament matters, they were solemnly
agreed upon by all, none absent save Argyle, who sent a procurator.
Touching the Cardinal, the Governor said he was evil served in that matter
by lord Seton; and sware that Henry's opinion (that to remove the
Cardinal to his own house was the surest way to lose both) was true, and
that Seton had forfeited both life and lands "if he list to put him to that
extremity." Asked what he meant to do in it, and the Governor said he
was at his wits' end, but would see what the Council would determine.
Sadler then asked what he should write of the answer to the overture of
marriage. The Governor put off his cap again, and prayed him to write
that he thanked the King a thousand times and would communicate with
his brother and Sir George Douglas "and not many moe," and ere long let the
King know his resolution, and that he gave the King humble thanks for
clemency shown to his said brother and the other gentlemen who were
lately with the King. Intends diligently to solicit his further answer.
Douglas says that, sent by the Governor, he went to St. Andrews, on
Saturday last, to see how the Cardinal was kept by Seton; and found him
master of his own castle,—wherein Douglas much "depraved" Seton.
The Cardinal told Douglas that, although at liberty, he would stand his
trial and willingly serve the Governor in the affairs of the realm; for,
although noted to be a good Frenchman, and having cause to favour France
(for his living there), he was a true Scotsman and knew (no man better)
how necessary Henry's amity was and what benefit should ensue "by the
conjunction of those two realms in perfect friendship and alliance," whereto
he would travail as much as any man in Scotland, "saving the freedom
and liberty of the same." Asked Douglas what they meant to do. He
answered, with a great oath, that he could not tell; the Cardinal's money
had corrupted Seton and a great many more; Huntley had licence to go
home and had gone, instead, to the Cardinal at St. Andrews; Lennox
began to gather a company and was with Argyle, lord Areskine and certain
bishops about Stirling, who "would make a party if they could" and if
the Cardinal joined them he could, "with his money and friends, do more
hurt than all the rest," so that it was expedient to allure the Cardinal to
come out of his castle to the Governor, so that they might eftsoons get him
into their hands. Sadler told him that matters were so perplexed that he
could not advise, but it behoved the Governor, Angus and him to look to it,
for if the other party prevailed they should smart. Douglas answered that
they were strong enough for any party in Scotland, and would, at need,
seek aid of the King. Advised him to foresee that they were not taken
unawares; which he said he would do, assuring Sadler "that there could be
no party so soon assembled as should be able suddenly to distress them."
The Governor said nothing of such practise or assembly by Lennox, nor
would admit any such division, of which there is great appearance. ["And
as yet the same earl came not at the Governor, albeit there was a saying
that he came as an ambassador out of France"] (fn. 11) Since Sadler wrote
last the Cardinal has sent a chaplain to him with the same tale as he told
Douglas, and offers of service. Answered that he knew not "in what case
he stood, hearing tell that he was committed upon sundry great crimes,"
but, if he were in such terms that Sadler might lawfully treat with him,
he would gladly use his advice. The chaplain then told Sadler that his
master bade him say that Henry's information as to his said master having
prevented the late King's coming to Henry was untrue, and he had as great
desire for amity between these two realms as any man living; "wherein,
when it shall be his chance to speak with your Majesty, he shall declare
himself by pregnant reasons." Lord Fleming has also discoursed with
Sadler, saying that if Henry had not all his desire the Douglases were to
blame; for they established a Governor here, most unmeet for the office,
with whom they, especially Sir George, might do what they would, so that
if they did not fulfil Henry's desires his liberality to them was ill bestowed;
and if Sir George had not taken upon him to work all things after his own
fancy Henry should ere this have had his whole purpose. There is a
dispute between them and Fleming about a sheriffwick, which percase
moved Fleming to speak against them; but Sadler heard him quietly, and
he went on to dispraise the Governor, as a dissembler and inconstant, who
minded nothing less than the marriage of the young Queen to the Prince
and had said to him (Fleming), at his return from England, "that he
would rather take the said young Queen and carry her with him
into the Isles, and go dwell there, than he would consent to
marry her into England"; to which Fleming had answered that, if so, the
King could for 10l. Scots get one of the Irish cattericks there "to bring
you his head." Fleming said, further, that, unless the child were delivered
("which would not here be granted") or pledges given, the marriage would
never take effect; and it was not in the Governor's power to give good
pledges, for no nobleman "would lie pledge in England for the matter."
Also that he had just come from the Queen Dowager, who bade him tell
Sadler that the Governor had been with her and demanded if Henry made
her any offers of marriage; and whether she intended to go dwell in
England; to which she answered that if Henry should mind or offer her
such an honor she must account herself most bounden; and the Governor
said again that Henry dissembled with her and showed him (the Governor)
all that she said. Fleming said that the Queen was true and plain in all
her proceedings, and singularly well affected to Henry's desires; also that
he had written part of his mind to the lord Privy Seal, and would, before
his day, go to the King for his further declaration; and he was fully
determined to serve the King according to his promise.
Thus writes every man's tale as he hears it, to show the perplexed state of
matters. This day Angus has married Maxwell's daughter, "which
hitherto hath been protracted by the Governor." Edinburgh, 9 April,
after midnight. Signed.
Pp. 10. Add. Endd. : ao xxxiiijo.
*** The above is noted in Hamilton Papers, No. 351, with a list of
corrigenda for the printed copy in the Sadler State Papers.
A. P. C., 108.
392. The Privy Council.
Meeting at St. James's, 10 April. Present : Canterbury, Chancellor,
Privy Seal, Hertford, Winchester, Westminster, St. John, Gage, Browne,
Wingfield, Wriothesley. Business :—Recognisance (cited) of John Bell of
Winchelsea and Thomas Fugler and John Raynolde of Rye, who have letters
of marque, and of Thos. Guillett, vintner, and Geo. Doddes, fishmonger, as
sureties for them, to take only Frenchmen and Scots, certify the names
and burthen of their ships, &c. Twenty joiners, having "made a disguising
upon the Sunday morning, without respect either of the day or the order,
which was known openly the King's Highness intended to take for the
repressing of plays," committed to the Tower, Newgate and the Gatehouse.
Letters written to Mr. Pagett, declaring what he might promise touching
Marillac's departure from Calais; and to Wallop, for restitution of Barnard
Greete's money and goods. Four players belonging to the lord Warden,
"for playing contrary to an order taken by the Mayor," committed to the